Suchergebnisse

The master thesis "Knowledge society in Lithuania and the influence of European Union (EU) structural funds on its evolution" discloses what influence of the European Union structural funds is on Lithuanian knowledge societies evolution. This theme is topical because Lithuania is a member of the European Union and it must take an action in the knowledge society creation process. Lithuania must get together with the other countries of European Union. The object of master thesis – the influence of European Union structural funds on knowledge society in Lithuania. The purpose of the thesis is to analyze what influence of European Union structural funds is on Lithuanians knowledge society development. The main goals of the thesis are the following: • To define the terms of knowledge and knowledge society; • To survey knowledge society evolution and conception in Lithuania; • To analyze the Single Programming Document (SPD) in the context of knowledge society; • By this SPD research to analyze the development of knowledge society in Lithuania; • To dispute some Lithuanian projects which influence on the evolution of knowledge society. We used the method of documents study. By this analysis we single out the following elements of knowledge society: human capital; the Lifelong Learning; the development of Scientific Research and Innovations; information technologies; the opportunity to gain knowledge; the effective creation, assimilation, distribution and use of knowing. By these elements of knowledge society we have selected some SPD tools which match with knowledge society development. By the research of SPD we infer: • There are some knowledge society development attributes in the SPD tools, but the main part of them still do not promote knowledge society development; • The processes of knowledge society development are superficial in SPD; • The qualitative realization of SPD tools is not controllable and observed. After this research we have drawn a conclusion that the knowledge society in Lithuania is new and progresing phenomenon. There are no conditions in Lithuania for the knowledge society evolution. After the research we have made a conclusion that the influence of the European Union structural funds on Lithuanian knowledge society development is very small. There are few tools in SPD which can help to develop the knowledge society. But the realization of these tools are only quantitative, not qualitative. The only fields that are funded by SPD are various seminars and trainings, the purchase of information technologies and etc.

The master thesis "Knowledge society in Lithuania and the influence of European Union (EU) structural funds on its evolution" discloses what influence of the European Union structural funds is on Lithuanian knowledge societies evolution. This theme is topical because Lithuania is a member of the European Union and it must take an action in the knowledge society creation process. Lithuania must get together with the other countries of European Union. The object of master thesis – the influence of European Union structural funds on knowledge society in Lithuania. The purpose of the thesis is to analyze what influence of European Union structural funds is on Lithuanians knowledge society development. The main goals of the thesis are the following: • To define the terms of knowledge and knowledge society; • To survey knowledge society evolution and conception in Lithuania; • To analyze the Single Programming Document (SPD) in the context of knowledge society; • By this SPD research to analyze the development of knowledge society in Lithuania; • To dispute some Lithuanian projects which influence on the evolution of knowledge society. We used the method of documents study. By this analysis we single out the following elements of knowledge society: human capital; the Lifelong Learning; the development of Scientific Research and Innovations; information technologies; the opportunity to gain knowledge; the effective creation, assimilation, distribution and use of knowing. By these elements of knowledge society we have selected some SPD tools which match with knowledge society development. By the research of SPD we infer: • There are some knowledge society development attributes in the SPD tools, but the main part of them still do not promote knowledge society development; • The processes of knowledge society development are superficial in SPD; • The qualitative realization of SPD tools is not controllable and observed. After this research we have drawn a conclusion that the knowledge society in Lithuania is new and progresing phenomenon. There are no conditions in Lithuania for the knowledge society evolution. After the research we have made a conclusion that the influence of the European Union structural funds on Lithuanian knowledge society development is very small. There are few tools in SPD which can help to develop the knowledge society. But the realization of these tools are only quantitative, not qualitative. The only fields that are funded by SPD are various seminars and trainings, the purchase of information technologies and etc.

The master thesis "Knowledge society in Lithuania and the influence of European Union (EU) structural funds on its evolution" discloses what influence of the European Union structural funds is on Lithuanian knowledge societies evolution. This theme is topical because Lithuania is a member of the European Union and it must take an action in the knowledge society creation process. Lithuania must get together with the other countries of European Union. The object of master thesis – the influence of European Union structural funds on knowledge society in Lithuania. The purpose of the thesis is to analyze what influence of European Union structural funds is on Lithuanians knowledge society development. The main goals of the thesis are the following: • To define the terms of knowledge and knowledge society; • To survey knowledge society evolution and conception in Lithuania; • To analyze the Single Programming Document (SPD) in the context of knowledge society; • By this SPD research to analyze the development of knowledge society in Lithuania; • To dispute some Lithuanian projects which influence on the evolution of knowledge society. We used the method of documents study. By this analysis we single out the following elements of knowledge society: human capital; the Lifelong Learning; the development of Scientific Research and Innovations; information technologies; the opportunity to gain knowledge; the effective creation, assimilation, distribution and use of knowing. By these elements of knowledge society we have selected some SPD tools which match with knowledge society development. By the research of SPD we infer: • There are some knowledge society development attributes in the SPD tools, but the main part of them still do not promote knowledge society development; • The processes of knowledge society development are superficial in SPD; • The qualitative realization of SPD tools is not controllable and observed. After this research we have drawn a conclusion that the knowledge society in Lithuania is new and progresing phenomenon. There are no conditions in Lithuania for the knowledge society evolution. After the research we have made a conclusion that the influence of the European Union structural funds on Lithuanian knowledge society development is very small. There are few tools in SPD which can help to develop the knowledge society. But the realization of these tools are only quantitative, not qualitative. The only fields that are funded by SPD are various seminars and trainings, the purchase of information technologies and etc.

Anti-globalist riots in Seattle in 1999 & the global anti-war demonstrations in 2003 not only made their way to the news headlines, but also received renewed academic attention. This article seeks to outline the differences between the traditional social movements & the new social movements. The first part of the article addresses the definition & classification issues of social movements. It also presents a comparison of three theoretical approaches (rational choice, Marxism & social constructivism) towards the phenomenon of social movement. The author concludes, that advocates of all three approaches present certain valuable insights on the causes & effects of this phenomenon. The second chapter of the article outlines presents trends & problems in the research of the social movements. It is argued that researchers of this subject face basically the same problems as all social scientists, first of the problems of comparability & the limits of qualitative methods. On the other it is assessed that new tools of quantitative analysis, information technologies significantly enhance the possibilities of research. By combining different theoretical approaches the author then seeks to outline the criteria of what could be the constitutive elements of the new social movements as opposed to the traditional ones. It is concluded that the new social movements can only exist in the postmodern or post-materialist societies where the questions of physical survival or national liberation are replaced by the questions of quality of life & self-expression. The new movements are also transnational in nature & their goals are usually universal (ecology, peace, rights of animals) rather than national (independence) or individual (employment, salary etc.). The new movements mobilize around collective identity & common values while the traditional movements mobilize around common goals of social or economic changes. The organization mode of the new movements is usually horizontal & the role of the leaders is rather limited while in the case of traditional movements the organization structure is strictly hierarchical & the role of the leader is essential. Finally the new movements are less prone to violence & rely more on the new technologies of communication & information. Building on the criteria outlined in the second part of the article, the final chapter discusses the case of Lithuania. It is concluded that the number & activities of the new social movements in Lithuania are very scarce. The most significant among such movements is the feminist movement, which is indeed rather active, & even have established ties with international feminist network. Traditional movements (in particular farmers, nationalists & neo-nazists, are still abundant in Lithuania. The authors argues that such imbalance between traditional & new movements could be a cause for concern as the number & activity of the new social movements is a good indicator of the maturity of the civil society in a country. The conclusion of the article reiterates the importance to continue the research of the phenomenon of the social movements. The warning of Ortega Y Gaset voiced in 1932 about the danger of the masses that have the supreme power in their hands is still relevant. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this article is to find out why the Constitutional Court, while examining constitutional justice cases, formulating the provisions of the official constitutional doctrine and, finally, choosing a specific solution of the case, could or sometimes even should take into consideration soft law norms and the constitutional law development tendencies. The legal effects produced by the soft law was undeniably recognized in Garibaldi's case by the Court of Justice of European Union and the obligation for national courts implementing the EU law to pay attention to the EU's soft law norms was settled out. Most likely this obligation means that national courts have to prove that they are familiar with the appropriate soft law norms and after choosing their own solution meeting soft law norms or not, they should indicate the reasons of chosen different interpretation than recommended. It can be stated that the necessity to pay respect to the soft law in constitutional jurisprudence in appropriate cases is inevitable, if the Constitutional Court do not seek to isolate itself from European and international constitutional context. It is even more so, when there are no binding acts in the specific field of law. It goes without saying that the Constitutional Court would rely on such documents only if there will be no contradictions with the constitutional provisions and will correspond to the particularities of national legal system. Soft law can be perceived as the source of inspiration for judges examining constitutional justice cases and formulating constitutional doctrine and as the signpost for lawmaking subjects adopting binding acts. Sometimes soft law can help understand the complicated or unclear provisions of binding acts and foresee possible consequences, and sometimes it is the only legal act regulating some sort of relationships, especially when it concerns new challenges arising to the changing societies (such as technological progress that obviously will affect human rights and freedoms etc.). There is no reason to invent the new definitions pertinent to the constitutional justice case if they are enshrined in the legal act, even if it is soft, adopted by the competent institution of constitutional law. Soft law is often taken into consideration in the texts of constitutional judgments as a part of international context of the case, as explanatory documents of the notions or examined principles, as the strengthening piece of chosen reasoning and sometimes even as the part of interpretation of constitutional norms. The jurisprudence of Lithuanian, Latvian and Moldovan constitutional courts was analyzed in order to prove the expansion of the use of soft law and the necessity to continue to do so. The constitutional soft law regulates issues common to all the democratic states as it is based on universally recognized principles of democracy, the rule of law and protection of human rights. Adopted mostly by the European Commission "For the Democracy through Law" (known as Venice Commission) it proposes legal regulation and some solutions of the constitutional problems that are not adopted or implemented in the national legal system, but should be followed by all the states which have chosen the path of democracy. Therefore, it is not only possible, but sometimes it is necessaire to let the soft law guide. And as the constitutional soft law is based on the values that could be derived from almost all democratic constitution, the possibility that there could be contradiction with the national constitutional provision or that it could menace to the principle of the supremacy of the Constitution doesn't seem very plausible.

The aim of this article is to find out why the Constitutional Court, while examining constitutional justice cases, formulating the provisions of the official constitutional doctrine and, finally, choosing a specific solution of the case, could or sometimes even should take into consideration soft law norms and the constitutional law development tendencies. The legal effects produced by the soft law was undeniably recognized in Garibaldi's case by the Court of Justice of European Union and the obligation for national courts implementing the EU law to pay attention to the EU's soft law norms was settled out. Most likely this obligation means that national courts have to prove that they are familiar with the appropriate soft law norms and after choosing their own solution meeting soft law norms or not, they should indicate the reasons of chosen different interpretation than recommended. It can be stated that the necessity to pay respect to the soft law in constitutional jurisprudence in appropriate cases is inevitable, if the Constitutional Court do not seek to isolate itself from European and international constitutional context. It is even more so, when there are no binding acts in the specific field of law. It goes without saying that the Constitutional Court would rely on such documents only if there will be no contradictions with the constitutional provisions and will correspond to the particularities of national legal system. Soft law can be perceived as the source of inspiration for judges examining constitutional justice cases and formulating constitutional doctrine and as the signpost for lawmaking subjects adopting binding acts. Sometimes soft law can help understand the complicated or unclear provisions of binding acts and foresee possible consequences, and sometimes it is the only legal act regulating some sort of relationships, especially when it concerns new challenges arising to the changing societies (such as technological progress that obviously will affect human rights and freedoms etc.). There is no reason to invent the new definitions pertinent to the constitutional justice case if they are enshrined in the legal act, even if it is soft, adopted by the competent institution of constitutional law. Soft law is often taken into consideration in the texts of constitutional judgments as a part of international context of the case, as explanatory documents of the notions or examined principles, as the strengthening piece of chosen reasoning and sometimes even as the part of interpretation of constitutional norms. The jurisprudence of Lithuanian, Latvian and Moldovan constitutional courts was analyzed in order to prove the expansion of the use of soft law and the necessity to continue to do so. The constitutional soft law regulates issues common to all the democratic states as it is based on universally recognized principles of democracy, the rule of law and protection of human rights. Adopted mostly by the European Commission "For the Democracy through Law" (known as Venice Commission) it proposes legal regulation and some solutions of the constitutional problems that are not adopted or implemented in the national legal system, but should be followed by all the states which have chosen the path of democracy. Therefore, it is not only possible, but sometimes it is necessaire to let the soft law guide. And as the constitutional soft law is based on the values that could be derived from almost all democratic constitution, the possibility that there could be contradiction with the national constitutional provision or that it could menace to the principle of the supremacy of the Constitution doesn't seem very plausible.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.