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International audience ; This article is devoted to the ethical and political dimension of the thought of translation, here being considered as a problem place where the relationship to the Other is the question. First, the study shows the principles of translation theories centered on the welcoming of the Other and it analyses the relationship between the notions of "proper" and "foreign". Then the drifting that can be borne out of "non-ethical" translation which undervalue and/or ignore the asymmetrical links between dominant and dominated languages. Finally, the article sets into perspective the problems surrounding the question of the welcoming of the Other in translation in confronting them with the theses Tiphaine Samoyault puts forth in her book Traduction et violence (2020). The point is not to condemn translation under the pretext that it would only be violence, but to take into consideration the fact that it is a place full of tensions which one should learn to manage in a tactful manner. Therefore, to replace the notion of "truthful translation" Samoyault offers the concept of "just translation" which allows to reunite in the same phrase the notion of "justness" (to find the just word) and that of justice (to adjust the translation, to adapt to inequalities). In short, the article undertakes the examination of the problem of the Other in translation while referring to Ricoeur's idea that the foreigner is neither the same (identical to us) nor the other (different from us) but the similar, that is to say the conjunction of the identical and the different.Keywords: translation; Other; similar; language hospitality; violence; Samoyault; Ricoeur. ; L'article est consacré aux dimensions éthique et politique de la pensée du traduire, la traduction étant ici considérée comme un lieu problématique où se trouve posé le rapport à l'autre. D'abord, l'étude expose les principes des théories traductologiques centrées sur l'accueil de l'autre et analyse les rapports qu'entretiennent les notions du « propre » et de ...

This article attends to a key chapter in the history of persecution of radicalized political sectors in Argentina: the repression of communism during the early 1930s, led by the Special Section of the Capital Police. The aim is to systematize and characterize its actions, denounced before Justice and the Parliament, and to investigate to what extent it implied (or not) a breaking point, taking into account its actions and conceptions of force as well as the legal framework involved. The article reviews the conceptions and the repressive actions since the beginning of the century, attending to the orientation of police documents during different periods. It analyzes in particular the reactions of the different blocs of the Chamber of Deputies, which have not been explored yet. The evidence indicates that based on previous developments, a new stage began marked by the breakdown of the rule of law. ResumenEste trabajo aborda un capítulo clave en la historia de persecución de los sectores radicalizados en Argentina: la represión del comunismo durante los primeros años de la década de 1930, encabezada por la Sección Especial de la Policía. Se trata de sistematizar y caracterizar la actuación de esta sección, denunciada ante la Justicia y el Parlamento, e indagar hasta qué punto implicó (o no) un quiebre con respecto a los procedimientos y concepciones de la fuerza y al marco legal involucrado. Para eso, repaso las concepciones y el accionar represivo desde principios de siglo, atendiendo a la orientación de documentos policiales de distintos períodos, y analizo en particular las reacciones de los distintos bloques de la Cámara de Diputados, inexploradas hasta el momento. La evidencia indica que en base a desarrollos previos se inició una nueva etapa signada por el resquebrajamiento del estado de derecho.

Introduction: This research is within the field of physical activity, immigration and youth. There have been numerous qualitative studies, within the European context, which have mostly concentrated on case studies (Walseth & Fasting, 2004; Walseth 2008; Hertting & Karlefors; Fundberg, 2012; Lundvall, 2009) and fewer quantitative studies (Kreuwel et al, 2006; Kouli & Papaioannou, 2009; Hatzigeorgiadis et al, 2013; Elbe et al, 2016). These studies have created basic knowledge in this particular field and have shed light on different aspects of sports and integration. There are, however, very limited number of studies that have researched interventions using the participants knowledge and specific needs in order to make a real impact in the community.Aim and theoretical framework: Critical participatory activist research (PAtR) is a method that can utilize the situated knowledge of the commu- nity members and create lasting impact. Through participatory activist research, community members are active participants in contributing and creating knowledge which is then utilized to enhance the community itself and instigate action within the community. Moreover, such enquiry will contribute to the wider research and promote research implications in the communities (lisahunter, emerald & Martin, 2013; Schinke & Blodgett, 2016).PAtR alternate approach to subjectivity of knowledge and grassroots participation is a fresh perspective in contrast to 'expert-driven' research which reinstate the dynamic of dominance and oppression (Schinke & Blodgett, 2016). PAtR has its roots in participatory action research (PAR) and critical theory, hence it emphasizes that research is not a neutral activity and it is always political, working to maintain or change dominant power relations. PAtRis an accessible and interrelated approach that works alongside the notion of doing justice "with" and "by" those who are oppressed using practices that confront dominant and cultural norms (lisahunter et. al. 2013).The goal ...

