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Normative concept of The Social-Economic order proposed by Wilhelm Röpke allows for the valuation of the modern shape of Capitalism. In the introduction the author has attempted to show the actual problems faced by current Public Policy such as reinstatement of the socially accepted order of freedom during era of oligopolistic-corporate-finance oriented capitalism, fight against asymmetric distribution of wealth and management of sustainable Immigration Policy. Wilhelm Röpke was a member of a group called "Ordo liberals". According to the Ortoliberals the public policy needs to allow most possible freedoms to all citizens (including economic free market freedoms). At the same time, the Ortoliberals want to be active in preparing the Public Policy which would prepare a platform for effective economy, fair justice system and equal opportunity for all members of society. According to Ortoliberalism, administrative actions need to follow the principle of subsidiarity. The Public Policy must also ensure social justice and protection of dignity for the whole population, as expected in the society governed by Social Solidarity.

Istnienie państwa dobrobytu może być uzasadniane za pomocą argumentacji zarówno ekonomicznej, politycznej, jak i filozoficznej. W artykule scharakteryzowano sprawiedliwość dystrybutywną z perspektywy liberalnego egalitaryzmu, co stanowi jednocześnie analizę filozoficznej argumentacji na rzecz państwa dobrobytu. Odwołano się przy tym do dwóch najbardziej wpływowych koncepcji: teorii sprawiedliwości jako bezstronności autorstwa Rawlsa oraz idei równości zasobów zaproponowanej przez Dworkina. Celem artykułu była ocena modeli państwa dobrobytu w świetle wymagań stawianych w obu koncepcjach sprawiedliwie urządzonemu społeczeństwu. Autor dowodzi, że mając na względzie realne możliwości jednostek do formułowania, rozumnego realizowania oraz korekty swych własnych planów życiowych, jedynie socjaldemokratyczny (nordycki) model państwa dobrobytu można uznać za akceptowalny z perspektywy egalitarystycznej. ; The existence of the welfare state can be justified by economic and political arguments as well as philosophical ones. The paper analyses the liberal-egalitarian view on distributive justice and hence on the philosophical justification of the welfare state, based on two most influential egalitarian concepts: Rawls's theory of justice as fairness and Dworkin's equality of resources theory. The aim of this article was to evaluate the welfare state regimes in the light of requirements of both theories that just society must satisfy. It is argued that with respect to the individual capacity to formulate, rationally pursue, and revise one's life plans, the social-democratic (Nordic model) may be deemed as the only regime capable of being accepted from the egalitarian perspective.

The Constitution of Montenegro describes the state as a "civic, democratic, ecological state of social justice, based on the reign of Law." Montenegro is an independent and sovereign republic that proclaimed its new constitution on 22th October 2007. The President of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Predsjednik Crne Gore) is the head of state, elected for a period of five years through direct elections. The President represents the republic abroad, promulgates law by ordinance, calls elections for the Parliament, proposes candidates for Prime Minister, president and justices of the Constitutional Court to the Parliament. The President also proposes the calling of a referendum to Parliament, grants amnesty for criminal offences prescribed by the national law, confers decoration and awards and performs other constitutional duties and is a member of the Supreme Defence Council. The official residence of the President is in Cetinje. The Government of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Vlada Crne Gore) is the executive branch of government authority of Montenegro. The government is headed by the Prime Minister, and consists both of the deputy prime ministers as well as ministers. The Parliament of Montenegro (Montenegrin: Skupština Crne Gore) is a unicameral legislative body. It passes laws, ratifies treaties, appoints the Prime Minister, ministers, and justices of all courts, adopts the budget and performs other duties as established by the Constitution. Parliament can pass a vote of no-confidence on the Government by a simple majority. One representative is elected per 6,000 voters. The present parliament contains 81 seats, with a 47-seat majority currently held by the Coalition for a European Montenegro as a result of the 2009 parliamentary election

The success of the industrial action in August 1980 opened a pathway for an actual change in a political system. It enabled, among other things, new resolutions in economics, which could replace the economy of shortage associated with "real socialism" with a system that combines economic effectiveness with social justice. From this standpoint, the intense debate of the 1980s, largely forgotten today, in which two competitive political orientations clashed, was a key moment. The arena of this clash was not the political scene, still blocked at that time, but the official and underground papers and brochures, along with public declarations and policy papers of the subjects engaged in the political game, enabling the exchange of views, oftentimes conflicting and opposing. Today's social crisis, a serious decrease in trust for the state and its leadership certainly has structural origins and it raises the question whether the road we took at that time was the right choice. The aim of this text is to present briefly the stances taken in the debate of that time. History has definitely moved forward. However, some of the ideas and solutions which were underscored in the disputes and polemics of the 1980s reappear in a new shape, becoming a part of an attempt to define the underlying causes and mechanisms of the social and political crisis in today's Poland.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

