Suchergebnisse

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Cilj projekta Razvoja kohortnog longitudinalnog istraživanja (ECDP), financiranog u okviru OBZOR2020 programa Europske Komisije je razviti konkretne modele nove europske istraživačke infrastrukture za koordinaciju budućeg velikog europskog kohortnog 25 godišnjeg longitudinalnog istraživanja o dobrobiti djece i mladih. ECDP projekt usmjeren je na uspostavljanje uspješne istraživačke infrastrukture i budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja kroz: (a) razvijanje podrške među ključnim donositeljima politika te nacionalnim agencijama zaduženima za financiranje istraživačkih infrastruktura i anketnih prikupljanja podataka; (b) razvijanje znanstveno izvrsnog nacrta budućeg longitudinalnog anketnog istraživanja ; te (c) uspostavljanje stabilnog operativnog okvira koji jamči logističku opstojnost budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja. Cilj jedne dionice projekta je oformiti savjetodavnu grupu djece (CYPAG) te kroz fokusne grupe utvrditi dječju perspektivu o dobrobiti, što im znači riječ "dobrobit", što pod tim pojmom podrazumijevaju, kao i njihovo razumijevanje etičkih pitanja u longitudinalnim istraživanjima dobrobiti djece. S dvadesetak djece, starosti od 10 do 15 godina, predstavnicima različitih posebno angažiranih skupina djece u različitim područjima od tehničkih, sportskih do prirodoslovnih i društvenih, odnosno djece uključene u nacionalne i lokalne relevantne organizacije, djece iz vijeća učenika, djece iz dječjeg gradskog vijeća, djece iz relevantnih nevladinih organizacija, te djece uključene u sportske organizacije, održane su tri fokusne grupe. Dio djece pripada skupinama kao što su: djeca iz manjinskih skupina, djeca rastavljenih roditelja, djeca iz jednoroditeljskih obitelji, djeca iz udomiteljskih obitelji, djeca s poteškoćama, djeca s kroničnim bolestima, te djeca koja žive u siromaštvu. Prikazani su rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja o tome kako djeca doživljavaju različite aspekte dobrobiti i što smatraju najvažnijim čimbenicima koji utječu na njihovu dobrobit, kako bi se prema njihovom mišljenju trebala izvoditi longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti djece te kako uključiti djecu u longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti, koja ih etička pitanja u provođenju longitudinalnih istraživanja s djecom najviše brinu i kako bi ih oni riješili. Dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da djeca i mladi svojim razumijevanjem dobrobiti te načinom naglašavanja važnosti vođenja računa o privatnosti i pravima djece i mladih kao sudionika znanstvenih istraživanja mogu značajno doprinijeti kvaliteti istraživanja dobrobiti, stoga ih je iznimno važno i korisno uključiti aktivno u planiranje i provođenje longitudinalnog istraživanja dobrobiti djece i mladih. ; The European Cohort Development Project (ECDP) is financed from the European Union's Horizon 2020 programme to create specific models for a European Research Infrastructure that will provide, over the next 25 years, comparative longitudinal survey data on child and young adult well-being. The infrastructure developed by ECDP will subsequently coordinate the first Europe wide cohort survey, named EuroCohort. This will be achieved through the following three objectives: (a) building support from key political policymakers with a brief which covers child well-being as well as national funding agencies tasked with infrastructural spending on science and survey data collection; (b) developing a scientifically excellent research design; (c) establishing a robust operation al framework that will ensure the logistic integrity of EuroCohort. The aim of one section of the project is to set up a Children and Young People's Advisory Groups (CYPAG) and to identify, through focus groups, a children's perspective on well-being, examine the meaning of the word 'well-being', as well as gather information of their understanding of ethical issues in longitudinal research on child well-being. Three focus group were conducted with about 20 children, in the age between 10 and 15, representatives from various fields of specially engaged groups of children, including technical, sports, science and social field, children involved in national and local relevant organizations, children from student councils, children from children's city council, children from relevant nongovernmental organizations and also children involved in sports organizations. Some of the children belong to groups such as minorities, children of divorced parents, children from single-parent families, children from foster families, children with disabilities, children with chronic illnesses, and children living in poverty. The results of a qualitative study are presented on how children experience different aspects of well-being, what they consider to be the most important factors affecting their well-being, how in their opinion longitudinal studies of child well-being should be conducted, how to include children in longitudinal studies of well-being, what ethical issues are they most concerned with within longitudinal research with children and how they can be addressed. The results show that children and young people, through their understanding of well-being and by emphasizing the importance of taking into account the privacy and rights of children and young people as participants in scientific research, can significantly contribute to the quality of well-being research, so it is extremely important and useful to involve them actively in planning and conducting a longitudinal study of the well-being of children and young people.

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

U prijevodu s njemačkog na hrvatski obrađena su neka poglavlja iz knjige "Ökoroutine. Damit wir tun, was wir für richtig halten" u kojima autor Michael Kopatz govori o društevnim problemima vezanim za ekologiju i gospodarstvo te predlaže što ljudi mogu učiniti kako bi ekološki prihvatljivo ponašanje postalo rutinom. U prijevodu s hrvatskog na njemački obrađena su tri poglavlja iz knjige "Prehrana za koju smo stvoreni. Svjesnom prehranom do zdravlja i dugovječnosti" u kojima se autor Dalibor Petrinić bavi vrstama prehrane, pravilnim kombiniranjem namirnica, deklaracijama na proizvodima i sl. ; In der Übersetzung aus dem Deutschen ins Kroatische geht es um einige Kapitel aus dem Buch "Ökoroutine. Damit wir tun, was wir für richtig halten" in denen der Autor Michael Kopatz über gesellschaftliche, wirtschaftliche und ökologische Probleme spricht, aber auch darüber, was wir tun können, um diese Welt in einem besseren Zustand für zukünftige Generationen zu lassen. In der Übersetzung aus dem Kroatischen ins Deutsche geht es um drei Kapitel aus dem Buch "Ernährung, für die wir geschaffen sind. Durch bewusste Ernährung zur Gesundheit und Langlebigkeit"". Der Autor Dalibor Petrinic stellt zuerst die beliebtesten "Diäten" bzw. Ernährungsweisen dar. Er antwortet auch auf die Frage, wie man die Lebensmittel richtig kombiniert und wie man die Lebensmittelkennzeichnungen lesen sollte.

Povijest nastanka i djelovanja građanskih udruga u Lici može se pratiti još od 1835. godine kada je osnovana Narodna čitaonica u Senju. Ipak, tek su krajem 19. stoljeća stvoreni svi preduvjeti za brojnije osnivanje svih vrsta građanskih udruga u Lici te je od tada njihov broj u stalnom povećanju. Iako je nesumnjivo da su razne vrste udruga u Lici svojim djelovanjem pozitivno djelovale na ličko društvo, taj fenomen društvene mikro-povijesti nije bio predmet sveobuhvatnog proučavanja. Ovaj doktorski rad kronološki prati stvaranje prvih građanskih udruga (društava, zaklada, štedionica, klubova i podružnica) u Lici u vrijeme Vojne krajine, njihovo naglo povećanje u vrijeme Ličko-krbavske županije i promjene koje su ih zahvatile u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije te završava početkom Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su građanske udruge u Lici naglo nestale s povijesne pozornice. U radu je prikazano političko, gospodarsko i kulturno stanje u Lici koje je uvelike utjecalo na brzinu i kvalitetu nastanka novih udruga. Također su obrađene i građanske udruge izvan prostora Like jer je njihova kulturna i ekonomska interakcija bila važan element u razvoju ove regije. Stoga je cilj ovog doktorskog rada po prvi put u našoj historiografiji dati, ne samo sumarni prikaz građanskih udruga, već i razloge, uzroke te posljedice njihovog postojanja na prostoru Like i Senja, a sve u svrhu boljega razumijevanja kompleksnih i nedovoljno razjašnjenih povijesnih procesa u hrvatskoj povijesnoj regiji Lici. ; The beginings of organizations set up in Lika region reaches far into the past, in the time of medieval brotherhoods; however, the first civil organizations in Lika did not arise until the Military Border systems have been abolished and until the break through of the modernization processes that originated in the Civic Croatia. The city of Senj had partially different but also earlier organizations' development. The first known civic organization on the area that has been the subject of this doctoral dissertation was The National Library in the city of Senj, founded in 1835. Withal, this civil organization is the first one in Croatia. In Lika region, the first civil organizations were not founded until the abrogation of the Military Border which, at the same time, has been the starting point for the progression of one of the most important forms of modernization. In the first part of this scientific work, social stratification and differentiation in the everyday life of Lika's residents has been depicted, whereas the usage of an argumented research approach has served to explain complex political, military, economic and other mutual influences between Lika's peasants-soldiers and the authorities that have dominated during that time. Multiple conflicts, unsafe and economically marginalized area, unsettled property laws and so called 'cooperative phenomena' are just a part of the numerous reasons why Lika region has entered Croatian and Habsbourg Monarchy's cultural and social processes relatively late. An emphasis is on the development of education, literacy and culture as basic determinants of future development of the civil organizations. Second major group of the research questions deals with an emersion of the organizations on the Croatian and European area, as a result of new global political processes. This part of the disertation tries to answer the question 'which were the reasons for the organizations' establishment in the first place', so as 'to what extent the organizations have influenced the residents of Wienna, Zagreb and other cities of the Habsbourg Monarchy'? Special emphasis is put on the law regulations, that is, so called 'Imperial Decree' which has helped the organizations to establish and work. Also, this group of the research questions discusses the inherited differences that existed in an administration, mentality and the development itself between the former Military Border and the Civic Croatia. Comparative research has provided an evidence that the development of a new district – Lika-Krbava county – when compared to the other districts, has been minor. Also, the questions that have been the matter of this scientific work were 'which kind of the organizations were there in the first place, 'what is the nature of the organizations' and 'which is the real level on which these organizations have fulfilled their purposes and goals'. This kind of analysis is very important in order to understand Lika's history from the beginning of the 20th century; in this period economic and cultural life of the Lika's residents is highly inflenced by a new regime of the Kingdom of SHS and, later on, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This group of questions especially makes an exception of the city of Senj, as a kind of border exception, but also explains which political and economic circumstances and perplexities resulted in prosperity and stagnation of the city beneath the Nehaj Fortress. The third group of the research questions, using the archive sources of the civil organizations' rules, gives an overview of more than one hundred and fifty civil organizations according to the territorial regions (districts) that existed during the Lika-Krbava county and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This section reveals the purposes, goals and the activities of administrative councils and assemblies of all major civic organizations (associations, clubs, affiliates, commities, foundations) found in the districts that existed during that time – Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Gospić, Korenica, Otočac, Perušić, Udbina and the cities Senj and Karlobag. In spite of major illiteracy, political and national antagonism and the fact that Lika was at the periphery in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, until the beginning of the World War I, a great number of the organizations has been established in Lika region. When talking about this in the first place, we must mention some proffesional societies, libraries, 'falcon' organizations, music organizations and economic organizations, although there were also some historical occurences such as the first theatrical group in Otočac, or one of the oldest tennis clubs in Croatia, the one in Gospić. Thereby, in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, Lika is the region of the numerous changes, but even more is the region of the extreme contradictions. In the same (research) way, the attention has been dedicated to history of Lika's organizations outside Lika's area. Throughout this group of questions not all civic organizations outside Lika have been elaborated, only those whose members actively participated in the development of the possibilities for the future economic prosperity of Lika region. Therefore, this part of the paper tries to show the connection between Lika region and the other parts of the countries that existed during that time, where the descendants of Lika's residents have lived. This scientific work tries to answer the questions of the real connection of Lika's people outside Lika with the real problems which were perceived by them in a different way than by those who remained living in the homeland. The Society of Lika's people in Zagreb was Lika's major emigrant organization which intensively helped its agile members and offered a solution for a hard life in Lika region. The Society for the preservation of the Plitvice Lakes was one of the best known organizations in Croatia, however, its class and narcissistic behaviour could not have been accepted by most of Lika's residents. In spite of individual interests of a great number of members of Lika's civic organizations, what does remain is a constatation that the organizations, especially those whose members were peasants, have obtained a huge success when it comes to development of cooperatives, crafts, agriculture, but also education and culture. Also, what is notecable is the fact that efficiency of the numerous affiliates of federate economic organizations has increased, what leads to the conclusion that the overall progress in Lika was connected with the political and economic centres outside Lika. A key influence onto the organizations' development in Lika was the one by certain individuals such as Buda Budisavljević, Ivan Devčić, Dragutin Trstenjak, Ante Cividini, Ivan Krajač, Ivan Gojtan, Ante Lončarić, so as many other culturaly and publicly known people. In that way, this doctoral thesis has scientificaly confirmed an actual similarity of the associations and organizations in Lika with those in the rest of Croatia, but also that these similarities were, in fact, quite limited. Civic organizations are an important factor in every community, so as, of course, for Lika's identity which is historically saturated in turbulent ways. This work tries to make a contribution not just to better understanding of the civic organizations in Lika, but to contribute to understand the overall environment, that is, the atmosphere in Lika region. This gives new knowledge regarding micro-historical elements of one culture that has been a carrier of social, cultural, political and economic development of the region between the Kapela mountains in the north and South Velebit and the river Zrmanja stream in the south. This doctoral thesis is the first scientific contribution to better understanding of the civic organizations and their importance in the region under consideration. Although this thesis, through the depiction of work of the civic organizations in Lika, has tried to give an answer regarding broader social, political, economic, cultural and religious life of Lika and Senj's residents in the period of turbulent and modernisation processes, some questions remain only partially answerable. If we take into consideration the broadness, possibilities and influence of the organizations, this observation is logical, too. Also, here we can talk about a vast area which makes a closed whole only in certain segments. That is the reason why this overview of the work of the civic organizations in Lika asks for further research attention, especially when it comes to the analysis of economic changes which have occurred in Lika during the second part of the 19th and the first part of the 20th century. In order to accomplish this, besides the archival research, a potential researcher must pay attention to the statistical analysis. Moreover, this scientific work gives just a model of how to evaluate certain types of the civic organizations and how to compare them with the organizations similar to them. Although this doctoral thesis had to be done within a canonical time frame, it will be praiseworthy if we compare the civic organizations in Lika which exist today to those which have existed during the period of Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Of course, this kind of research calls for plenty of time, as well as considerable material assets, hence it can be done sometime in the future. Despite the fact that the tragic events during the World War II lead to the abolition of the civic organizations outside Lika region, the constitution of the Republic of Croatia has created the conditions for the reestablishment of the organizations. Nowadays, more than twenty organizations outside Lika work very actively and responsibly in order to interconnect Lika's emigrants and their descendants with their homeland, from where their ancestors arrived more than one hundred and fifty years ago.

