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Social inequalities fuel a debate about the meaning of political equality. Formal procedural equality is criticised for reproducing discriminatory outcomes against disadvantaged groups but affirmative action, particularly in the form of group quotas, is also contested. When opposing conceptions of substantive equality support divergent views about which procedural rule genuinely respects political equality, democracies cannot identify a standard or rule of procedural fairness to be widely accepted as fair. This dispute over procedural fairness can carry on indefinitely and could challenge democracy's legitimacy claim. I argue that democracies can renew their legitimacy claim by embracing this debate and by accommodating it through constitutional deliberation that must be as impartial and meaningful as possible. Impartiality ideally requires the presence of every citizen in this process because each of them has a unique and evolving experience of inequality. Meaningful deliberation is about offering periodic opportunities for constitutional reform, allowing for continuous feedback, reflection, and learning.

Social media provides ethno-racial immigrant groups—especially those who cannot vote due to factors such as lack of citizenship and limited English proficiency—the ability to mobilize and connect around collective issues. Online spaces and discussion forums have encouraged many Asian Americans to participate in public policy debates and take action on social justice issues. This form of digital group activism serves as an adaptive political empowerment strategy for the fastest-growing and largest foreign-born population in America. Asian American Connective Action in the Age of Social Media illuminates how associating online can facilitate and amplify traditional forms of political action. James Lai provides diverse case studies on contentious topics ranging from affirmative action debates to textbook controversies to emphasize the complexities, limitations, and challenges of connective action that is relevant to all racial groups. Using a detailed multi-methods approach that includes national survey data and Twitter hashtag analysis, he shows how traditional immigrants, older participants, and younger generations create online consensus and mobilize offline to foment political change. In doing so, Lai provides a nuanced glimpse into the multiple ways connective action takes shape within the Asian American community. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1523/thumbnail.jpg

The pandemic COVID-19 became a challenge for both societies and governments. While most countries and citizens reacted similarly to the unknown strength of the virus at the start of the pandemic, the situation in each country began to vary more and more each month. Poland and Slovakia are interesting cases in this context. One year after the WHO declared a pandemic, these countries are experiencing one of the worst crises in history. In Poland, despite the initial social mobilisation, after a very short time, many government decisions ceased to be perceived as protecting citizens. In the first period of the pandemic, the Slovak government coped with the situation much better, which changed significantly in the autumn of 2020. The article aims to analyse how an active "rally 'round the flag" effect and the resulting natural potential for social mobilisation to fight the pandemic were wasted in Poland and Slovakia due to irresponsible political decisions undermining the citizens 'trust in the governments' good intentions.

Unlike almost most other studies of neoliberal universities and academic capitalism this book ethnographically explores and interprets those transformations and their contradictions empirically in the everyday practices of students, faculty members, and administrators at two public universities: NTNU in Norway and UCLA in California.Differently situated in global political economies, both are ambitious, prosperous campuses. The book refl exively examines their disturbing disputes about quality, competition, and innovation. It argues that some academic, bureaucratic, and corporate university governance practices are both unsustainable and undermining what some university students and faculty already do well: circulate interdisciplinary knowledge and its making globally across the diasporic domains of academia, society, industry, and government while addressing the world's immediate challenges: power, inequities, and sustainability.It shows the important, strategic work of domesticating, co- morphing, and meshworking at the faultlines of emerging knowledge. This book is for students, faculty, society members, and policy makers who want to engage more effectively with contemporary universities that increasingly serve as busy crossroads for sharing ideas and how to make them. It will be of interest to workers and scholars in the interdisciplinary fi elds of higher education studies, critical university studies, and critical public infrastructure studies, plus science, technology, and society studies.

The literature has pointed out the negative aspects of political dynasties. But can political dynasties help prevent autocratic reversals? We argue that political dynasties differ according to their ideological origin and that those whose founder was a defender of democratic ideals, for simplicity labelled "pro-democratic dynasties", show stronger support for democracy. We analyze the vote by the French parliament on July 10, 1940 of an enabling act that granted full power to Marshall Philippe Pétain, thereby ending the Third French Republic and aligning France with Nazi Germany. Using data collected from the biographies of parliamentarians and information on their voting behavior, we find that members of a pro-democratic dynasty were 9.6 to 15.1 percentage points more likely to oppose the act than other parliamentarians. We report evidence that socialization inside and outside parliament shaped the vote of parliamentarians. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/inPress

