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The article starts with a series of questions concerning the relations between particular levels of adjustment and the forms and contents of the youths' participation in culture. Having commented on basic dilemmas of contemporary adjustment, the author distinguished and discussed five basic types of the youths' participation in culture, determined according to the criterion of the level of social adjustment. The first (the lowest) level consists in participation in massand pop-culture in institutional frames, with the elements of revolt and individualism. A characteristic feature of the second level of adjustment is the past association with local cultural institutions and the present participation in cultural institutions of more universal character. A determinant of the third level of adjustment is cultural superficiality and syncretism. The essence of the fourth level of adjustment is the continuity of interests and the past participation in school extracurricular activities. Finaly, a characteristic symptom of the fifth (the highest) level of adjustment is the autotelic (in the past) and pragmatic (at present) character of the reading habit. The article ends with the confrontation of the adjustment levels with the character of the youths' participation in culture. In that part the author synthetically discusses the stages and periods of adjustment in relation to the types of participation in culture. Here, the author distinguished eight types of participation in culture, starting from the simplest one (habitual), characterized by the mere participation in mass culture, and ending with the fullest and comprehensive participation, characterized i.a. by one's own creative activity. 10

The pilot programmes, in which the large towns were to take over the duties and competence formerly belonging to the state administration, was designed by its creators to be a trial to assess the possibilities of the communities in the area of matters which, in the further stage of reform of public administration, were to be the responsibility of the Districts. After a period of more than one year of implementing this pilot programme it may be asserted that the towns satisfied the expectations of the reform promoters. Positive results were achieved thanks to the wholehearted involvement of the local political élite in the reform process. Quite often the reforming of public administration appeared rather as a bettie waged between rival state and local administrations, the former striving to retain its previous dominating position, the latter to broaden its influence and sphere of competence. This was the beginning of an ever widening process of decentralisation of state control and the consequent enhancing of the duties and powers of the territorial authorities of the larger towns. The authors of the successes scored in the pilot programmes were mainly the workers and activists from the local government institutions. It was they who pressed on, in the face of considerable difficulties, towards effective accomplishing of the tasks entrusted to them and consistently broadened the official competence of the local authority institutions. The local leaders were recruited from the ranks of the local government officials while the state administration workers specially declared their positive support for the principles of the pilot programme. Only about 11 % of the leaders adopted a negative or neutral stance towards reform. Advantages gained from the pilot programme concentrate on two areas. Firstly, the pilot scheme facilitates and speeds up satisfaction of communal needs by the introduction of organisational improvements. Secondly, it creates conditions for optimum exploitation of financial resources. The pilot scheme objectives favour the implementation of the social needs of the inhabitants and leaders of the community. These include: health care and social assistance and also education and upbringing. The scope of pilot scheme tasks agrees with the expectations of the inhabitants and represents a spontaneously decided local system of social needs. The process of taking over the pilot scheme tasks by the town local government authorities took place without any pressure being exerted from the state administration side. Empirical data indicate the curbing of the influence of the state administration in determining preferences and outlays from the local community budgets. The pilot scheme increases the potential for citizens' chances of influencing the process of management of public affairs. Local self government activists support the idea of active participation of individual citizens in the social and political life of the town. In practice, however, concentration of powers in the hands of the community authorities and offices limits the possibilities of participation in the local management process.