U Europskoj Uniji uvidjeli su kako je poticanje poduzetnosti, inovativnosti i kreativnosti cje¬lokupnog stanovništva ključni faktor povećanja gospodarske konkurentnosti s ostatkom svijeta. Ključni dio sveukupne strategije održivog rasta i razvoja Europske Unije nazvane "Europa 2020", sadrži akcijski plan čiji cilj je oslobađanje poduzetničkog potencijala i ukla¬njanje postojećih prepreka razvoju poduzetništva i osnaživanje poduzetničke kulture Euro¬pe. Cjeloživotno učenje podrazumijeva unapređivanje znanja i vještine unutar naše osobne, društvene i poslovne perspektive. Poduzetništvo je jedna od ključnih kompetencija cjeloži¬votnog učenja koju je potrebno sustavno razvijati i kroz osnovnoškolski odgoj i obrazovanje. S obzirom da pedagogija kao znanost podrazumijeva skup znanja o metodama, sredstvima i principima odgoja i obrazovanja, ona treba uključiti poduzetnički aspekt pedagogije i de¬finira je, po mogućnosti, kao zasebnu disciplinu koja bi se bavila primjenom odgojno-obra¬zovnih metoda usmjerene razvijanju poduzetničkog duha od najranijeg uzrasta: "Poduzet¬nička pedagogija trebala bi biti znanstvena disciplina/grana unutar područja pedagogijske znanosti koja bi se bavila istraživanjem i implementacijom didaktičko-metodičkih modela u odgojno-obrazovne procese. Nacionalna strategija obrazovnog sustava Srbije prepoznala je poduzetništvo kao jednu od ključnih kompetencija cjeloživotnog učenja. Kroz različite projektne aktivnosti koje se odnose na razvoj vještina i unapređivanja znanja učenika pre¬poznat je značaj neophodne sustavne implementacije poduzetništva u školske programe na svim obrazovnim nivoima. Sustavno uključivanje poduzetničke kompetencije učenika osnovnih škola u školske kurikulume važan je faktor njegove implementacije. U Europskom projektu: "Poduzetnička pedagogija – poduzetna djeca" istražujemo mogući pristup k rea¬lizaciji ovog izazova. ; Encouraging entrepreneurship, innovation, and creativity of the entire population have come to be seen, in the European Union, as a key factor in boosting economic competi¬tiveness with the rest of the world. The key part of the overall strategy for sustainable growth and development of the European Union called ''Europe 2020'', contains an action plan which aims to release the entrepreneurial potential and removal of existing obstac¬les to the development of the entrepreneurial culture in Europe. Lifelong learning implies improving the knowledge and skills within our personal, social, and business perspective. Entrepreneurship is one of the key competences of lifelong learning that needs to be sys¬tematically developed through primary school education. Given that pedagogy as a scien¬ce implies knowledge about methods, means, and principles of education and training, it should include the entrepreneurial aspect of pedagogy and defines it, preferably, as a separate discipline which would deal with the application of educational methods that aim to develop the entrepreneurial spirit from an early age: ''Entrepreneurial pedagogy should be a scientific discipline/branch within the field of pedagogical science which would research and implement didactic-methodical models into educational processes. National strategy of educational system in Serbia has recognized entrepreneurship as one of the key competences of lifelong learning. It has been recognized, through various project activities related to the development of skills and advancing knowledge of students, the importance of essential systematic implementation of entrepreneurship into curricula at all educatio¬nal levels. The systematic inclusion of entrepreneurial competence of elementary school students into school curricula is an essential factor of its implementation. In the European project ''Entrepreneurial pedagogy - entrepreneurial children'' a possible approach towar¬ds the realization of this challenge is being researched.

U radu se istražuju ustroj i djelovanje Izvršnog vijeća Sabora NRH, republičkog izvršnog tijela vlasti, u razdoblju od njegova osnivanja Ustavnim zakonom NRH 1953. godine do donošenja novog Ustava SRH 1963. godine. U navedenom razdoblju rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz tri mandatna razdoblja: prvo 6.2.-18.12.1953, drugo 18.12.1953.-10.4.1958. te treće mandatno razdoblje 10.4.1958.-27.6.1963. godine. Istraživanje se prvenstveno temelji na analizi arhivskoga gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu te zakona, podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima (Narodne novine, Službeni list FNRJ). U prvom dijelu rada analiziraju se odredbe o postupku izbora Izvršnog vijeća te donosi pregled i popisi izabranih članova po mandatnim razdobljima. U nastavku rada naglasak je na definiranju poslova iz stručne nadležnosti, te pregledu organizacije i rekonstrukciji unutarnjeg ustroja Izvršnog vijeća (upravljanje Izvršnim vijećem, stručna tijela: odbori i komisije, administracija Izvršnog vijeća). U posljednjem poglavlju analiziraju se osnovna obilježja i rezultati rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju, s posebnim osvrtom na rad u sjednicama, pripremanje prijedloga zakona, te donošenje podzakonskih propisa i drugih akata iz njegove nadležnosti. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia (1953-1963), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest i n its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. It was constituted by 15 to 30 members, elected from members of the Republican Chamber of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Three mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The first mandate from 6th February till 18th December 1953, the second mandate from 18th December 1953 till 10th April 1958 and the third mandate from 10th April 1958 till 27th June 1963. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. According to the provisions of Constitutional Law from 1953, it is defined which functions has the Executive Council taken over from the authority of the abrogated Government of the People's Republic of Croatia and Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia. Further analysis points that in period from 1953 to 1956 Executive Council was acting as executive-administrative body and from 1956 to 1963 primarily as executive-political body. In 1956, due to the reorganisation of the public administration, the majority of administrative functions until then under the jurisdiction of the Executive Council were transferred to the authority of the Republic's governing bodies. According to that, Executive Council acts primarily as executive-political body, under which authority is enforcement of general politics and measures, as well as adoption of acts and putting precise tasks to governing bodies for their accomplishment. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in three parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards and commissions) and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as education, science and culture. Less activity concerned the discussion of questions, preparation of laws and adoption of acts related to other administrative fields, first of all, system of justice and home affairs, health care system and social policy, as well as labour relations.

Empirijsko analitički pristup znanosti šumarske politike primijenjen je na primjeru specijalnog rezervata prirode "Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit" (Srbija) s ciljem sveobuhvatne analize korisnika, njihovih interesa i potencijalnih sukoba interesa. Istraživanje je provedeno od kolovoza 2017. do kolovoza 2018. godine. Procjena intenziteta interesa identificiranih korisnika temelji se na kvalitativnoj analizi sadržaja i kritičkoj analizi te kombinaciji tehnika triangulacije, logičkog zaključivanja, indukcije i dedukcije. Unosom procijenjenog intenziteta interesa korisnika (vlasnici šuma – država i privatni šumovlasnici; zaposleni u šumarstvu; poduzeća/institucije – drvna industrija, pokrajinski sekretarijat, itd.; građani) u analitičku shemu jasno se mogla izdvojiti zona sukoba između korisnika s vrlo jakim interesom za korištenje drvne mase (Vojvodinašume, crkva, prerada drva) i korisnika koji pripadaju interesnom polju očuvanja/zaštite prirode (institucije zaštite prirode, građani). Uz navedeno, država tj. Vojvodinašume su u unutarnjem sukobu, jer (također) imaju vrlo snažan interes za proizvodnju drva s jedne strane i za zaštitu prirode s druge strane. Kako bi uravnotežila interese, država/pokrajina je u prednosti jer rješenje može potražiti interno, ali analitička shema pokazuje i da će rezultat neizbježno dovesti do sukoba s drugim korisnicima (drvnom industrijom ako se poveća opseg zaštite ili zaštitom prirode ako se pojača sječa drva). Koncept zaštitnih zona pokazuje trenutni kompromisni paket između zainteresiranih strana (stroga zaštita 6%, aktivna zaštita 29% i korištenje drva 65%), koji će opstati dok ga država bude mogla podržati političkim mjerama. Empirijsko analitički pristup omogućio je sveobuhvatni uvid u korisnike i interese vezane za Rit, a metodološka postavka je uz zaključake relevantne za daljnja znanstvena istraživanja stvorila osnovu za aktivniju komunikaciju rezultata s praksom. ; This study, based on modified Schusser´s sequential method, was conducted from August 2017 to August 2018 with the aim of using accessible and familiar case example from Serbia to verify the claim of forest policy science - that users, their interests and potential conflicts of interest can be comprehensively identified and analysed while applying empirically analytical approach. On the example of special nature reserve Koviljsko-Petrovaradinski Rit the intensity of user´s interest is assessed based on qualitative content analysis and critical reasoning in combination with the techniques of triangulation, induction and deduction. By entering the estimated intensity of user interests into the analytical sheme (users categorized as forest owners- state/province and private, forestry employees, enterprises/institutions and citizens), the first conflicting zone was identified between the very strong interests in forest utilization (priority of profitable timber harvesting) and the interest field comprising the very strong and strong user interests for nature conservation. In addition, the state/province (public enterprise Vojvodinašume) is in an internal conflict, having (also) a very strong interest in wood production (creating revenues) on the one hand and in nature conservation on another. In order to balance them (towards the general social interest), the state/province has an advantage of being in the position to look internally for a solution, but the analytical scheme also shows how potential changes could trigger conflicts with other users (wood industry if protection is increased or nature protection actors if logging intensifies). The current solution of protection zones, divided into strict protection 6%, active protection 29% and profitable use of wood 65%, reflects the actual compromise package between the state/province andinterests of remaining users, which will last as long as the state/province is in the position to support it with available political means.Whereas individual discourses take into account only partial aspects, the current approach has provided a comprehensive insight into Rit´s actors and interests. Methodological set-up of existing theoretically-based analytical categories has offered conclusions relevant for further research, forming at the same time a strong basis for more active communication of results with practice: users can more clearly perceive each other's positions and evaluate own abilities to act, while searching for the implementation concepts that work in practice.

Problem je ovoga istraživanja nedovoljno učinkovit način obrazovanja vođa u poslovnim školama. Iako je potreba za vođama u svijetu sve veća, vjeruje se da je neadekvatno obrazovanje u poslovnim školama doprinijelo sustavnom nedostatku vodstva, što je dovelo do financijske i moralne globalne krize. Smatra se da poslovne škole u svojim obrazovnim programima premalo pažnje posvećuju etici i sustavu vrijednosti. Međutim, uz univerzalne principe vodstva, svako društvo i kultura moraju definirati svoje potrebe vodstva i "otkriti" svrhu, način djelovanja i upotrebu moći. Stoga je cilj ovoga istraživanja izraditi prijedlog učinkovitog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa u hrvatskim poslovnim školama. Šira je društvena svrha aktualizacija teme vodstva i obrazovanja za vodstvo kao nasušne potrebe hrvatskog društva na svim razinama. Za potrebe teorijskog dijela rada provedeno je sekundarno istraživanje znanstvene i stručne literature, stranih i domaćih autora. Objašnjeni su pojam, definicije i karakteristike vodstva te iznesen povijesni pregled raznih teorija i pristupa vodstvu. Naveden je kratki pregled istraživanja o učinku kulture i njezinom utjecaju na obrazovanje za vodstvo. Opisan je primjer dobre prakse u kreiranju i praćenju uspješnosti obrazovnih politika i strategija te neki obrazovni programi vodstva i njihov utjecaj na razvoj vođa. Na temelju spoznaja dobivenih iz provedenog sekundarnog istraživanja, kreiran je prijedlog kurikuluma za obrazovanje vođa koji nedostaje u Hrvatskoj. Predloženi višeslojni model temelji se na multidisciplinarnom znanju utemeljenom u tradiciji poslovnih škola i humanističkih znanosti, tako da potiče razvoj analitičkih, konceptualnih, međuljudskih i praktičnih vještina. Posebna je važnost dana praksi, coachingu i mentorskom pristupu kao alatima pomoću kojih se studentima omogućava iskustveno učenje. Inovativnim vježbama i praksom studente se priprema da budu transformacijski vođe koji će znati učinkovito komunicirati viziju i misiju svojim suradnicima i sljedbenicima. Posebno je naglašena globalna perspektiva i potreba za integracijom etike i sustava vrijednosti u svaki dio obrazovnog procesa. ; The focus of this study is on leadership education in business schools which is not effective enough. Although the global demand for leaders is growing, it is believed that the inadequate education in business schools contributed to the systemic failure in leadership that led to the current global financial and moral crisis. It is thought that business schools do not pay enough attention to ethics and the system of values. However, in addition to the universal principles of leadership every society and culture has to define their own leadership needs in order to 'discover' the purpose, mode of operation and use of power. Therefore, the aim of this research is to propose an effective curriculum for leadership education in Croatian business schools. A broader social objective is to promote the topic of leadership and education for leadership as the fundamental need of the Croatian society at all its levels. Secondary research of scientific and professional literature by Croatian and other authors was conducted for the theoretical part of the paper. The concept, definitions and characteristics of leadership are explained and a historical overview of various leadership theories and approaches is given. The paper gives a short overview of the research on culture and its impact on leadership education. An account of good practice is given concerning the establishment and monitoring of educational policies and strategies and some educational programmes for leadership and their influence on the development of leaders. A curriculum proposal is formulated for the education of Croatian leaders on the basis of insight gained from the secondary research. The proposed multilevel model is based on the multidisciplinary knowledge founded in the tradition of business schools and humanistic sciences so that it stimulates the development of analytical, conceptual, interpersonal and practical skills. Special importance is placed on practice, coaching and mentoring as the tools for students to learn from experience. By means of innovative assignments and practice students are prepared to become transformational leaders who will be able to effectively communicate the vision and mission to their co-workers and followers. Global perspective is emphasised as well as the need to integrate ethics and the system of values in every aspect of the educational process.

