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This article discusses the policies of protection for indigenous people and the environmentalist manifesto for the excluded in Amazonian countries. It addresses the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and the resolution of the General Assembly that qualifies the effects of climate change as threats to international security. Both lead to cognitive constructions for social justice. The paper reminds us of the invasion of lands by disorderly immigration. More importantly, it unveils the analytical potential offered by the study of international relations to clarify the perspectives of both the mitigation of climate change through the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the excluded majority that lives alongside the protected indigenous minorities. Adapted from the source document.

The 8th Global Conference on Health Promotion(1), held in Helsinki in 2013, built on pillars established in the Declaration of Alma-Ata (1978) and the Ottawa Charter (1986), adopted the theme "Health in all policies". Such approach comes to clarify the responsibility of governments to their people, highlighting health as a fundamental right and a matter of fairness and social justice. Therefore, synergy in decisions should be achieved in order to avoid adverse impacts on health. Conceptually, that is expressed by the principles of legitimacy, accountability, transparency and access to information, participation, sustainability, and collaboration between sectors and levels of government. Changes in health concepts have determined the review of the concept of health promotion and have enabled the redesign of public policies. It should be emphasized that health promotion(2) must be understood and structured in two major areas, where promotional activities overlap disease prevention, and another one related to the expansion of the concept of health, in which the subjects become involved and contribute to ensure living conditions. In Brazil, the institutionalization of the National Policy for Health Promotion(3) in the health scenario is an example of mainstreaming policy already explained that health is not restricted only to the health sector(4). This policy aims to promote the quality of life, reduce vulnerabilities and health risks related to its determinants - ways of living, working conditions, housing, environment, education, leisure, culture, access to essential goods and services. It is noteworthy the fact that this policy stands out for its inclusiveness and integrative character, and is able to tune in to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights(5), which in Article 1 proclaims that "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood". From these concepts one can say that the ...

Este trabalho analisa o processo do desenvolvimentismo brasileiro compreendido entre a fase clássica dos anos 1950 até a perspectiva atual do novo-desenvolvimentismo, privilegiando o papel e a função desempenhadas pelo tema da democracia e da inclusão distributiva em cada arranjo. Na primeira seção, analisa-se a constelação semântica que envolve os termos progresso e desenvolvimento, procurando separá-los do processo/projeto denominado desenvolvimentismo. Na segunda seção, discutem-se as fases e características centrais do velho e do novo-desenvolvimentismo brasileiro e a perspectiva de sua subdivisão em três ondas históricas, separadas pelo aspecto político democrático e pelo tema da redistribuição. Por último, apresentam-se algumas considerações sobre o novo-desenvolvimentismo em seu arranjo democrático-inclusivo. ; This paper analyzes the process of the Brazilian developmentalism between the classical phase of the 1950s to the current perspective of new developmentalism, emphasizing the role and function played by the theme of democracy and distributive inclusion in every arrangement. In the first section, it is analyzed the semantic constellation involving the terms progress and development, seeking to separate them from the process / project called developmentalism. In the second section, it is discussed the phases and the central features of the old and the new Brazilian developmentalism and the prospect of their subdivision into three historical waves, separated by the political democratic aspect and by the theme of redistribution. Finally it presents some considerations about the new developmentalism in its democratic-inclusive arrangement.

This paper aims to explore to the maximum Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer or decolonial turn to found the constitutional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social innovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America; ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo explorar al máximo la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y el llamado giro descolonizador o "descolonial" para fundamentar la teoría constitucional, a partir de las prácticas del "nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano", en especial nuevos textos y sistemas constitucionales de Venezuela (1999), de Ecuador (2008) y de Bolivia (2009), que proponen una serie de innovaciones institucionales y sociales. El texto tiene perfil multidisciplinario, transitando entre las áreas del Derecho y de la Filosofía, y tiene como base autores clásicos del pensamiento latinoamericano. Palabras-clave: Constitución; la justicia; la política; América Latina. Abstract: This paper aims to explore ao máximo Latin American Philosophy of Liberation and the so-called decolonizer ou decolonial turn to found the constitucional theory, from the practices of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, specially new constitutional texts and systems from Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) and Bolivia (2009), which propose a series of institutional and social inovations. The text has a multi disciplinary profile, passing through the areas of Law and Philosophy, and has as basis classic authors from the Latin American thought. Keywords: Constitution; justice; politics; Latin America;Introducción ; Cet article vise à explorer au maximum la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et le soi-disant décolonisateur ou virage décolonial pour fonder la théorie constitutionnelle, à partir des pratiques du nouveau constitutionnalisme latino-américain, en particulier des nouveaux textes et systèmes constitutionnels du Venezuela (1999), Equateur (2008) et Bolivie (2009), qui proposent une série d'innovations institutionnelles et sociales. Le texte a un profil multidisciplinaire, passant par les domaines du droit et de la philosophie, et a pour base des auteurs classiques de la pensée latino-américaine. Mots-clés: Constitution; Justice; politique; Amérique latine; ; Questo articolo mira a sfruttare al massimo la filosofia di liberazione latinoamericana e la cosiddetta svolta decolonizzante o "decoloniale" a sostegno della teoria costituzionale, basata sulle pratiche del "nuovo costituzionalismo latinoamericano", in particolare nuovi testi e sistemi costituzionali del Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008) e Bolivia (2009), che propongono una serie di innovazioni istituzionali e sociali. Il testo ha un profilo multidisciplinare, muovendosi tra le aree del diritto e della filosofia, e si basa su autori classici del pensiero latinoamericano. ; O presente artigo objetiva explorar ao máximo a filosofia latino-americana da libertação e o chamado giro descolonizador ou "descolonial" para fundamentar a teoria constitucional, a partir das práticas do "novo constitucionalismo latino-americano", em especial novos textos e sistemas constitucionais da Venezuela (1999), do Equador (2008) e da Bolívia (2009), que propõem uma série de inovações institucionais e sociais. O texto tem perfil multidisciplinar, transitando entre as áreas do Direito e da Filosofia, e tem como base autores clássicos do pensamento latino-americano.

A história do Brasil desde a independência pode ser dividida em três grandes ciclos políticos, e, desde 1930, é possível distinguir cinco pactos políticos ou coalizões de classe. Desde 1930 esses pactos são nacionalistas. Apenas nos anos 1990 as elites brasileiras se renderam à hegemonia neoliberal. No entanto, desde meados dos anos 2000 estão recuperando sua ideia de nação. A principal tese deste artigo é que as elites e a sociedade brasileiras são "nacionais-dependentes", isto é, são ambíguas e contraditórias, cuja definição exige um oxímoro. Hoje, procuram uma síntese entre os dois últimos ciclos políticos - entre justiça social e desenvolvimento econômico no quadro de um regime democrático.