APPROVED ; Interpretations of the period following the disintegration of the Carolingian empire in Western Europe at the end of the ninth century have long divided historians, between those who believe a violent rupture in political and social structures took place around the year 1000 and those who argue for an essential continuity. This thesis aims to transcend these debates, by approaching medieval society through a case-study in the Loire valley region relying on two fresh methodological insights. Firstly, it will investigate changes in the economic structures which provided society's material base; secondly, it will analyse how those ?lites claimed, performed and maintained their status. Based on these two approaches, the thesis explores changing patterns of ?lite behaviour in order to better understand the social and economic changes which took place from the late ninth century onwards. The thesis examines the effects of shifting landholding patterns, the emergence of seigneurial customs, changing attitudes to church patronage and lay violence, and the methods by which ?lites were identified in documents, to establish their implications for the ways by which ?lites could claim and maintain their status. It concludes that there was a significant and fundamental transformation of social and economic structures, beginning in the middle of the tenth century, in the middle Loire valley, although the pace of change is slower than would be appropriate for a 'Feudal Revolution'. Nevertheless, the breakdown of the Carolingian political order unleashed a wave of competition amongst local and regional ?lites, which saw them innovate and adapt the heritage of Carolingian culture to create a new, 'feudal' social order. This was fuelled by the changes in economic structures which provided ?lites with more wealth to promote their own status; the competition for status in turn fuelled ?lites' need for more wealth and their incentive for economic expansion.

International audience ; Les dépenses liées à la commande publique2 représentent en moyenne 12 % du PIB et près d'un tiers des dépenses publiques dans les pays de l'OCDE. À l'échelle de la France, les seuls marchés publics représentent quelques 250 000 marchés, publiés chaque année pour un montant estimé de 80 milliards d'euros, soit 5 % du PIB. Les enjeux économiques sont considérables, plus de 100 000 entreprises sont ainsi concernées.Les marchés publics sont par ailleurs une activité complexe. Il ne s'agit pas seulement d'un acte d'achat. On peut le voir comme une longue chaîne de décision - de l'identification des besoins à la détermination de la structure la mieux à même d'y répondre, puis à la facturation, au suivi et contrôle de la procédure, qui doivent toutes respecter un formalisme, visant à assurer son caractère équitable et transparent. La complexité des marchés publics s'observe également à travers l'extraordinaire diversité des acteurs impliqués dans les processus. Responsables des marchés publics et fournisseurs, mais aussi décideurs politiques, organismes de contrôle, soumissionnaires et citoyens sont tous, à leur échelle, et pour des objectifs qui leurs sont propres, partie prenante. Modifier les règles, les adapter aux évolutions technologiques a des conséquences notamment économiques et juridiques considérables. Ainsi, s'assurer que la dématérialisation de la commande publique, et en particulier celle des marchés publics, permet d'atteindre les objectifs assignés revêt une importance considérable.

Public innovation has received increasing attention in recent years. Experiments with new governance structures, such as New Public Management and New Public Governance, have challenged the traditional top-down, internally driven forms of innovation in the public sector and have entailed a search for new forms of open, collaborative and interactive innovation, implying a reframing of public innovation activities. However, introducing these new frames of innovation causes uncertainties in the public sector, necessitating better understanding of how public innovation can be changed to address societal needs. This paper uses materials from case studies of 21 public living labs across Europe to analyse the lessons that can be learned from public sector participation in living labs in terms of their contribution to reframing public innovation. The "frame" construct is used to analyse and provide an understanding of how participation in living labs helps public actors to reframe innovation and address public and societal needs. Three living lab framings for changing public innovation are identified (processual learning, restrained space and democratic engagement), and the degree of intensity of these framings with respect to involving stakeholders and addressing societal challenges is discussed. The paper contributes to knowledge of public sector innovation by extending previous accounts of how public innovation can be improved.

Transitioning into a sustainable energy system is becoming ever more pressing as the reality of an anthropogenic ecological crisis becomes difficult to ignore. Due to the complexity of the matter, proposed solutions often address the symptoms of the current socioeconomic configuration rather than its core. To conceptualise possible future energy systems, this Perspective focuses on the disconnect between science and technology and engineering studies. On the one hand, this disconnect leads to social science research that passively critiques rather than contributes to tackling societal issues in practice. On the other, it produces technical work limited by the incumbent conceptualisations of economic activity and organisational configurations around production without capturing the broader social and political dynamics. We thus propose a schema for bridging this divide that uses the "commons" as an umbrella concept. We apply this framework on the hardware aspect of a conceptual energy system, which builds on networked microgrids powered by open-source, lower cost, adaptable, socially responsible and sustainable technology. This Perspective is a call to engineers and social scientists alike to form genuine transdisciplinary collaborations for developing radical alternatives to the energy conundrum.

The idea of hegemony, in its Gramscian sense, contributed to the renewal of several fields of social sciences in the 1970s and 1980s. This idea circulates between different geocultural spaces and different times. The approach adopted in this article starts from the contexts in which this idea is mobilized, in order to show to which theoretical and practical stakes it answers. Focusing on four authors (Antonio Gramsci, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Pablo Iglesias) and on the transfers from one author to another, the aim is to highlight the social conditions conducive to the deployment of this idea and to identify the (dis)continuities that punctuate its history. Throughout the socio-historical course marked out by the written productions of these four authors, one constant appears: the vitality of the concept of hegemony seems linked to periods of crisis - theoretical and / or strategic - of the left. ; Peer reviewed

L'idée d'hégémonie, dans son acception gramscienne, a contribué au renouvellement de plusieurs pans des sciences sociales au cours des années 1970-1980. Cette idée circule entre différents champs, différents espaces géoculturels et différentes époques. La démarche adoptée dans cet article part des contextes dans lequel cette idée est mobilisée, afin de montrer à quels enjeux théoriques et pratiques elle répond. En se focalisant sur quatre auteurs (Antonio Gramsci, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe et Pablo Iglesias) et sur les transferts d'un auteur à l'autre, il s'agit de mettre en exergue les conditions sociales propices au déploiement de cette idée et d'identifier les (dis)continuités qui jalonnent son histoire. A travers le parcours socio-historique jalonné par les productions écrites de ces quatre auteurs, une constante apparaît : la vitalité de l'idée d'hégémonie semble liée à des périodes de crise – théorique et/ou stratégique – de la gauche. ; Peer reviewed

This literature review examines the potential of collaborative art making as a tool to foster a sense of belonging in today's gender and sexual minority youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ). Living with a unique layer of minority stress, LGBTQ youth are at high risk for developing mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation due to ostracization and rejection from their families and communities. By reviewing the implementation of collaborative art making to bring together other marginalized groups across cultural backgrounds as well as the use of art making with LGBTQ youth for purposes such as political activism, community outreach and self advocacy, it is concluded that collaborative art making could be a useful method to combat thwarted belongingness and diminish resulting mental health issues. The author is a queer white millenial woman living in north eastern United States of America.

Does the occurrence of flood disaster increase the risk of communal conflict and if so, does trust in state political institutions mitigate the adverse effect? This study addresses these questions by studying the intervening effect of trust in local governmental institutions at a sub-national level. The effect of flood disasters on the risk of communal violence is expected to be contingent on peoples' trust that local political structures are able to address potential disputes between groups. Violent conflicts, in that sense, are neither inevitable nor directly determined by the occurrence of disasters. They largely depend on the context of a given society and political response to these external shocks. To test this expectation, the study uses survey data on trust in local state institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa from the Afrobarometer (2005–2018), combined with geo-referenced communal conflict and flood data. In line with theoretical expectations, results suggest that flood disasters are associated with communal violence only for administrative districts that are governed by distrusted local state institutions. Conversely, flood disasters tend to be negatively associated with the risk of communal clashes in the presence of highly trusted local government councils and (especially) trusted judicial courts. Changing model specifications and estimation techniques produces similar results. An out-of-sample cross-validation also shows that accounting for political variables, in addition to flood disasters, improves the predictive performance of the model.

Ulrich von Richental wrote in 1420 an extensive chronicle wiht illustrations of the Council of Constance. The author has presented the important events, people etc. Constance is a city with urban, social, political implications. ; Ulrich von Richental schrieb um 1420 eine umfangreiche, mit Illustrationen versehene Chronik über das Konstanzer Konzil. Der Autor hat die wichtigen Ereignisse, Personen- und Wappenverzeichnisse oder Preislisten angegeben, alles in der Perspektive einer Konstanzer Stadtgeschichte mit ihren stadt-, sozial-, kirchengeschichtlichen und politischen Implikationen. ISTC ir00196000 HCR HC(Add) 5610* GW M38152

International audience ; The aim of this article is to propose an articulation between the so-called French discourse analysis and the notions of intersectionality and decoloniality that are currently at work in the human and social sciences in France. It describes the conditions of an alternative epistemology capable of decentring knowledge and intellectual technologies of the discipline, and suggests ways of reworking its theoretical apparatus in order to take into account in linguistic analysis the conditions of existence of subjects and their journeys from one world to another within a pluriverse framework. We first define the chosen version of intersectionality and the decolonial perspective, showing what they can bring to discourse analysis as an enriching and emancipating perspective. We then specify the contours of an alternative epistemology, on the level of knowledge and methods, by insisting on the questions of the points of view and experiences of the subjects, and on the scientific as well as political choice of references and quotations. Finally, we propose the notion of coloniality of discourse, which allows us to rework in an intersectional decolonial dimension the questions of denomination and subjectivity. ; L'objectif de cet article est de proposer une articulation entre l'analyse du discours dite française et les notions d'intersectionnalité et de décolonialité qui travaillent actuellement les sciences humaines et sociales en France. Il décrit les conditions d'une épistémologie alternative apte à décentrer les savoirs et les technologies intellectuelles de la discipline, et suggère des manières de retravailler son appareillage théorique pour prendre en compte dans l'analyse linguistique les conditions d'existence des sujets et leurs voyages d'un monde à l'autre dans le cadre d'un plurivers. On définit d'abord la version de l'intersectionnalité choisie et la perspective décoloniale, en montrant ce qu'elles peuvent apporter à l'analyse du discours comme perspective enrichissante et ...