DOI:10.17336/igusbd.305500 ; 15 Temmuz 2016 tarihinde Türkiye'de gerçekleştirilen başarısız darbe girişimi, medya yayınlarında AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) ile Gülencilerin güç mücadelesi çerçevesinde geniş bir şekilde tartışılmış olmakla birlikte, konuyla ilgili yeterli akademik çalışma vak'anın yeniliği sebebiyle henüz mevcut değildir. Bu nedenle, akademik çalışmalardaki bu eksikliğin giderilmesine katkıda bulunmak ve "güç mücadelesi" anlatısını aşarak, darbenin esaslarını ortaya koymak önem arz etmektedir. Bu çalışmada, anılan darbe girişiminin neden(ler)inin ve amaç(lar)ının, Sivil-Asker İlişkileri teorileri ve Türkiye'deki geçmiş darbeler ışığında açıklanması amaçlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda; askerin siyasete müdahalesini teşvik eden ulusal ve uluslararası dinamiklerin analizi neticesinde, 15 Temmuz darbe girişimini gerçekleştirenleri cesaretlendiren en belirleyici faktör olarak uluslararası yapının altı çizilmiştir. Bunun yanında, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihindeki benzersizliği açısından darbenin amacı da özellikle vurgulanmıştır. ; Failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016 in Turkey has been largely debated in media releases within the framework of the "power struggle" between the AKP (Justice and Development Party) government and the Gulenists, whereas very few academic studies are available yet on it because of the novelty of the event. Therefore, it is important to make contribution to reduce the lack of academic studies and to identify the bases of the coup by transcending the "power struggle" narrative. This paper aims to explain the reason(s) and aim(s) of the coup attempt in light of the Civil-Military Relations theories and former military interventions in Turkey. In this context, the international structure is highlighted as the most decisive factor encouraging the plotters for the coup on July, 15, after analyzing domestic and international dynamics inciting the military intervention into the politics. Besides, the aim of the coup is emphasized especially in terms of its uniqueness in the history of the Turkish Republic.

The widespread fear of crime and its detrimental consequences have propelled various research studies on the correlates of fear of crime. An impressive body of knowledge has accumulated, which informs both scholars and policymakers of the correlates of fear of crime. However, very little is known about the fear of crime among immigrant populations. Fear of crime associated with immigrants remains a global phenomenon, which drives political rhetoric, media discourse, policymaking, criminal justice, and immigration control and enforcement. The perceived association between immigrants and criminality is a phenomenon with deep historical roots that transcends any particular culture. It is linked to ethnocentrism and othering, wherein dominant groups react to their exposure to alien cultural practices by criminalizing those practices and dehumanizing the immigrants who practice them. The study aims to explore the level of fear of crime among illicit immigrants. Literature analysis was adopted as a methodology to explore the factors impacting the level of fear and the places where illicit immigrants are likely to be victimised are further discussed. The study contributes significantly to the finding that higher crime levels in countries increase the fear of crime; however, they do not affect feelings of unsafety. Social protection expenditure proves to be an important determinant of both fears of crime and feelings of unsafety. Moreover, distrust in the police, generalized social distrust, and perceived ethnic threat induce fear of crime as well as feelings of unsafety. When considered in the context of social harm, immigrants' relationship to crime and criminality becomes more complex. The study recommends that protective factors, such as neighborhood informal social control, social networks, cultural norms, and expectations about migration and life overall, may contribute to the lower rates of crime and violence among illicit immigrant groups.

A compromise in the name of growth: increasing public confidence in the elites in Sweden (1930s – 1960s) The paper deals with historical prerequisites and basic elements of the Swedish elite compromise as it emerged in Sweden in time of the advancement and culmination of mass production in this country between the 1930s and 1960s. A special vision of the future, namely the society of "the people's home" formulated by the Swedish social democrats in the 1930s, is under focus. The paper takes up briefly reforms introduced in subsequent decades, which transformed Sweden into one of the most affluent and economically developed nations in the world in the second half of the 20th century. It analyses the role played for the compromise by the main elite groups, including the business elites, leaders of political parties, employer organisations and trade unions, as well as by intellectual elite. The paper discusses which lessons of the Swedish experience can be of relevance for contemporary Russia. It suggests that a transition to a more justice and affluent open-access society does not necessarily entail increase in social mobility in this society, as this has been the case in Sweden. ; В статье рассматриваются исторические предпосылки и базовые элементы элитного компромисса в Швеции в эпоху распространения и расцвета массового производства в этой стране в 1930–1960-е гг. Подчеркивается роль особого видения будущего, общества "народного дома",сформулированного шведскими социал-демократами в 1930-е гг. Разбираются реформы, осуществленные в последующие десятилетия, которые превратили Швецию в одну из самых богатых и экономически развитых стран мира во второй половине ХХ в. Подвергается анализу роль основных элитных групп в этом компромиссе, включая деловые круги, руководство политических партий, организации работодателей и профсоюзов, интеллектуальную элиту. Делаются выводы об уроках элитного компромисса в Швеции для современной России. В статье выдвигается тезисо том, что переход к более справедливому и богатому обществу открытого доступа не обязательно должен сопровождаться усилением социальной мобильности в этом обществе.

Income distribution injustice is one of the serious and complex problems in development of a country. In a country, for economic development to spread over social basis, it is necessary for the gains en-gendered by growth to be shared with all society. Thanks to this, a country also provides economic growth as well as welfare increase. Spread of economic growth over social basis is closely related to a fair income distribution. In the study carried out, income distribution injustice is associated with Gini Coefficient. While that Gini Coefficient approaches zero means that country incomes are fairly dis-tributed to every sector of society, that it approaches to one expresses that incomes are collected in certain sectors and that income justice in that country becomes worse. In this study, utilizing the1990-2020 annual data of the countries such as USA, Brazil, Canada, Finland and United Kingdom, it was aimed to identify that income distribution injustice are affected from which of the variables such as employment rate, per capita income, fertility rate, urbanization and investment rate and how. As dependent variable of the study, Gini Coefficient was used. In the study, utilized panel data analysis, according to the results of long term PDOLS predictor analysis, it was concluded that an increase of one unit occurring in per capita income, gross capital formation (investment) and employment rate affected Gini Coefficient in positive direction, that fertility rate was insignificant, and that urbaniza-tion negatively affected it.

Excessive reliance upon the criminal law to per form tasks for which it is ill-suited has created acute problems for the administration of criminal justice. The use of criminal law to enforce morals, to provide social services, and to avoid legal restraints on law enforcement, to take just three examples, has tended both to be inefficient and to produce grave handicaps for enforcement of the criminal law against genuinely threatening conduct. In the case of morals of fenses, it has served to reduce the criminal law's essential claim to legitimacy by inducing offensive and degrading police con duct, particularly against the poor and the subcultural, and by generating cynicism and indifference to the criminal law. It has also fostered organized criminality and has produced, possibly, more crime than it has suppressed. Used as an alternative to social services, it has diverted enormous law- enforcement resources from protecting the public against seri ous crime. Finally, its use to circumvent restrictions on police conduct has undermined the principle of legality and exposed the law to plausible charges of hypocrisy. Pressures to crimi nalize persistently block practical assessments of what the criminal law is good for and what it is not. Studies of the sociology of overcriminalization offer a means of understand ing, and perhaps, to some degree, of controlling, this unfortu nate phenomenon.

Analysing European values : an introduction / François Foret and Oriane Calligaro -- The duality of human dignity in Europe / Aurora Plomer -- Human dignity in EU bioethics politics : a bridge-building incentive or a conflict-driving force? / Emilie Mondo -- Conflict over values in the European multilevel space : the case of morality issues / Isabelle Engeli and Eva-Maria Euchner -- Values in EU governance : how and why do political and social actors stand for the rule of law? / Ramona Coman -- The values of the Court of Justice of the European Union / Sabine Saurugger and Fabien Terpan -- Transparency in the European crisis : between ethicisation and economicisation / Marylou Hamm -- From democracy by proxy to a stakeholder democracy : the changing faces of a founding value of the EU / Nicolas Hubé and Philippe Aldrin -- Overcoming the taboo : disputes over European values via the European Citizens' Initiative / Luis Bouza Garcia and Alvaro Oleart Perez-Seoane -- Conclusion : resilience and elusiveness of European values / François Foret and Oriane Calligaro.

http://doc.rero.ch/record/28909?ln=fr ; International audience ; (International) human rights theory is en vogue. It has been the case for quite some years in Germany,2 (see footnote on next page) and it is now also the case in Anglo-American circles. One of the very first issues a human rights theorist is expected to address is the nature of human rights and, hence, of human rights theory. The nature of human rights theory is an important concern for at least two reasons. First of all, thinking about the nature of human rights theory situates it within a broader set of theories, in particular legal theory, democratic theory, or theories of justice, and can generate beneficial connections between them. Too often, human rights theorists fail to reveal those links, and the credibility of their theories is partly undermined by the artificial severance of those connections given the centrality of human rights to human individual and social life. Second, thinking about the nature of theory requires a preliminary clarification of what it is a theory of and, therefore, of the nature of human rights. Such a preliminary consideration can prove very beneficial in fully identifying or at least delineating the object of one's theoretical endeavor. The answers to many of the important questions that human rights theorists identify as being central to human rights theory, particularly the existence, function, content, weight, scope, and justification of human rights, are conditioned by the theorists\textquoteright original characterization of the nature of their theory and its object. Finally, some human rights theorists may even want to argue that human rights theorizing is part of human rights practice and of their object of study as a consequence. This implies in turn that the nature of human rights theory should not escape their meta-theoretical attention.

Texte de la conférence ; International audience ; La confiance en matière médicale concerne tout à la fois, et de manière liée, la relation singulière du patient et du personnel soignant, et l'organisation des soins ou, plus généralement, des pratiques devant promouvoir la santé . La mise en œuvre des politiques de santé concerne simultanément ces deux niveaux décisionnels et c'est aussi le cas pour les raisons de la confiance ou de la méfiance que suscitent ces politiques. En effet, c'est essentiellement à cause de l'impact prévisible sur les soins et l'accès aux soins que la confiance est accordée ou refusée aux politiques de santé. Or la définition des politiques, dans ce domaine comme dans d'autres, fait intervenir des principes généraux qui servent à décrire et à mettre en débat les finalités et les moyens déployés. Dans le cas de la médecine, la référence aux principes généraux apparaît tout à la fois essentielle (à cause de l'attachement largement partagé à des principes déontologiques traditionnels, à cause du lien avec des thématiques de justice sociale et politique et tout d'abord à cause du rôle des principes dans la délibération publique) et problématique (car les principes généraux peuvent évidemment servir à cautionner des pratiques contestées par les uns ou les autres). Sur le versant problématique, une dimension stratégique apparaît inévitablement dans un domaine où certains objectifs sont partagés, mais d'autres non, en sorte que l'interprétation devient un enjeu à part entière. En inscrivant notre réflexion dans des développements récents en théorie politique, nous voudrions proposer une sorte d'anatomie de la défiance à l'endroit des politiques de santé. Nous chercherons à montrer que la défiance ne peut ici se réduire ni à une simple attitude irrationnelle ni au fait (malheureux) de l'absence de coïncidence entre les orientations éthico-politiques des uns et des autres. Au contraire, elle s'enracine dans des raisons compréhensibles, qui sont liées à des processus d'interprétation et de ...