Suvremeni pogled na umiranje obilježen je nizom neizvjesnih i teških pitanja koja proizlaze iz kliničkoga konteksta, pravne i bioetičke domene donošenja teških egzistencijalnih odluka vezanih uz posljednje životne trenutke, a napose s obzirom na medicinske intervencije izbora "skrbi na kraju života". Taj korak zahtijeva punu racionalnost slobodne autonomije, koja u određenim trenucima može biti znatno narušena gubitkom fizičkih i/li mentalnih sposobnosti, uvjetovanih pojedinim bolestima. Stoga bi bolesnici trebali imati zakonodavnu mogućnost jasno priopćiti svoje želje u vezi sa zahtijevanim tretmanom ili njegovim distanazijskim povlačenjem u unaprijed pripremljenim smjernicama anticipiranih medicinskih odredbi bioloških oporuka za (ne)postupanje ili imenovanje surogatnog opunomoćenika kao zastupnika u (ne)izboru liječenja u slučaju ograničene sposobnosti odlučivanja. Potpisana biološka oporuka mogla bi uvelike pridonijeti pozitivno dostojanstvenijom modusu samodeterminiranog načina umiranja, poštujući "kulturu života", sukladnog onom koji je odabir autonomnih pacijentovih vrijednosti skrbi na kraju života, koji često mogu ući u koliziju iz heteronomne perspektive surogatnih odlučitelja. Biološkim bi se oporukama višestruko nadvladale i teškoće kliničkih dilema egzistencijalnih odluka: liječnicima bi se olakšao odabir skrbi u hitnim planovima zdravstvene njege u kriznim situacijama; pacijentima bi pružale jamstvo provedbe njihova samoodređenja; dok bi surogatne odlučitelje uvelike oslobodili pritiska odgovornosti. ; A contemporary view of death is characterized by a sequence of uncertain and difficult questions arising from the clinical context, out of the legal and bioethical domains of taking difficult existential decisions related to the last moments of human life. This step requires a full rationality of free autonomy, which can be significantly disturbed by the loss of mental ability, conditioned by certain illnesses in certain moments. Therefore, patients should have a legislative opportunity to clearly ...

Srpska pobuna na početku devedesetih zahvatila je i zapadnu Slavoniju. Pobunjeni Srbi u zapadnoj Slavoniji radili su tijekom druge polovine 1990. i u 1991. na ustroju administrativno-teritorijalne cjeline koju bi činio prostor nastanjen srpskim stanovništvom između rijeka Save i Drave. Osnivanjem paradržave Republike Srpske Krajine (RSK) okupirano područje zapadne Slavonije ulazi u njezin sastav, čineći jednu od triju teritorijalnih jedinica tzv. RSK pod nazivom Srpska oblast Zapadna Slavonija. Središnji dio rada obrađuje razdoblje od početka 1992. godine odnosno od stupanja na snagu Sarajevskoga primirja (3. siječnja 1992.). U okviru prikaza razvoja srpske pobune u zapadnoj Slavoniji, kao dijela srpske agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku, situacija na bojištu prikazana je u osnovnim crtama jer je ovo istraživanje posvećeno prikazu političkih i društvenih prilika na promatranom području. Ustroj i djelovanje institucija, počevši od funkcioniranja državnih tijela uprave, policije i pravosudnog sustava, sustava javnih institucija i socijalnih službi, državnih privrednih poduzeća te vezano uz to i privatnog poduzetništva, kao i stupanj realizacije najnužnijih preduvjeta za funkcioniranje paradržave pobunjenih Srba na navedenom području, osnovne su istraživačke teme doktorskoga rada. Pri tome su analizirani resursi (financijski, gospodarski, kadrovski) s kojima su tzv. RSK i Srpska oblast Zapadna Slavonija raspolagale, te unutarnji i vanjski čimbenici koji su utjecali na proces ustroja srpske vlasti na okupiranom području, uključujući i promjene u političko-vojnim prilikama koje su utjecale na stanje u tzv. RSK. ; doktorskog rada (en.): The Serb rebellion in the beginning of the nineties appeared and spread also in the Western Slavonia. The rebelled Serbs in Western Slavonia worked during the first half of the 1990, and in the beginning of the 1991 on forming administrative - territorial zones which would include the area between the rivers Sava and Drava, inhabited by the Serb population. By establishment and founding of the Republic of Serbian Krajina ("RSK") the rest of the occupied territory held by rebelled Serbs in Western Slavonia became a part of RSK, being one of three territorial units of "RSK", under the official tittle of Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia. Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia was in many ways in specific position according to the other parts of "RSK", mostly because of its geographical segregation, isolation and considering the littleness of the territory it included. Due to the ineffective functioning of the so called state institutions in Knin that part of RSK was left on its own and to its very restricted, limited possibilities in revitalising economy and the state institutions. All of that resulted in the fact that the leadership of "SAO Zapadna Slavonija" was more cooperative and willing to work with the representatives of the UNPROFOR and even but in limited extent with the Croatian officials.rnThe main part of the work deals with the period after the cessation of armed conflicts which came to light in the beginning of 1992. The primary and capital goal of these doctoral dissertation was to describe and to elaborate the founding and acting of rebelled Serbs institutions, firstly from functioning of administration bodies, police, judicial system, secondly the research attention was given to system of public and social institutions, state companies and in accordance to that the author deals also with the operating of the private economical sector and the rate of realisation of the elementary preconditions needed for the functioning of the para-state of the rebelled Serbs in the defined domain of investigation. In doing so the author has analysed the disposal and use of financial, economic and personal resources of the RSK and the Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia. Furthermore the external and internal factors which influenced on the establishment of Serbian administration on the occupied Croatian ground additionally to earlier mentioned political-military circumstances which had effect on RSK were also a subject of study in the thesis.

Učeničko društvo Svačić počelo je djelovati 1906. godine kao tamburaški zbor unutar varaždinske Gimnazije, a ubrzo je kao organizirano tamburaško društvo nastupalo i izvan škole. Pod vodstvom prof. Milana Stahuljaka oblikovani su kvalitetan tamburaški i pjevački zbor te salonski orkestar koji su do ljeta 1913. godine, priređivali glazbeno-deklamatorne produkcije povremeno dopunjavane amaterskim predstavama i organiziranim plesom. Bez Svačićevog sudjelovanja ubrzo je postala nezamisliva svaka ozbiljnija priredba u Gimnaziji, a njegovi programi znatno su obogatili kulturnu i zabavnu ponudu u gradu. Pred Prvi svj. rat ulogu Svačićevog zborovođe preuzeo je prof. Tomislav Miškulin pod čijim je vodstvom ova djelatnost nadopunjena izuzetno kvalitetnim koncertnim aktivnostima. Čim su to političke okolnosti dopustile, Svačićevi su nastupi, tijekom i nakon rata, pomogli prikupljanju novca za pomoć siromašnim gimnazijalcima i ratnim stradalnicima. Zalaganjem Milana Kamana, novog ravnatelja varaždinske Gimnazije, diktatorski režim kralja Aleksandra je 1930. ipak dozvolio osnivanje Varaždinskog gimnazijskog udruženja "Svačić" s ciljem da lakše kontrolira izvannastavne aktivnosti u školi. Rad udruženja propisan je Pravilima potvrđenim od Ministarstva prosvjete i organiziran je kroz sekcije. U početku su utemeljene glazbena, znanstvena i literarna, a sljedećih godina oformljene su sportska, likovna šahovska i filatelistička sekcija. Nastavni savjet imenovao je profesore voditelje sekcija koje su održavale radne sastanke pripremajući programe za tzv. sijela, priredbe putem kojih su svoj rad predstavljale unutar škole ili na nivou grada, a povremeno su Gimnaziju predstavljale i na višim razinama. Pritom se posebno isticala sportska sekcija pod vodstvom prof. Zvonimira Suligoja koja se, uz lokalne manifestacije predstavljala na državnim sletovima. Glazbena sekcija pod vodstvom prof. Tomislava Miškulina je svoje koncertne programe predstavljala u Hrvatskom glazbenom zavodu i zagrebačkoj katedrali. Literarna sekcija je učeničke radove povremeno objavljivala u zagrebačkim književnim revijama, a samostalno je izdavala učenički list Svačić. Zahvaljujući njihovoj aktivnosti kulturni, zabavni i društveni život u Gimnaziji i Varaždinu 30-ih godina 20. stoljeća bio je znatno bogatiji i kvalitetniji. No promjenom političkih odnosa neposredno pred Drugi svjetski rat, rad ove udruge bio je ugašen. ; Student association Svačić was founded in 1906 as a tamburitza orchestra operating within Varaždin Gymnasium and later it was converted into a tamburitza music association that held concerts outside school as well. Led by teacher Milan Stahuljak it consisted of a high-quality tamburitza orchestra and choir as well as a chamber orchestra. By summer 1913 they used to organize music and declamatory productions which were sometimes complemented with amateur shows and organized ballroom dances. Soon thereafter Svačić became one of the must-have participants of all the important events in Gymnasium, and their programs added new qualities to the cultural and entertainment offer in Varaždin. Before World War I teacher Tomislav Miškulin became their choirmaster and he put special emphasis on concert activities of the association. As soon as the political circumstances became more favorable (during and after the war) Svačić performances aided significantly in raising resources for the poor Gymnasium students and casualties of war. As a consequence of the persistent work by Milan Kaman, the new head of Varaždin Gymansium, the dictatorial regime of the king Aleksandar eventually allowed the foundation of Varaždin Gymnasium association "Svačić" in 1930 so that they may supervise extracurricular activities of the school. The activity of the association was defined by a rulebook ("Pravilnik") which was approved by the Ministry of Education and it was set up through various sections. The first sections to be founded were the music, science, and literary sections, and in the upcoming years sports, visual arts, chess and philatelic sections were set up as well. The board of teachers appointed teachers who were leaders of particular sections which in turn held meetings where they elaborated programs for the so-called soirees. Those were events where sections presented their activities within the school or for the general population. Sometimes they even represented the school on a more formal level as well. A section that was especially prominent was the sports section which was led by teacher Zvonimir Suligoj. They were active both at local and state events. Music section, which was led by teacher Tomislav Miškulin, held concerts in the Croatian Music Association and Zagreb Cathedral. The literary section sometimes published students' works in Zagreb literary journals, and they published their own student journal called Svačić. With the help of their activities, social, culture and entertainment segment of Varaždin life in the 1930s was extremely rich and colorful. However, because of new political developments in the period leading up to World War II, this association ceased to exist.

Autor donosi izvore o osnutku dominikanskog samostana u Trogiru s posebnim osvrtom na širenje dominikanskog reda u hrvatskim krajevima u XIII. i XIV. stoljeću. Samostan je utemeljen nakon 1260. godine na predjelu Pasike izvan gradskih zidina kod crkvice sv. Franje Asiškog. Uz detaljne opise crkve i samostana kao i pregled temeljite rekonstrukcije samostanskih zgrada tijekom XIX. i XX. stoljeća, autor navodi bogati sakralni i umjetnički inventar. Posebice naglašava ulogu dominikanskog samostana u Trogiru kao i djelatnost uglednih članova ove zajednice na širem području. ; In the 13th century, two mendicant religious orders, the Dominican and the Franciscan, spread throughout the whole of Europe, promoting the ideas of equality, justice, piety and voluntary renunciation of ties to property. No more than a decade after the establishment of the order (1216), the Dominicans started to settle in the lands of the Croats. This preaching order, which primarily operated in urban units – in the centre of political, social, cultural and religious events – founded a base in Trogir some little time before 1243, and in the 1260s this became a monastery. Under the influence of the Cistercians, the Dominicans built hall churches, which differed according to the functionality of the rite. The Dominican churches were meant primarily for the laity, the choirs for the religious. The Trogir monastery in its typology follows the rules of construction – the spaces are arranged around a cloister – the church, choir, sacristy, bell tower, capitulary hall, kitchen, refectory, locutory and garden, while on the top there was dormitory and library. The Dominicans arrived in Trogir from the Split monastery of St Catherine of Alexandria. The town magistrate, Nikola Albertinov, who had the presentation to the little church of St Francis of Assisi in the area of Pasike, gave them a little church to the west of the city walls. After conflicts with the Trogir bishop, in 1365, Pope Clement IV acknowledged the lawfulness of their possession of the church and approved a plan for the construction of the monastery. However, around 1325, the church was enlarged, and in 1372, thanks to the generosity of the Kažotić and Andreis families, was extended, when the relief of the lunette of the main portal was made by Niccolò Dente known as Cervo from Venice. In the second half of the 16th century during a visitation by A. Valiero, six altars are mentioned, with a beautiful old altarpiece on the altar of St Catherine of Alexandria. In the early 17th century, as well as the large church, the Trogir Dominicans also had the Church of St Rochus alongside the southern walls of the city and the Church of St Mary outside the walls, with three altars. At the beginning of the 15th century the community used a house south of the church that was knocked down in 1412 to make room for the construction of the city walls on the town's south side. Today's monastery building was put up in 1425, as witnessed by the inscription incorporated into the eastern wall of the cloister. Major alterations were undertaken on the building of the monastery in the 19th and 20th centuries, when military units were quartered in it; and the monastery was thoroughly renovated before World War I. During the time of the English bombing in 1944, the northern wing was completely demolished, the roof of the church was destroyed, and the eastern and western wings suffered minor damage. The most celebrated member of the Trogir Dominican monastery was the 107 Blessed Augustin Kažotić (1260-1323) from a well-regarded Trogir family. He studied at the university of Paris, wrote several theological treatises, and held the offices of bishop of Zagreb and of Lucera. Also deserving of mention is the prior of the monastery in Trogir, baccalaureate and doctor of theology Vinko Andreis, who urged both the doge and the pope to come to the aid of Croatia against the Ottomans. In 1515 he was appointed papal commissioner for Illyria. In the 15th century, calligrapher and illuminator Fra Bartul was at work in the monastery, and another prominent figure is the priest Nikola Milinović, founder of the monastery of Holy Cross on Čiovo. The particular importance of the Trogir monastery came out at the end of the 16th and in the early 17th century, when a branch of the Zadar General College was opened in Trogir, with two degrees of university studies. At the end of the 18th century, the Trogir and Čiovo Dominicans were particularly prominent for their education in the theological and humanist sciences.