Suchergebnisse

Replicated results with data from 1962 & 1970 indicate that in Western industrial societies, socialist parties have had little overall impact on the distribution of income by size. In particular, they have had no discernible effect on the share of income received by the two poorest population quintiles, even though these groups constitute the core of their electoral support. To the extent that socialist parties have been associated with any redistribution of income, this has favored the Mc. Even this effect, however, is most charitably described as weak. AA.

THE LIBERALIZATION OF THE TURKISH POLITICAL SYSTEM NOW TAKING PLACE WILL IN ALL LIKELHOOD BRING ABOUT THE LEGALIZATION OF THE OLD SOCIALIST PARTIES OR THE FORMATION OF NEW ONES THAT WILL UNDOUBTEDLY DISPLAY THE SAME IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL PATTERNS EVIDENT IN THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT IN THE 1960S AND 1970S. THE TRENDS THAT ARE TO FOLLOW - MARXIST=LENINIST, PRO-SOVIET, OR CONVERSELY SOCIAL-DEMOCRAT - WILL DEPEND ON THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE COUNTRY. WHAT IS OBVIOUS IS THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT, UNLIKE THE COMMUNISTS, HAS BECOME A WEIGHTY ELEMENT IN TURKISH POLITICAL LIFE, AND ANY GOVERNMENT WILL HAVE TO TAKE IT INTO ACCOUNT.

This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset's prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation.