The aim of the article is to deepen the discussion on the conceptualisation of migration policy as a specific public policy. The author analyzes the definitions of this policy formulated by Polish researchers and points out that their characteristic features are: the concentration on activities of state institutions and the reference to the functional and technical level of policy appropriate for public policy. At the same time, she observes that particular areas of public activity, including immigration, emigration and often also integration policies, are included in the scope of migration policy. The author proposes her own definition of migration policy as the totality of instruments, political actions and decisions designed and/or undertaken by the state authorities in relation to migration processes and their participants. She argues that migration policy should be distinguished from migration management, the term which was coined in order to name the (ostensibly) depoliticized, global migration control system.
Benefits from the social assistance system in Poland at the local level may be paid in cash or non-cash forms. The purpose of the article is to present selected benefits in the social assistance system and identify trends in changes occurring in the provision of social assistance benefits in 2012-2018. In the analysed period in Poland there was an increase in employment in the social assistance sector, with a simultaneous decrease in the employment of social workers. During 2012-2018, a negative trend was also observed, consisting in an increase in the number of recipients of benefits in the form of cash, with a decrease in the number of persons covered by non-cash support. In Poland the number of benefits in the social assistance system granted due to health dysfunction and disability has increased, while the number of benefits due to unemployment and poverty has decreased. The analyses carried out for the purposes of the article indicate that in Poland public policy in the area of social assistance consisting in the activation and strengthening of social assistance beneficiaries and the abandonment of redistribution of funds to those in need is only declarative.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific goal of the article is to analyze traffic safety policy, in a problem-chronological perspective, as part of the Swedish "welfare state" model, with particular emphasis on internal political and social factors.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In exploring the issues of road safety in Sweden, the author used a functionalist approach to examine the relationship of political forces affecting their shape. The genetic method has allowed to mention qualitative factors that are the foundations of Swedish policy. Institutional and normative approach with regard to the characteristics of decision-making processes, law-making processes resulted in a system analysis in line with the theoretical model proposed by David Easton. Each stage of the legislative process has been followed – from the change initiative to the entry intoforce of the "Vision Zero". The method of content analysis and the institutional and legal method served to illustrate the role that it has for Sweden for 20 years.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Ensuring broadly understood, multi-tasked road traffic safety is today a prerequisite for harmonious economic and social development of the country (for example, due to the cost of treatment of accident victims, but also the legitimacy of authority, whose task is to ensure safety).RESEARCH RESULTS: The necessity of introducing a nationwide road safety strategy was convinced by all the groups that sat in the Swedish parliament in 1997 (as evidenced by its voting through acclamation). The consolidation attitude of many social groups, institutions and individual road users, promoted by the Vision Zero, resulted in considerable successes. First of all, the number of fatalities in road accidents in 1997-2012 dropped by 48%. At the same time, the number of people who suffered minor injuries in the same period as a result of road accidents has increased. This testifies to the correct decisions of Swedish strategists who were already well aware in 1997 that it is impossible to eliminate accidents as such (which is why they focused on reducing the most tragic effects).CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The Vision of Zero, which is now a general philosophy of approach to road safety issues in Sweden, thanks to its efficiency and effectiveness has become not only a source of pride on the part of the Swedes themselves. Few (Sweden's population for the first time reached a ceiling of 10 million inhabitants in January 2017), although the very innovative Swedish society developed an innovative model of cooperation between private and public sector entities as well as every single user of transport infrastructure that contributed to the radical decline the number of accidents resulting in death or serious injury. Thus, once again, the descendants of the Vikings became a role model for other nations – both among European Union countries and on a global scale.
The author addresses the social participation issue in the context of its significance to public policy in Poland. He examines the barriers limiting the expansion of participation. He notices them in the way a democracy functions ("failed democracy" according to Democracy Index), as well as in the way the dialogue has been organised (for example, two separate currents have been established – i.e. the social one and the civic one, which is quite unusual by Western European standards). He regards the politicians' perception of what a democracy is as a next barrier. As a result of that one can see lower standards of public sphere in place, antiquated public governance still in place, the underdevelopment of the legal framework for social dialogue and the low quality of policy-making. The author also describes the most important social phenomena relating to the functioning of the social and civic dialogue mechanisms. He analyses the sources of the current condition of the dialogue in terms of historical, structural as well as political factors. ; Autor analizuje problematykę partycypacji społecznej w Polsce w kontekście jej znaczenia dla polityki publicznej. Omawia bariery, które ograniczają rozwój partycypacji. Dostrzega je w sposobie funkcjonowania systemu demokracji ("wadliwa demokracja" wg rankingu Democracy Index) oraz po stronie dialogu (m.in. wyodrębnienie nurtów dialogu społecznego i obywatelskiego, co jest nietypowe, jak na zachodnioeuropejskie standardy). Za barierę uznaje również sposób postrzegania przez klasę polityczną tego, czym jest demokracja. Wywołuje on bowiem wiele konsekwencji, m.in. prowadzi do obniżania standardów funkcjonowania sfery publicznej, powielania przestarzałego modelu zarządzania państwem, niedorozwoju ram prawnych dialogu obywatelskiego czy do niskiej jakości polityki publicznej. Autor opisuje również najważniejsze zjawiska obrazujące sposoby funkcjonowaniadialogu społecznego i obywatelskiego. Analizuje źródła ich obecnej kondycji, zarównohistoryczne, jak strukturalne i polityczne.
