Suchergebnisse

U ovom članku se razmatra doprinos Viktora Zaslavskog proučavanju društava sovjetskog tipa. Istovremeno, njegov doprinos se postavlja u intelektualni kontekst sovjetologije 1970-ih. Tvrdimo da je intimno poznavanje sovjetskog sistema autoru omogućilo da prevaziđe ograničenja totalitarnih, modernizacijskih i interesno-grupnih pristupa proučavanju sovjetske politike. Srž originalnog doprinosa Zaslavskog je u razvoju niza novih pojmova koje je primenio na proučavanje Brežnjevljevog "realnog socijalizma": neostaljinistička država, organizovani konsenzus, radnici zavisni od države, zatvorena preduzeća, unutrašnji pasoški sistem. Uz pomoć ovih pojmova Zaslavski je mogao da osvetli razne karakteristike zrelog sovjetskog društva uspešnije od zastupnika drugih pristupa. ; The author assesses the contribution of Victor Zaslavsky to the study of soviettype societies. Zaslavsky's contribution is also positioned in the intelectual context of sovietology in the 1970's. The author claims that Zaslavsky's intimate knowledge of the Soviet system had enabled him to go beyond the limitations of the totalitarian, modernisation and interest-group based approaches to the study of Soviet politics. The crux of Zaslavsky's original contribution is his development of new concepts which he applied to the study of Brezhnyev's "real socialism", such as neostalinist state, state dependent workers, closed enterprises, internal passport system. With the help of these concepts Zaslavsky was more successful in throwing light on the characteristcs of the mature soviet type societies than the proponents of other approaches.

U ovom radu tvrdim kako je za istočnu Europu istovremeno prisustvo slabih država i slabih društava ključna prepreka s kojom se analitičari i reformatori moraju suočiti. Razumijevanje drugih normativno važnih procesa bit će nepotpuno bez osviještenog razmišljanja o ovom problemu i njegovim implikacijama. Ovaj rad pokušava artikulirati "relacijski" pristup državi i društvu. Uz to rad daje tipologiju mogućih obrazaca odnosa između države i društva ovisno o tome je li država slaba ili jaka i je li društvo slabo ili jako. Predstavljaju se komparativni podaci kako bi se dala empirijska podrška tezama. Na kraju rad skicira dva reformska pristupa koja bi mogla omogućiti razbijanje začaranog kruga koji nastaje u kontekstu slabih država i slabih društava. ; This paper argues that, for Eastern Europe, the simultaneous presence of weak governments and weak societies is a crucial obstacle which must be faced by analysts and reformers. The understanding of other normatively significant processes will be deficient without a consciousness-raising deliberation on this problem and its implications. This paper seeks to articulate the "relational" approach to state and society. In addition, the paper lays out a typology of possible patterns of relationship between state and society, dependent on whether the state is weak or strong and whether society is weak or strong. Comparative data are presented in order to provide an empirical support for the theses. Finally, the paper outlines two reform approaches which could enable breaking the vicious circle emerging in the context of weak governments and weak societies.

Ministarstvo kulture 2013. godine provodi istraživanje o stanju u medijima, a 2015. godine započinje raspravu o medijskoj politici te donosi deset dokumenata koji služe kao temelj za medijske politike u RH od 2015. do 2020. godine. Nemoguće je tvrditi da je samo ekonomska kriza uzrok krize u medijima, iako postoji sveza jer je pad broja oglasa u medijima za sobom donio i pad broja zaposlenih. Manji broj novinara u redakcijama utjecao je na pad kvalitete novinskih uradaka, a ekspanzija društvenih medija te jačanje portala na internetu, usmjerili su novinarstvo u drugom smjeru. Erozija demokratske funkcije medija termin je s kojim se danas susrećemo kada govorimo u "krizi" ili stanju u medijima. Iako je prethodno održano nekoliko tematskih prosvjeda Hrvatskoga novinarskog društva, u ožujku 2019. godine organiziran je opći prosvjed nazvan Oteli ste medije, novinarstvo ne damo. Prosvjed je imao za cilj uručiti Vladi osam zahtjeva koji se odnose na sudske tuže, pritiske politike i oglašivača, prijetnje novinarima, ugrožavanje profesionalnih standarda, nepoštivanje medijskih zakona kao te izostanak ozbiljne medijske politike. Iako rasprava o medijskoj politici završava u 2020. godine, sami novinari navode izostanak adekvatne strategije. S obzirom na završetak petogodišnjega razdoblja rasprave o medijskoj politici, u radu će se prikazati rekapitulacija protekloga razdoblja. Je li sve navedeno uzrok daljnje krize u medijima te erozije funkcije medija, autori će nastojati utvrditi u radu. Za potrebe rada provedena je anketa među novinarima dostupnim na društvenoj mreži LinkedIn. Također će se napraviti komparacija s početnim stanjem rasprave o medijskoj politici i dobivenih rezultate. Slijedom slogana prosvjeda, pokušat će se dati odgovor tko je oteo medije te kakva je ocjena novinarstva u Hrvatskoj. ; The Ministry of Culture in 2013 conducts research on the media situation, and in 2015 begins discussions on media policy and adopts ten documents that serve as the basis for media policies in the Republic of Croatia in the period 2015 to 2020. It is impossible to argue that only economic crisis is the cause of the crisis in the media, although there is a link because the decrease in the number of advertisements in the media has also led to a decrease in the number of employees. Fewer journalists in newsrooms have affected the decline in the quality of news articles, and the expansion of social media and the strengthening of online portals have directed journalism in another direction. Erosion of the democratic function of the media is a term that we come across today when we speak in a "crisis" or situation in the media. Although several thematic protests have been held by the Croatian Journalist Society, a general protest called "You kidnapped the media, we don't give journalism" was organized in March 2019. The protest was intended to deliver to the Government of eight claims relating to the largest number of lawsuits, political PR and prints and advertisers' pressures, threats against journalists, jeopardizing the professional rights and standards, failure to comply with media laws and the lack of serious media policy. Although the debate on media policy, in the framework of the start, ending in 2020. Godin e journalists themselves referred to the lack of adequate strategies. Given the end of the five-year media policy debate period, a recapitulation of the past period will be made through the paper. Is all of the above a cause of further media crisis and erosion of media function, the authors will endeavour to determine through the work. For the paper, a survey was conducted among journalists available through the LinkedIn social network. Equally, a comparison will be made with the initial state of the media policy debate and the results obtained will be compared. Following the slogan of the protest, an attempt will be made to answer who abducted the media and what is the rating of journalism in Croatia.

In the spring of 1967, the language politics of the 1960's and 1970's resulted in the Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language (Deklaracija o nazivu i položaju hrvatskoga književnoga jezika) – the most important document about the language of the time and one of the most important documents in the history of the standard Croatian language. Its publication is formally considered as the introduction into the Croatian Spring (Hrvatsko proljeće). Dictionary of the Croatian and Serbian Literary Language (Rječnik hrvatskosrpskoga književnog jezika) and Dictionary of the Serbo- Croatian Literary Language (Rečnik srpskohrvatskoga književnog jezika), published by the Croatian Cultural and Publishing Society (Matica hrvatska) and the Serbian Cultural and Publishing Society (Matica srpska), provoked numerous conflicts and polemics about the language and lexicographic issues. This article uses concrete examples to study and analyze how exactly the language issue of that period affected the choice of entries in the Croatian part of Rječnik dviju Matica and how it influenced their lexicographic processing with special regard to lexicographic levels. The research is being conducted on individual examples of fashion and clothing terminology.

A revised translation of an article originally published as "Der ambivalente Liberalismus. Oder: Was halt die liberale Demokratie zusammen?" Zeitschrift fur Politik (42 [1995] 3, 250-267). A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of postcommunist societies, but of the intellectual skepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed Western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate & reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, & no civil-religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or postmodern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanisms & the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market, & competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights & restricted government & the egalitarian distribution of goods & opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the claim that, despite integrative tendencies, the number of national states in the world is on the increase. The opposing national interests & conflicts may be mitigated or avoided if the central concepts & issues, the ways of the accommodation of interests & the features of the post-communist transitions are known. The author explains the concepts & issues such as nation, ethnic group, national state, nationalism, protection of minorities, the right to self-determination, decentralization, autonomy, federalism, consociational democracy, & non-territorial autonomy. He focuses on the issues that reflect the current controversies of the global & the national policies. He concludes that, among other things, the national issues are central to the process of transition & that they cannot be ignored (since nations are a reality which must be coped with), that there are principles & mechanisms of the regulation of the conflicting national interests, that democracy & nation-building are not incompatible but contradictory notions, that democratic societies are nationally tolerant, that the resolution of the national question is a prerequisite for democratic transition. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the latest developments in liberal democracy & the capitalist economy based on the examples of the works of Erich Weede & Klaus von Beyme. The tendency of alleviating economic & political competition is corroborated by means of an analysis of the phenomenon of a multiparty state & today's capitalist economy, which has been increasingly relying on rent-generated income rather than market competition. The author highlights the new strategies for the legitimation of liberal democracy by means of justice, as developed by John Rawls. Adapted from the source document.

The author tries to show which social & political processes in modern postindustrial society underlie the above mentioned deliberation. Upon enumerating some of the key characteristics of the contemporary information society, the author shows the way in which communitarianism & new liberalism have tried to counter these challenges. The author shows that communitarianism & liberalism, unlike the earlier theories of democracy, are not models for the organization of a society or a state that deserve to be applied, but open-ended projects by which it is possible to democratically solve open political & social issues in the present-day information age. Adapted from the source document.

The author's definition of a citizen is based on B. Barber's book, Strong Democracy (1984). The ideal citizenship is closely linked to the concept of democracy. In liberal democracy ("thin democracy") civic apathy & apolity prevails, so it is necessary to aim at "strong democracy." Strong democracy is the one that has strong citizenry, ie, self-governed citizens who actively participate in politics. This does not mean that representative democracy is to be relinquished; it is to be revived through the mutual cooperation of citizens. The civic virtue would be represented by "civility" marked by "empathy, respect, & neighborhood." In the revival of bourgeois democracy, particular attention is being paid to the new means of communications. The weaknesses of Barber's concept are, according to the author, equating citizens with neighbors, overemphasizing civic activity, & putting too much confidence in the latest technology (tele-voting). The concept of neighborhood is civically too narrow; the activist mobilization may pose a danger while the political confidence in new technologies is dubious. Adapted from the source document.

The author's thesis on opposition is based on the theoretical & practical experience of modern political regimes, particularly Croatia's postcommunist experience. The author shows how the belated political constitution of the nation has occurred at the expense of political emancipation, pluralization, & democratization. Small nations, which did not take part in the creation of modern state & the establishment of the contemporary political & legal culture, suffer from a double setback: they do not have a state of their own & are regarded as small, "unhistorical" peoples. The fascination & obsession with the state & the identification of the nation with the state is especially visible in those postcommunist societies that have not gone through the process of political emancipation, ie, the emancipation of the state. The author points out that the fascination with the state has had serious consequences for the development of democracy, since any oppositional opinion & activity or criticism of the government is disqualified as an attack on the state. This fascination & the identification of the nation & the state is a barrier to state building since it stands in the way of its emancipation & integrational processes. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the current trends of the globalization of trade, capital flow, mass media, communication, transport, tourism, & economic migrations. However, there is the backlash to the globalizing processes, ie, cultural particularism, which has mobilized archaic traditions & triggered violent outbreaks of hostilities. Political scientist Francis Fukuyama has pointed out that, today, the key challenges to liberal democracy are a miscellany of particularisms: religious fundamentalism, extremist nationalism & racism, & Asian authoritarian paternalism. Samuel Huntington also warns about the dangers of ethnic & cultural particularism. Within such a framework, the phenomenon of "ethnic cleansing" is only an extreme form of the trend that has marked the 20th century -- cultural homogenization as a reaction to the problems of multiethnic & multicultural communities. The author is of the opinion that this development need not represent an obstacle to dialogue & communication among cultures. Adapted from the source document.