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPriprema se novi Zakon o šumama, prema kojemu, nadamo se, neće biti opetovanog smanjivanja postotka naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma. U vrijeme kada nam priroda daje kataklizmičke odgovore za našu nebrigu o njoj, a najveći svjetski zagađivači ne pristaju na njenu zaštitu, šumarskoj struci se već po običaju "sječe grana" na kojoj, ne samo šumari, nego svi sjedimo. Sve više čuju se i glasovi koji sugeriraju izdvajanje priobalnog područja iz dosadašnjeg načina upravljanja, no bez jasne kompenzacijske financijske podloge. Ne opamećuje nas niti rekordan broj požara i potreba saniranja šteta upravo na tome području.S motrišta Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva koje objedinjuje hrvatsku šumarsku znanost, obrazovanje i praksu, ponajprije sa žaljenjem zaključujemo da resorni ministar do danas nije našao vremena za razgovor s njegovim predstavnicima. Bilo to nekome drago ili ne, moramo reći da je to, uz ostalo, i pokazatelj kakav status ima šumarstvo unutar resornog ministarstva. Željno smo očekivali pozitivne promjene nakon gotovo petogodišnjeg zastranjivanja u vođenju šumarske struke i zanemarivanja pojedinih načela potrajnog gospodarenja šumskim resursima, o čemu smo argumentirano pisali. Svakako, Vlada RH između ostalog, mora odlučiti očekuje li i dalje od šumarstva klasičnu "dobit" za državni proračun, ili gospodarenje šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, gdje se dobit ne mjeri novčanicama, nego optimalnim pomlađivanjem, maksimalnim prirastom, poželjnom bioraznolikošću, prirodnošću i stabilnošću, što naposljetku osigurava očuvanje, a istovremeno i sve benefite šumskog ekosustava. Nismo primijetili ni promjene glede netržišnog gospodarenja, dapače neki i dalje zahtijevaju osiguranje dobave drvnim sortimentima zajamčenim ugovorima, a ne tržišnim nadmetanjem.Da li se nešto radi na proklamiranom restrukturiranju i decentralizaciji Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o., nije nam poznato. Svakako, vidimo da nema vidljivog utjecaja na tu temu nikakav poziv na raspravu, kao primjerice tekst bivšeg ministra Tarnaja, objavljen u Šumarskome listu 3-4/2017. Svakako promjene i građenje novog ustroja, trebalo bi krenuti od poprilično zanemarenih revira i revirnika, neposrednih i najodgovornijih čimbenika gospodarenja šumama, a ne od vrha, koji neprestano buja. Sve to zahtijeva širu stručnu i društvenu raspravu na državnoj razini, ponajprije neovisnih znalaca/stručnjaka, a ne predstavnika raznih interesnih skupina i nedovoljno educiranih političara. Te rasprave nema, bez obzira na činjenicu da se radi o gotovo polovici kopnene površine Hrvatske i šumi koja je prema Ustavu resurs od posebnog interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku. Problemi svakodnevno niču od stručnih – saniranja šteta od ledoloma u Gorskome kotaru, sušenja jasena, šteta od hrastove stjenice, potkornjaka, pošumljavanja opožarenih površina, privatnih šuma, šteta uzrokovanih klimatskim promjenama, do zapošljavanja mladih, kadroviranja pa i političkog nepotizma. Sve probleme u stanju smo uspješno riješiti, jer imamo stručnog i infrastrukturnog potencijala kao malo koja struka, ali uz eliminiranje kadrova koji su struku doveli u današnju situaciju, a koji su se očito unaprijed ugovorima dobro zaštitili. No, nažalost šumarstvo je struka gdje se pogreške u gospodarenju vide tek nakon više godina, kada je "kasno plakati", pa se mnogima čini da je trenutno sa šumarstvom sve u redu. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALPreparations are under way to formulate the new Forest Law, which will, hopefully, eliminate the continual decrease in the fee for non-market forest functions. At the time at which Nature responds with cataclysmic consequences to our indifference towards it and major global polluters refuse to protect it, the branch on which not only foresters but all of us are sitting is again being cut off. There are increased requests to exclude the coastal region from the current management policy, but at the same time no clear compensational financial bases are provided. Not even the record number of fires and the need to recover the damage in these very areas have brought us to our senses.From the aspect of the Croatian Forestry Association, which unifies the Croatian forestry science, education and practice, we can only ascertain with regret that the relevant minister has not yet found time to discuss these hot issues with its representatives. Whether we like it nor not, it should be said that this is, among other things, one more indicator of the status of forestry within the relevant ministry. We had eagerly awaited positive changes after an almost five-year period of a misguided attitude to the forestry profession and the negligence towards the principles of sustainable management of forest resources, which we have already discussed in our Journal. Definitely, the Croatian government should decide, among other things, whether it expects classical "profit" for the state budget from forestry or whether it supports forest management according to the principles of sustainable management. In the latter, profit is not measured by banknotes but by optimal regeneration, maximal increment, desirable biodiversity, naturalness and stability, all of which ensures the preservation of the forest ecosystem and of its multiple benefits. We have not seen any changes in the attitude towards non-market economy, either; on the contrary, some continue to demand the acquisition of wood assortments through guaranteed contracts rather than through market competition.We do not know if anything is being done regarding the proclaimed restructuring and decentralisation of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. What we do see is that no invitation to a debate on the subject has had any effect, such as the text of the former minister Tarnaj, published in Forestry Journal 1-4/2017. In order to develop a new system it is necessary to start from the relatively neglected forest districts and district rangers, the most direct and responsible factors in forest management, rather than at the top management, which is constantly expanding in numbers. This requires a broader professional and social debate at the state level with the participation of independent experts/professionals and not representatives of different interest groups and insufficiently educated politicians. However, such a debate is missing, even though this issue concerns almost half of the land area of Croatia and the forest which the Constitution describes as a resource of particular interest for the Republic of Croatia. There are problems on a daily basis, including the recovery of the damage from ice break in Gorski Kotar, ash dieback, damage from the oak lace bug, bark beetles, reforestation of burnt areas, private forests, damage caused by climate change, employment of the young, personnel policy and political nepotism. We are capable of solving all these problems successfully because we have professional and infrastructural potential that very few professions can boast, but we should primarily eliminate the cadres who have reduced the profession to a current unenviable situation and who have protected themselves with contracts well in advance. Unfortunately, forestry is a profession in which mistakes in the management come to light only after several years, when it is too late to "cry over spilt milk". This is the reason that many erroneously believe that forestry is currently in a good shape. Editorial Board

U legitimiranju komunističke vlasti u Hrvatskoj/Jugoslaviji nakon Drugog svjetskog rata važnu ulogu imale su i tradicionalne institucije zakonodavne, izvršne i sudbene vlasti. Njihovo oblikovanje u Federalnoj Državi/Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj započelo je 1943. te je nastavljeno do donošenja Ustava NRH 18. siječnja 1947., kojim dobivaju ustavnu potvrdu. U odnosu na njihove ustavne pozicije, u dosadašnjim istraživanjima poslijeratnog političkog sustava u Hrvatskoj zaključeno je da su stvarnu vlast i monopol odlučivanja imala najviša tijela KPJ, tj. KPH. Pri tome stvarni položaj i uloga središnjih državnih tijela u funkcioniranju političkog sustava vlasti u Hrvatskoj nakon 1945. do sada nisu sustavno istraženi te se ovim radom daje doprinos na tom području. Prezentiraju se rezultati istraživanja organizacije i djelovanja Sabora NRH u sustavu vlasti u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju formalnog federalizma i stvarnog centralizma (1945. – 1953.). Postavljeno je više istraživačkih ciljeva: odnos između njegova formalnog ustavnog (de iure) i stvarnog (de facto) položaja u sustavu vlasti, ustroj, sastav, zakonodavna djelatnost i druge funkcije, odnosi s KPH/SKH i republičkim institucijama vlasti, te utjecaj njegova djelovanja na svakodnevni život stanovništva. Njegova organizacija i djelovanje uspoređeni su s organizacijom i djelovanjem Narodne skupštine FNRJ, institucija zakonodavne vlasti drugih jugoslavenskih republika, te drugih država u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast, ponajprije Ruske Sovjetske Federativne Socijalističke Republike (RSFSR) i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika (SSSR). Postavljeno je nekoliko hipoteza koje su istraživanjem i potvrđene: ustavni položaj vrhovnog tijela državne vlasti u Hrvatskoj Sabor NRH nije ostvarivao u praksi; bio je organiziran po uzoru na Narodnu skupštinu FNRJ; njegova zakonodavna djelatnost nije uključivala stvarnu raspravu, već samo formalno normiranje prethodno definiranih političkih ciljeva i ideja KPH/SKH; u Saboru NRH nije bilo pluralizma političkoga mišljenja; građani su se obraćali Saboru NRH prvenstveno s ciljem ostvarivanja osobnih prava, ponajprije socijalnih. Osnovne metode korištene u istraživanju su kritička analiza izvora i komparativna metoda. Rezultati su prezentirani kombinacijom tematskog i kronološkog pristupa, a u pojedinim poglavljima sistematizirani su u obliku grafičkih i tabličnih prikaza. Doktorskim radom daje se doprinos boljem poznavanju institucija i političkog sustava vlasti FD/NRH u razdoblju 1945. – 1953. Istraživanje može biti poticaj sličnim istraživanjima i u drugim bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama. Omogućuje se usporedba s političkim sustavima vlasti u drugim europskim državama u kojima je bila uspostavljena komunistička vlast. ; The important role in legitimising the communist system of government in Croatia/Yugoslavia after the Second World War was played by the traditional institutions of legislative, executive and judicial government. Their organization in Federal State / People's Republic of Croatia began in 1943, and continued until the Constitution of the People's Republic of Croatia adoption on 18th January 1947, which gave them constitutional confirmation. As the supreme state governing institutions were declared People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament and its Presidium; Government of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme executive and administrative governing institution, and Supreme Court of the People's Republic of Croatia was declared as the supreme judicial institution. In relation to their constitutional position, in previous researches of post-war political system in Croatia, was concluded that the real authority and decision-making monopoly had the highest body of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, ie. Communist Party of Croatia. In doing so, the actual position and the role of republic governmental institutions in the communist system of government in Croatia after 1945 haven't been systematically researched, and this doctoral thesis makes a contribution in this scope. The doctoral thesis presents the results of researching the organisation and activity of People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament during the period of formal federalism and actual centralism (1945 – 1953). The aim is to explain the realation between the constitutional and actual position of the Parliament in the communist system of government, its structure, composition, legislative activity, relations with the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communists of Croatia and republic governmental institutions, as well as the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population. Parliament's organisation and activity is also compared to the organisation and activity of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia, as well as with legislative institutions of the former Yugoslavian republics and other European states with established communist rule, primarily Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). A number of hypotheses are confirmed by research: the constitutional position of the supreme state governing institution, Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia didn't achieve in practice; it was organized on the model of the National Assembly of Yugoslavia; its legislative activity didn't include the actual debate, but only a formal adoption and promulgation of pre-defined political goals and ideas of the Communist Party of Croatia/League of Communist of Croatia; in People's Republic of Croatia'a Parliament, there wasn't pluralism of political opinion; citizens addressed the Parliament, primarily with the aim of solving personal problems, especially social. Main methods used in research were critical analysis of resources (notably original, unpublished archival documents) and comparative method. The research results are presented by a combination of thematic and chronological approach. In certain chapters, they are systematized in the form of graphical and tabular overviews. Doctoral thesis is structured as follows. In the first, introductory chapter are explained the research topic, main goals, hypotheses and scientific contribution, methodology, as well as literature and resources used in the research. The chapter gives an overview of the previous researches relevant to the topic, and the classification of legislatures in such researches. The second chapter gives an overview of the Yugoslav/Croatian communist system of government and the position of legislatures in this system in theory. There are explained the main characteristics of the then revolutionary ideology of the ruling Communist Party, as well as formal constitutional provision. They are compared with the main characteristics of the Soviet communist system of government. It also gives an overview of the classical Marxist theory about the state, government and legislatures, and demonstrates how it was used in the writings and speeches of Yugoslav theoreticians and politicians. The third and fourth chapter give an overview of the People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament organization and activity in practice, divided into two chronological periods: until the adoption of the People's Republic of Croatia's Constitution in January 1947, and thereafter up in 1953. The fifth, concluding chapter, summarizes the main research results. Chapter six contains several appendixes: the results of parliamentary elections in Croatia 1946, 1947 and 1950; a list of councilors, ie. representatives in State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia and in People's Republic of Croatia's Parliament 1943 – 1953; a list of members of the Presidium of the Parliament of the People's Republic of Croatia 1945 – 1953; a list of representatives from Croatia in Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia / National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1945 – 1953; a list of laws adopted by the National Assembly of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia 1946 – 1953; a list of tables and figures used in doctoral thesis). Seventh chapter contains a list of sources and literature used in the research. Doctoral thesis contributes to better understanding of institutions and the political system of government in Croatia in the period 1945 – 1953. Comparative approach in the presentation of research results, gives a contribution to knowledge of the political system of government and central governing institutions in the former Yugoslavia, as well in the other former Yugoslavian republics. At the same time, it can be a impulse for similar researces in those states. It also enables comparation with the political systems of government and legislatures in other European states with established communist rule. Through the analysis of the influence of its activities on everyday lives of the population, it gives contribution to the history of everyday life in communist Croatia and Yugoslavia.