The article is focused on the pattern of marital attitudes expressed symptomathically by the attitude towards marriage and the planned age of concluding marriage. An attempt to identify the patterns of marital attitudes of 4264 unmarried youths (aged 18 - 34) has been conducted on the basis of empirical material obtained in years 1985 - 1987 from the whole territory of Poland by the random- -quota method. The results indicate that in Polish conditions marriage gains in importance in the (hierarchy of socially accepted values and is generally accepted by the unmarried youths. Marital plans were declared by 94% of youths. A basic determinant of the pattern is the pisychoisociological factor, while demographic factors (age, sex) and the environment only modify its functioning. A peculiarity of the pattern is a high concentration of preferred age of concluding the marriage. Women plan to get married between 20 - 24 years of age, while men between 25 - 29 years of age. It justifies the opinion that in the future the tendency to conclude early marriages will be preserved and that relatively high birth potential will be retained. Among Polish unmarried youths a formal marriage is preferred by 92,7°/o of respondents. It allows to expect a domination of children born in wedlock, a tendency which should be approved. Polish youths wish to live in institutional marriages based on interpersonal relations created by friendship and emotional ties. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The paper presents the results of an investigation carried out to determine how the public opinion and the knowledge learnt from the results of public surveys have influenced the members of the 2nd term Parliament of the Republic of Poland. The role of such surveys and their position among other sources of information expressing public opinion to the MPs has been analysed and the extent of the use of such knowledge determined. The degree of trust among members of the Polish parliament in the results of public opinion polls has been examined and their attitudes to the possibilities of manipulation in the survey investigated. Further, the views of the politicians with regards limitations put on the publication of survey results before elections and the possible use of pre-election surveys results in election campaigns has been presented. Finally, the opinion of MPs on the influence of such results on the attitudes and way of thinking of politicians and their electorates has been determined. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The reconstruction of public administration is one of the most important structural tasks. Decentralization through Self- government is the most advanced form of the enforcement of public administration. However, it is not a sufficient reorganization undertaking. For decentralization to be efficiently implemented, certain general conditions should be met. One of them is a deep reconstruction of t he central government administration, which in its present form is not correlated with a new political structure of the State, its new tasks and with a new position of Government (as set forth in the Constitutional Act of 17 October 1992). Besides, there exists a need to provide for a smooth course of, and correlation between, the making of politics by the Government and the functioning of the administrative apparatus. In such a context, a new conception of creating districts (powiaty) as a new unit of territorial division and self-governmental authority seems premature. It needs to be added that the position of a district in the draft Law is not unequivocal. In particular, it is not clear to what extent the district bodies are to represent the district community, and to what extent they will only be the executors of certain tasks set forth in the Law. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article presents the results of the April 1985 survey conducted by the Department of Sociology of Labor and Organization of the Institute of Sociology of the Warsaw University and by the Center of Public Opinion Surveys by the Polish Radio and Television on the relation of the Polish society to the economic reform. The research considered questions of a social reaction to the methods of reforming system of management: a mature of that reaction and its group and environmental differentiation. It can be generally stated that the public opinion which views the state of our economy as poor has doubts whether the implemented economic reform can be the means to draw the country out of the crisis. It is stated that the reform fails mostly in the domain of prices, quality of goods and material situation of the workers. Majority of the surveyed can visualise threats to the reform not in the objective economic difficulties but in decission errors on various levels. A part of society seems to be confused. They consider factons which can be the reason of a slow pace of the reform to be its result, mousing lacks of the reform they fail to quote their reasons. lt is important that the workers can see the profits derived from the reform for their enterprises and they express the opinion that it is needed there. That conviction can be observed strongly among those Who declare their contacts with the reform in their everyday work. It can be concluded that the Polish society visualises the reform not as the isolated socio-economic process, but as the integral part of overall far reaching changes both in the State and in the economy which should be implemented in the near future. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Perspectives of the world oil market areclosely related to the possible tendencies of price ruling of that natural resource. To describe it, the author constructs a system considering all the main elements subject to changes in time, which are essentially related to the ruling of oil prices. Pricing strategies of the oil states are adopted as the initial variable. Its variants can be specified on the grounds of the formulated subsystems of independent and dependent variables. The first of subsystems comprises features relatively unchanged over time and common for all the states-producers of oil. The maeroeconomic target of the oil states economies is considered here as well as the long-run target in their export sectors and stimulating functions of price variables. This subsystem is supplemented by the conditions limiting free price-ruling within the framework of certain stimulating functions. The second subsystem considères the effect of three categories of determinants: internal (relations of export incomes to expenditures of the oil states, acquired level of productive forces in those states, conditions for realization of the accelerated economic development, freedom to "manipulate" resources), external ones (relation of demand to oil supply) and correcting (quality of oil, transport distance, extra economic factors, the volume of demand aparat of main oil importers). They constitute proper criteria of variating procedure. Defining the probability of appearance of one of the presented variants in practice and its effect on the level of oil prices requires a permanent observation of changes in the respective analysed factors and taking account of them. And that is the premise adopted by the author of the article. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article aims at describing the regional differentiation of the turnout and of the support for major political parties in the parliamentary elections of 19 September 1994. Having analysed the aforesaid differentiation, one may note voividships with a consistently high (Wielkopolska, Małopolska) and consistently low electoral turnouts. Compared to the elections of 1991, the support for the Democratic Left Alliance has grown considerably throughout the whole country except the Zamosc voivodship, whereas the support for the Democratic Union has increased only in 7 voivodships (including the Poznań voivodship). One of the principal axes of competition was between peasant parties (PSL, PSL-PL) and townspeople parties (the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Labour Union). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The purpose of the article is to turn the readers' attention to the threats and dangers of functioning of the democratic system. The starting point for the considerations is the conception of a famous Italian sociologist Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), a co-author of the sociological theory of elites. Gaetano Mosca was opposed to the introduction of a general right to vote and was against granting the voting rights to women. Besides, he was a strong opponent of proportional electoral regulations, and he stressed the role of electoral committees and the significance of a strong middle, class as a support for the democratic government. The article points to the topicality of some Mosca's views on the system of representative democracy. However, the article's main concern is to indicate some dangers for the emerging Polish democracy. In particular, the author points to: 1) the danger of indifference and weak political understanding among the Polish electorate; 2) the necessity to put forth alternative programmes (to make it possible to vote for particular programmes rather than for particular persons); 3) advantages and disadvantages of proportional and majority electoral regulations (the author is in favour of proportional regulations with a minimum threshold); 4) the necessity of reconstructing the middle class. Besides, the author stresses the dangers specific for the functioning of democracy at a local level. The topicality of many Gaetano's views on the functioning of democratic systems is the best proof of advantages flowing from the studies on the classical sociological thought. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Please visit: http://krzysztoffirlej.pl/; krzysztof.firlej@uek.krakow.pl ; Przedstawiony artykuł nakreśla problematykę możliwości w zakresie przygotowywania właściwej konkurencyjności dla jednostek organizacyjnych funkcjonujących w polskim agrobiznesie do warunków istniejących w Unii Europejskiej. Polskie przedsiębiorstwa już od początku wczesnych lat dziewięćdziesiątych rozpoczęły trudną drogę przystosowania, przekształceń strukturalnych i organizacyjnych umożliwiających im konkurencję na wewnętrznym rynku krajowym, jak i w przyszłym unijnym. W tym celu zostały wyasygnowane przez Unię Europejską i rząd polski specjalne środki finansowe, które miały za zadanie realizację powyższych zamierzeń. Niestety środki przeznaczane na ten cel były zbyt małe, niemniej jednak umożliwiły wsparcie tychże działań podejmowanych przez nasz kraj. ; The article discusses the possibilities of enhancing the competitiveness of the organizational units in Polish agribusiness in the context of their adaptation for the requirements of the European Union. Since early 1990s, Polish companies have been faced with the difficulties of adaptations as well as structural and organizational transformations, which are to enhance their competitiveness, first on the Polish market, and then within the European Union. In order to accomplish these goals, special funds have been assigned by the European Union and the Polish government. These funds were insufficient, nonetheless they allowed our country to instigate action in this area. ; Krzysztof Firlej