International audience ; "La Sorcière" pourrait être lue comme l'un des livres les moins politiques de Michelet. Centrée sur le social et le mental, avec pour principaux acteurs antagonistes la femme (paysanne puis religieuse) et le prêtre, il semble au premier abord faire l'ellipse du pouvoir d'État, de son action et des résistances qu'il rencontre. Ce serait même là son principal titre de gloire : le refus de l'histoire politique au profit d'une histoire des mentalités et des croyances, le décentrement qui conduit des palais aux chaumières, des actes de gouvernement aux intimes pratiques populaires,-décentrement qui prouverait combien les micro-sociabilités locales sont indépendantes du théâtre déclamatoire et gesticulatoire des Grands, rois, ministres et institutions, dont les vicissitudes emplissent les manuels traditionnels mais n'effleureraient qu'à peine l'évolution lente et profonde des masses réelles. Pourtant la nature, la place, et le rôle de l'État dans ce livre méritent l'attention, ne serait-ce que pour établir les rapports que Michelet y envisage entre l'Église et l'État. Plus précisément, cette histoire bimillénaire des Ténèbres et de l'Injustice semble appeler un scénario historique qui verrait lentement émerger une laïcisation du monde portée par l'État depuis son inexistence médiévale jusqu'à sa modernité rationnelle : l'émergence d'un État qui reprendrait progressivement à sa charge les fonctions usurpées par l'Eglise, pour le plus grand profit de la Raison et de la Justice. Ce scénario attendu de la naissance et de la croissance d'un État moderne laïque voué à remplacer une théocratie archaïque et obscurantiste paraît d'abord annoncé dans l'Introduction, notamment via la figure culminante de Colbert. Mais pour l'essentiel, La Sorcière raconte une toute autre histoire. Une histoire plus sombre, et qui, de ce point de vue, minore désespérément la coupure entre le premier et le deuxième livres, malgré tout ce qui les distingue. D'abord parce que dans la partie médiévale de La Sorcière l'État ...

International audience ; "La Sorcière" pourrait être lue comme l'un des livres les moins politiques de Michelet. Centrée sur le social et le mental, avec pour principaux acteurs antagonistes la femme (paysanne puis religieuse) et le prêtre, il semble au premier abord faire l'ellipse du pouvoir d'État, de son action et des résistances qu'il rencontre. Ce serait même là son principal titre de gloire : le refus de l'histoire politique au profit d'une histoire des mentalités et des croyances, le décentrement qui conduit des palais aux chaumières, des actes de gouvernement aux intimes pratiques populaires,-décentrement qui prouverait combien les micro-sociabilités locales sont indépendantes du théâtre déclamatoire et gesticulatoire des Grands, rois, ministres et institutions, dont les vicissitudes emplissent les manuels traditionnels mais n'effleureraient qu'à peine l'évolution lente et profonde des masses réelles. Pourtant la nature, la place, et le rôle de l'État dans ce livre méritent l'attention, ne serait-ce que pour établir les rapports que Michelet y envisage entre l'Église et l'État. Plus précisément, cette histoire bimillénaire des Ténèbres et de l'Injustice semble appeler un scénario historique qui verrait lentement émerger une laïcisation du monde portée par l'État depuis son inexistence médiévale jusqu'à sa modernité rationnelle : l'émergence d'un État qui reprendrait progressivement à sa charge les fonctions usurpées par l'Eglise, pour le plus grand profit de la Raison et de la Justice. Ce scénario attendu de la naissance et de la croissance d'un État moderne laïque voué à remplacer une théocratie archaïque et obscurantiste paraît d'abord annoncé dans l'Introduction, notamment via la figure culminante de Colbert. Mais pour l'essentiel, La Sorcière raconte une toute autre histoire. Une histoire plus sombre, et qui, de ce point de vue, minore désespérément la coupure entre le premier et le deuxième livres, malgré tout ce qui les distingue. D'abord parce que dans la partie médiévale de La Sorcière l'État ...