Since 2005, political life in Poland has been largely dominated by a dispute between two parties: Civic Platform (PO) and Law and Justice (PiS). This dispute is not just a rivalry between party leaders on political programs. It is rather a confrontation of the antagonistic views of the voters and supporters of both parties. The unsuccessful talks between the leadership groups of both parties, which did not lead to the formation of a coalition government in 2005 are often referred as a symbolic beginning of this conflict. The intensity of this dispute, prompts the observers of public and political life to formulatea thesis about two metaphoric Polands, two tribes that are alien to each other. Authors of the scientific and journalistic analyses of this phenomenon often point out the differences in demographic and social characteristics of the electorates of both parties. However, these differences are less important than dissimilarities in views and opinions of PO and PiS supporters on events, phenomena and persons relevant to party identities. The media also play a crucial role in supporting and reproducing different views of supporters of both parties. The purpose of this paper is to present a characteristics of the supporters of both parties and to analyze the evolution of their political likes and dislikes in the last several years. The conclusions are based on a analysis of the data collected in the years 2001–2019 by the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) and by other researchers. ; Od 2005 roku życie polityczne w Polsce w znaczącym stopniu zdominowane jest przez spór dwóch partii: Platformy Obywatelskiej (PO) oraz Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS). Spór ten nie jest tylko rywalizacją liderów i członków partii na programy polityczne. To konfrontacja antagonistycznych światopoglądów wyborców oraz sympatyków obu partii. Jej symbolicznym początkiem są nieudane rozmowy między gremiami przywódczymi obu partii, które nie doprowadziły do powstania koalicyjnego rządu w 2005 roku. Intensywność sporu, toczonego w wielu środowiskach, skłania obserwatorów życia publicznego do formułowania tezy o dwóch metaforycznych Polskach, o dwóch obcych sobie plemionach. Autorzy naukowych i publicystycznych analiz tego fenomenu często wskazują na różnice w zakresie cech demograficznych i społecznych, jakimi charakteryzują się elektoraty obu partii. Odmienności te mają jednak drugorzędne znaczenie w stosunku do różnic w poglądach zwolenników PO i PiS na temat wydarzeń, problemów, zjawisk i osób istotnych dla partyjnych tożsamości. Istotną rolę w podtrzymywaniu i reprodukcji odmiennych światopoglądów sympatyków obu partii odgrywają media. Celem tekstu jest dokonanie charakterystyki cech oraz podzielanych poglądów sympatyków obu partii oraz analiza ewolucji ich sympatii i antypatii politycznych w ostatnich kilkunastu latach. Wnioski formułowane są na podstawie wtórnej analizy danych zebranych w latach 2001–2019 przez Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej oraz przez innych badaczy.

The validity of mediation in the dispute promoted in the mass media as an example of government awareness campaign: You have the right to mediationAlternative dispute resolution (ADR) are becoming increasingly popular. One of the methods of ADR are mediations. They consist in making an attempt to reach a settlement or a mutually satisfactory resolution of a conflict through mediation – a third party, which is neutral towards all parties and subject of the conflict, designed to help work out a compromise. The survey conducted by the Ministry of Justice proved that mediation is not very well known by the Poles. The main reason for the lack of interest in this method of dispute resolution is insufficient knowledge among justice practitioners and the general public. In the absence of sufficient knowledge, lack of social acceptance for the extra-judicial settlement of disputes is also apparent. The Ministry of Justice decided to change this state in the government of PO in late 2011 and 2012, emphasizing the importance of this problem with a national, educational and informational social campaign, which circulated in the mass media and was entitled: You have the right to mediation.

The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute. ; The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute.

Disability and reproductive justice. Mapping disabled women's experiences

The aim of this paper is to map experiences of disabled women regarding parenthood and childfreeness/childlessness as well as support in upbringing their own children. The concept of reproductive justice is employed, as it proposes a critical approach to understanding how societies construct who can and should be a parent. Approaching the question of individual choice in a broad social context, I analyse factors that shape experiences of disabled women in Poland (e.g. restrictions on parenting of disabled persons or lack of marriage equality).
Keywords: reproductive justice, disabled women, motherhood, reproductive choice