France is a country where the problems of local development as a means of rational utilization of local factors and conditions of growth have been studied for more than 20 years. It has been so due to the activity of the French social movement called "mouvement des pays", which opposes to the traditional model of managing the socio-economic development. That movement propagates the conception of microregions Which would embrace the territories of so-called "pays" with their population committed to common social and economic interests and bound by common traditions and history. The crisis of the '70 heightened the interests of the State in the problems of local communities and resulted in undertaking actions towards creating microregions and promoting local development. However, it was not before the period of preparations of the decentralization reform of the '80 that a more intensive dialogue and some assimilation of standpoints of the social movement and the State administration took place. In her article, the author presents the evolution of views of the social movement and the State central administration on the conceptions of microregions and local development. Particular attention was paid to solutions adopted in the course of the decentralization reform and to the possibilities of adapting them to Polish conditions. Since nowadays, due to the implementation of the economic reform, similar issues are of current interest in Poland, it seems useful to observe intently French developments, especially that despite obvious political and social differences, France seems to be a good point of reference for comparisons. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

During recent transformations of Polish economy the foreign trade is supposed to answer a purpose of acting in favour of acceleration and lowering the costs of development. The diagnosis of the situation indicates a series of disquieting phenomenons such as disbalancing of commercial balance, lowering in export profitability, unfavourable wares structure in foreign exchange and high indebtedness abroad. Hence the tasks for Polish foreign trade policy must focus on the need of rising the competitiveness of export and diminishing import share in the volume of trade. The above task is feasible within the framework of strategy aimed at accelerated development of export and mild reduction of import. In the case of protection policy the point is to determine the scope of the protection and to make a choice of protective means for home market. Lack of perfection in functioning of market mechanisms in present Polish economy justifies today mild kind of protection policy with additionally some rigour builtin the whole of the system. Less efficiency in traditional protective means (custom duties, rates of exchange) suggests appealing to other more selective means (anti-dumping and anti-subventionning procedures, agreements and standards relating to goods quality as well as restructural clause). As far as rates of exchange policy is concerned the basic dilemma is the choice of the kind of the rate. Functional reorientation of the rate of exchange is justified because of disbalanced commercial balance: the range of oscillation should be enlarged and steady monthly devaluation - eliminated; the result should be more importance of reaction on external balance. Main conclusion is the constatation of the need for elaboration of long-term policy in Polish foreign trade - including clearly defined tasks and means to realize them. This shall permit to get optimal the process of solving the dilemmas emerging with more intensity during transformation of the economy. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The author tries to prove the significance of including the factor of power in building theories of elites. It turns out that in many approaches the elite has been defined mostly and exclusively in terms of political power (Pareto, Mosca, Lasswell, Mills). Such an attitude followed from the adoption of "a priori" assumptions about the universality of dividing societies into those who govern and those governed (Italian scholars) and from empirical studies (especially Mills). Also the sociologists who stressed a highly diversified character of contemporary societies point to a great role of factors of a political character (Mannheim, Keller). Political power is not only an important criterion of stratifying the society but also of distinguishing the elite. Defining power appears to be very difficult. At present, with more and more diversified social structures, it is more difficult than several decades ago to indicate persons or groups who really (not nominally) are in authority. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The author presents changes which to the Polish political system brought the Law of April 7, 1989 on Amendment to the Constitution of the Polish People's Republic (Off. Gazz. No. 19, item 101). The most important changes introduced by the said Law concern: 1) the Diet of the Polish People's Republic; 2) a newly created organ — the Senate of the Polish People's Republic; 3) another newly created chief organ — the President of the Polish People's Republic, with the simultaneous elimination of the hitherto existing chief organ — the Council of State of the Polish People's Republic. The above changes are discussed in three chapters (II, III, IV). The autor paints to their position in the system of chief State organs and sketches their characteristics, competence, the way of appointing these organs, their internal organization and mode of functioning. In the first place, however, the author points to mutual dependencies between these organ?. The author proves that the position of the Diet — which in the Constitution is still defined as the supreme organ of State power, the supreme utterer of the will of the people, the organ realizing sovereign rights of the nation, the legislator and the decision maker who determines the directions of the activity of the State — has to a considerable extent been weakened in favour of the Senate and especially the President. In his concluding remarks the author points to the need of adopting a new constitution. The present one is full of internal contradictions due to numerous amendments going in various directions, depending on periods when those amendments were made. A future constitution should be built along uniform and internally consistent conception based on democratic principles. The author is for a constitution based on the principle of uniformity of power concentrated in the superior representative organ of the nation. He points to the system of Swiss Confederation and rejects the system of distribution of power. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016