International audience ; "La Sorcière" pourrait être lue comme l'un des livres les moins politiques de Michelet. Centrée sur le social et le mental, avec pour principaux acteurs antagonistes la femme (paysanne puis religieuse) et le prêtre, il semble au premier abord faire l'ellipse du pouvoir d'État, de son action et des résistances qu'il rencontre. Ce serait même là son principal titre de gloire : le refus de l'histoire politique au profit d'une histoire des mentalités et des croyances, le décentrement qui conduit des palais aux chaumières, des actes de gouvernement aux intimes pratiques populaires,-décentrement qui prouverait combien les micro-sociabilités locales sont indépendantes du théâtre déclamatoire et gesticulatoire des Grands, rois, ministres et institutions, dont les vicissitudes emplissent les manuels traditionnels mais n'effleureraient qu'à peine l'évolution lente et profonde des masses réelles. Pourtant la nature, la place, et le rôle de l'État dans ce livre méritent l'attention, ne serait-ce que pour établir les rapports que Michelet y envisage entre l'Église et l'État. Plus précisément, cette histoire bimillénaire des Ténèbres et de l'Injustice semble appeler un scénario historique qui verrait lentement émerger une laïcisation du monde portée par l'État depuis son inexistence médiévale jusqu'à sa modernité rationnelle : l'émergence d'un État qui reprendrait progressivement à sa charge les fonctions usurpées par l'Eglise, pour le plus grand profit de la Raison et de la Justice. Ce scénario attendu de la naissance et de la croissance d'un État moderne laïque voué à remplacer une théocratie archaïque et obscurantiste paraît d'abord annoncé dans l'Introduction, notamment via la figure culminante de Colbert. Mais pour l'essentiel, La Sorcière raconte une toute autre histoire. Une histoire plus sombre, et qui, de ce point de vue, minore désespérément la coupure entre le premier et le deuxième livres, malgré tout ce qui les distingue. D'abord parce que dans la partie médiévale de La Sorcière l'État ...

UIDB/04666/2020 UIDP/04666/2020 ; Across the world, nationalism and populism are on the rise and wrap up debates about immigration, human rights, refugees and moral responsibility. Whilst nationalism ascertains who is in and out of a community, populism relies on the emotional appeal that common people need to overcome the disinterested and corrupted elite. What is particularly disturbing is the tendency for nationalist and populist policies to introduce legislation that infringes human rights and curbs the independence of the judiciary and democratic institutions, pillars of the rule of law. In this regard, dystopian speculative fiction warns readers about the possible outcomes of the present world by extrapolating key features of populist right-wing rhetoric. In this article I examine two recent novels by Portuguese writers António Ladeira and Nuno Gomes Garcia to show how they operate within what Tom Moylan defined as a critical dystopian narrative. I argue that António Ladeira's Montanha Distante (2020) and Nuno Gomes Garcia's Zalatune (2020) experiment the radical limits of the political and social practices of populist policies, showing their devastating result on the individual and his or her sense of community. I also contend that these dystopias offer a glimmer of hope by returning to the basic concept of empathy, the cornerstone of cohesive communities, able to face down the corrosive effect of cold and calculating populist policies. ; publishersversion ; published