Główna hipoteza badawcza postawiona w artykule brzmi: postulatyprogramowe (wyborcze) partii PiS, PO i ZL, miały decydujący wpływ na sukces wyborczy tych partii w wyborach parlamentarnych w Polsce w 2015 roku. Celem autora była charakterystyka programów wyborczych prawicowych i lewicowych partii oraz koalicji wyborczych przed wyborami parlamentarnymi w 2015 r. Scharakteryzowane zostały programy wyborcze poszczególnych komitetów wyborczych. W artykulepodjęto próbę charakterystyki partii politycznych posiadających największy potencjał wyborczy i reprezentujących główne nurty ideowe w Polsce: konserwatywny, liberalny oraz socjaldemokratyczny. Tekst ma charakter interdyscyplinarny, problem badawczy został przeanalizowany z perspektywy politologicznej, socjologicznej i filozoficznej. Weryfikując hipotezę postawioną w pracy, zauważono, iż występuje dużeprawdopodobieństwo, że to właśnie (socjalny) program wyborczy partii PiS, miał kluczowy wpływ na jej wynik wyborczy. Próba odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie badawcze może wnieść istotny wkład w dalsze badanie procesu rywalizacji wyborczej partii politycznych w Polsce. ; The main research hypothesis of the article is as follows: the postulates of th electoral manifestos of the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO) and United Left (ZL) parties had a crucial impact on their success or failure in the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland. The manifesto of each party is briefly described here.Owing to the interdisciplinary nature of the text, it applies political, sociological and philosophical approaches. During the verification of the main hypothesis it turns out that both PiS and PO emphasized social issues (mainly of economic character) during their electoral campaigns. This common factor was a feature distinguishing these two parties from the others during the elections. It can be assumed, with a fair degree of probability, that this was a key factor in the victory of PiS. The article attempts tospecify the underlying ideological currents of political parties in Poland in 2015 (Conservatives, Liberals, Socialists). The analysis may contribute to the further investigation of rivalry in the electoral process in Poland.

There are about 2.2 million prisoners in the USA. It is generally viewed that this number is a result of a too severe penal system connected with the introduction of the absolute intolerance for drug crimes policy. But not only gang members and drug dealers are doing time in prison, this system also applies to war veterans. In 2012, there were 181,500 veterans behind bars, especially participants of the recent wars. Most of them face problems with addiction or struggle with permanent unemployment, homelessness or psychological disorders. This phenomenon is alarming because veterans as a privileged group have a social, medical, education cover and all capabilities not to break the law. Veterans as former soldiers, disciplined and well familiar with criminal law, who received ethics and international humanitarian law training courses, from practical point of view should not break the rules stated by the legal system. The image of former veterans who served their country, totally disagree with penitentiary statistics. Recent years have shown that military service, especially in the area of conflict, may become a double-edged sword, and in fact veterans may pose a threat to society.

This paper is an analysis of mediation, in which special focus was put on the creativity of individuals in the world of social meanings. The typology of mediation participants and the ways in which they build a situation is presented, including: (i) types of social relations in advisory situations as described by Alicja Kargulowa; (ii) Roger Fisher's, William Ury's and Bruce Patton's method of negotiations; and (iii) the work by Kenneth L. Thomas and Ralph H. Kilmann in which the relation between negotiators and the purpose of mediation, or the attitude of negotiators to its purpose and other participants of a conflict situation have been taken into account. This different approach to mediation allows the reader to see other aspects of the procedure. Contrary to the criminal trial, the vision of mediation presented here reveals that the settlement arrived at by the parties is not the only benefit of the procedure, as it does not only focus on facts but also on relationships and the interests of the parties.Looking at the process of mediation through the prism of the negotiating parties may be an inspiration and raise awareness. It also serves to ensure openness to the philosophy of restorative justice. ; W artykule podjęto analizę mediacji, eksponując indywidualną kreatywność jednostki w świecie znaczeń społecznych. Przedstawiono typologię uczestników mediacji i ich sposobów budowania sytuacji. Autorka pokazuje typy uczestników, uwzględniając: (1) sposoby nawiązywania rodzajów stosunków społecznych w sytuacjach poradniczych opisanych przez Alicję Kargulową; (2) metody negocjowania wyróżnione przez Rogera Fishera, Williama Ury'ego, Bruce'a Pattona oraz (3) opracowanie Kennetha L. Thomasa and Ralpha H. Kilmanna uwzględniające stosunek negocjatorów do celu i innych osób w sytuacji konfliktowej. Pokazanie odmiennego od prezentowanych dotychczas obrazu mediacji zwraca uwagę na inne niż prawne aspekty mediacji w sprawach karnych. Przedstawiona wizja mediacji pozwala dostrzec, że spisana przez strony ugoda nie jest jedyną korzyścią ze stosowania tej procedury, która w przeciwieństwie do procesu sądowego koncentruje się nie tylko na faktach, lecz także na relacjach i interesach działających i kształtujących przebieg interakcji stron. Być może spojrzenie na przebieg procesu mediacji przez pryzmat negocjujących stron konfliktu stanie się inspiracją czy będzie służyć uwrażliwieniu i otwarciu na filozofię sprawiedliwości naprawczej.

The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes. ; The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes.