Suchergebnisse

Il primo capitolo della tesi verte sull'ultimo anno di vita del Partito d'Azione, sulle modalità di partecipazione di Lombardi allo scontro elettorale del 1948 nelle liste del Fronte democratico popolare, e sul breve periodo di direzione 'centrista' del Psi a cavallo tra il 1948 e il 1949, quando Lombardi, appena entratovi, fu magna pars nel gruppo dirigente del partito. Il secondo capitolo abbraccia il periodo in cui Lombardi agì all'interno del Psi 'morandiano', o frontista: si è cercato di dare ragione sia dell'inserimento di Lombardi nelle logiche del frontismo socialista, sia della peculiarità di quell'inserimento negli ambiti privilegiati della politica economica e della politica estera. Oggetto del terzo capitolo è il ruolo giocato da Lombardi nella definizione delle linee guida dell'autonomismo socialista, un ruolo fattosi via via più pregnante a partire dal 1956, che ebbe la sua massima consacrazione col XXXIV Congresso del Psi, celebrato a Milano nel 1961: centrale in questo periodo la riflessione lombardiana sulle «riforme di struttura», un argomento che ci si è sforzati di inquadrare storicamente, sfuggendo dai luoghi comuni storiografici di cui spesso – con lodevoli eccezioni – è caduto vittima. Tali «riforme di struttura» Lombardi avrebbe voluto alla base dei governi di centro-sinistra. La tesi si chiude con un ultimo capitolo dedicato ad illustrare l'apporto di Lombardi al quarto Governo Fanfani e al primo Governo Moro, il ruolo da lui giocato nella loro nascita e il suo progressivo allontanamento da quell'esperimento che era stato, in gran parte, sua creatura. ; Riccardo Lombardi played a very important part in Italian history and in socialism history between 1947 – when the Partito d'Azione was dissolved - and 1964 – when Lombardi took note of the crisis of the center-left governments. The first chapter of this thesis talks about the last year of life of the Partito d'Azione, the way in which Lombardi involved himself in the Popular Front in 1948 electoral struggle, and the short 'centrist' period of Psi between 1948 and 1949, when Lombardi was the editor of "Avanti!". The second chapter concerns the period of the Italian socialist party alliance with the communists: I show the reasons of Lombardi support to the alliance as well as the originality of his support. Economic and foreign politics are especially analyzed. The object of the third chapter is the part played by Lombardi in defining the autonomy of Italian socialism from the Communist party. This part was very important from 1956, and was sanctioned in 1961, when the Psi celebrated his XXXIV congress. In this period Lombardi drew up his theory about "structural reforms" and his "revolutionary reformism". According to Lombardi, "structural reforms" might have been the basis of the center-left governments. The last chapters shows the role of Lombardi in supporting the first and the second center-left government, as well as Lombardi critical point of view towards the outcome of those political experiments.

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.

In 1920s Russia domestic life is the object of a specific political debate that tries to formulate housing forms and comfort models alternative to the one of the bourgeois house. By analysing the texts written by Fourier, Engels and Russian functionalist architects and the discourses that accompany USSR housing policies, the article reconstructs the concepts of comfort underlying this debate and their functions. ; Nella Russia degli anni Venti la vita domestica è oggetto di uno specifico dibattito politico che cerca di formulare forme abitative e modelli di comfort alternativi a quello della casa borghese. Analizzando testi di Fourier ed Engels, degli architetti funzionalisti russi e i discorsi che accompagnano le politiche abitative dell'URSS il saggio ricostruisce i concetti di comfort sottesi a questo dibattito e le loro funzioni.

Europeizacija stambenih politika samostalno je i u sklopu šire europske socijalne politike bila od marginalnog istraživačkog značaja u korpusu stambenih studija i socijalne politike zbog načelnog i stvarnog neuplitanja EU-a u stambene politike država članica. Stambena politika u nadležnosti je država članica EU-a, pa je stoga nužno višedimenzionalno mjeriti europsku integraciju u ovom području. U ovom su radu analizirani utjecaji europeizacije kroz mehanizme europske integracije temeljem uvida iz dviju postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a – Slovenije i Hrvatske. Zaključnom se raspravom ukazuje na europeizacijski deficit u stambenom području kada je riječ o Hrvatskoj u odnosu na Sloveniju. Konačno, predlaže se proširenje analize na veći broj postsocijalističkih država članica EU-a te se stoga ovaj rad stavlja u službu poticanja daljnjeg istraživanja teme. ; Europeanization of housing piolicies was, separately as well as a part of wider European social policy, of marginal research importance in housing studies because of non-interference of EU in member states' domestic housing policies. Responsibility for housing policies lies at the level of EU member states and therefore it is necessary to study European integration in this area multidimensionally. Europeanization impacts related to housing policies are comparatively analysed by using integration mechanisms approach on two post-socialist EU member states: Slovenia and Croatia. Concluding discussion is focused on pointing out the Europeanization deficit in the housing area when Croatia is concerned, in relation to Slovenia. Finally, country sample enlargement is advised by including other cases of post-socialist EU member states dealing with European policy impulses in housing area, which puts this paper in service of further housing policy research.

Hrvatska je bila gospodarski i demografski uspješnija u periodu od 1946. — 1990. nego nakon osamostaljenja. Članak istražuje uzroke takvog stanja kao i teorijske konzekvence studije slučaja Republike Hrvatske. Članak navodi uzroke vrlo brzog gospodarskog rasta Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske do 1980. godine ali i uzroke ekonomske krize u posljednjih deset godina socijalističkog poretka i komunističke diktature. Ta kriza je doprinijela (uz vanjskopolitičke okolnosti) propasti socijalizma i Jugoslavije, te uvođenju demokracije i kapitalizma. Međutim, novi sustav nije ispunio očekivanja. Republika Hrvatska je postigla vrlo skromne gospodarske rezultate nakon osamostaljenja, uz značajan pad broja stanovnika. Iako je rat pridonio takvom stanju, poslijeratni rezultati pokazuju da je pogrešna gospodarska politika glavni uzročnik tog neuspjeha. Osobito je negativan bio utjecaj privatizacije. Na teorijskom planu, studija slučaja Hrvatske ne potvrđuje dominantne teorije o prednostima demokracije nad diktaturom, kapitalizma nad socijalizmom ni teorije koje ističu prednosti nacionalne homogenosti za gospodarski rast, ali potvrđuje teorije o utjecaju ekonomije na tranziciju iz diktature u demokraciju. ; Croatia was economically and demographically more successful during the period from 1946 — 90 than after the independence. The article investigates the causes of such a situation as well as the theoretical consequences of the case study of the Republic of Croatia. The article explains the causes of the very rapid economic development of the Socialist Republic of Croatia until 1980. However, during the last ten years of the socialist system and communist dictatorship, an economic crisis broke out. This crisis contributed (along with foreign policy circumstances) to the collapse of that system, to the introduction of democracy and capitalism, and to the collapse of former Yugoslavia. Yet, the new system did not meet its expectations. The Republic of Croatia achieved very modest economic results after independence, with a ...

Koncepcija općenarodne obrane i društvene samozaštite, kako se od sredine 1970-ih zvao jugoslavenski obrambeno-zaštitni sustav, počela se provoditi nakon invazije zemalja Varšavskoga ugovora na Čehoslovačku u kolovozu 1968. Jugoslavenski komunisti smatrali su da se takvoj, iznenadnoj i uspješnoj agresiji mogu učinkovito suprotstaviti samo organiziranim angažmanom svih raspoloživih potencijala društva na temelju svojega revolucionarnog iskustva i promišljanja klasika marksizma o naoružanome narodu. Tako je počela nastajati obrambena koncepcija koja je osjetno opteretila društvo, povećala ionako velike financijske izdatke za vojsku i potaknula militarizaciju društva. Premda je istovremeno s obrambenom funkcijom problematizirana i funkcija sigurnosti društva pod imenom društvena samozaštita, pravi poticaj za njezino teorijsko i praktično uobličavanje dao je upad naoružane skupine Feniks u Jugoslaviju u ljeto 1972. No do koliko-toliko učinkovite fuzije tih dvaju zaštitnih kompleksa doći će tek 1979. osnivanjem komiteta za općenarodnu obranu i društvenu samozaštitu, koji su u obrambeno-zaštitnom sustavu trebali osigurati rukovodeću ulogu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. ; The conception of total people's defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries' invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people's defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people's defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.