Suchergebnisse

The article considers the content, concept and subjects of public control over the security sector in the context of the development of the science of administrative law, points out the problems of its implementation. The control powers of subjects of public control provided for by the Law of Ukraine "On the National Security of Ukraine. It is established that scientific works distinguish two approaches to its understanding - narrow and broad. The author's definition of the legal construction "public control over the security sector" is proposed. It has been established that the legislation refers to the constituent civil society institutions, namely: public organizations, professional and creative unions, employers' organizations, charitable and religious organizations, bodies of self-organization of the population, non-governmental media and other non-entrepreneurial societies and institutions legalized in accordance with legislation. It is disclosed that citizens independently participate in the exercise of public control over the security sector in the event of an appeal: 1) to the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights and 2) his representative or 3) to another government body in the security sector in accordance with the law. It was established that in other cases, citizens participate in the exercise of public control over the security sector through public organizations of which they are members, through deputies of representative bodies of power. The activities of the Public Councils under the state bodies of the security sector as subjects of public control are determined. It is argued that in the implementation of civil control measures distinguish a number of problems that need to be addressed, namely: (1) the issue of establishing the responsibility of security sector entities for the consequences of decisions in the security sector in the context of disregarding public proposals; mandatory reporting (written form, periodicity, responsibility for non-compliance) of security sector bodies in the framework of control by civil society institutions, (3) mandatory implementation of legislation on the establishment of Public Councils at all entities of the security sector, (4) introduction of mandatory annual publication of so-called "White Books" and/or analytical documents (reviews, national reports, statistics) by each of the subjects of the security sector of Ukraine. ; У статті розглянуто зміст, поняття та суб'єктів громадського контролю за сектором безпеки в контексті розвитку науки адміністративного права, вказано на проблеми його реалізації. Розкрито та проаналізовано контрольні повноваження суб'єктів громадського контролю, які передбачені ЗакономУкраїни «Про національну безпеку України». Встановлено, що в наукових працях розрізнюють два підходи щодо його розуміння - вузьке та широке. Запропоновано авторське визначення правової конструкції «громадський контроль за сектором безпеки». Встановлено, що в законодавстві до складових інститутів громадянського суспільства зараховано громадські організації, професійні та творчі спілки, організації роботодавців, благодійні і релігійні організації, органи самоорганізації населення, недержавні засоби масової інформації та інші непідприємницькі товариства і установи, легалізовані відповідно до законодавства. Розкрито, що громадяни самостійно беруть участь у здійсненні громадського контролю над сектором безпеки в разі звернення: 1) до Уповноваженого Верховної Ради України з прав людини та 2) його представника або 3) в інший державний орган сектора безпеки, відповідно до норм законодавства. З'ясовано, що в інших випадках громадяни беруть участь у здійсненні громадського контролю над сектором безпеки через громадські організації, членами яких вони є, через депутатів представницьких органів влади. Окреслено діяльність Громадських рад при державних органах сектора безпеки як суб'єктів громадського контролю. Аргументовано, що в реалізації заходів громадянського контролю розрізняють низку проблем, які і потребують вирішення, а це: (1) питання встановлення відповідальності суб'єктів сектора безпеки за наслідки ухвалених рішень у секторі безпеки в контексті неврахування пропозицій громадськості, (2) необхідність визначення чітких правил обов'язкової звітності (письмова форма, періодичність, відповідальність за їх невиконання) органів сектора безпеки в рамках реалізації контролю інститутами громадянського суспільства, (3) обов'язкове виконання законодавчих норм щодо створення Громадських рад при всіх суб'єктах сектора безпеки, (4) впровадження обов'язкового видання щорічно так званих «Білих книг» та/або аналітичних документів (оглядів, національних доповідей, статистичних даних) кожним із суб'єктів сектора безпеки України.

National identities, considered a guaran-tee of successful development, were among the priorities for the five newly independent states that emerged in the territory of what used to be the Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan—the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The process began when the Soviet Union still existed: the Soviet Central Asian republics and Kazakhstan adopted laws on language that allowed the Central Asian elites to pass decisions related to the languages used by titular nations. In the post-Soviet years the language policy moved to the fore as one of the key aspects of the gradually emerging national identities treated with special attention at the state level. No matter how similar the processes were, no matter how close the cultures and traditions, each of the Central Asian countries chose its own road, fine-tuned to the specifics of their domestic contexts and the interests of the elites in power. The processes unfolded in full compliance with social continuity, traditions, culture and national languages that survived under Soviet rule. The republics, however, had to take into account the national minorities, including the Russian-speaking populations, in all post-Soviet republics. Inherited from Soviet times, the Russian language was dominant in all of the Central Asian republics, and even preserved much of its influence in the newly independent post-Soviet Central Asian states. This means that they should have opted for a relatively balanced language policy up to and including the continual stage-by-stage contraction of the spheres in which Russian was predominantly used. For obvious reasons they could not push aside their trade and economic relations with Russia and ignore the role of the Soviet cultural and educational heritage. This cushioned the political effects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, partially limited the role of nationalist parties in the newly independent states and helped preserve their educational potential. Shaping national identities in the post-Soviet Central Asian countries was not a smooth, let alone easy, process: societies were far from homogenous, while the regions found it hard to agree to more or less reasonable compromises. This became especially apparent in Kyrgyzstan, which was divided into the southern and northern parts; in Kazakhstan, where the local society was divided into zhuzes; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, where clans carried a lot of political weight. Thus the elites in power in all of the Central Asian states had no choice but to take into account very different or even clashing interests of informal groups and clans, and tune their policies accordingly. This means that the road towards national identities was far from simple: it meandered between contradictory trends and interests. This also explains the centuries-old mechanism of governance, namely, regional-clan approaches to various problems, which was in place in all of the Central Asian countries, functioning outside the party and state structures. While paying lip service to Communist ideology, leaders of the Central Asian republics invariably took the clan balance of power into account. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian leaders remained loyal to the conceptual approach to national identities: they concentrated on historical heritage, culture, traditions and national language, the key element of national identity. Despite the fairly long history of their independence, the problem of national identity remains prominent in all of the Central Asian countries. It is intertwined with the problem of the emergence of statehood and development of political systems and the radical geopolitical shifts occurring against the background of mounting economic problems. This cannot but affect the situation in the Central Asian countries in which the process of shaping national identities has not yet been completed. © 2018, CA and CC Press AB. All rights reserved.

Predmet ovog rada jeste prikaz javno-privatnih partnerstava kao instrumenta za koji se pretpostavlja da bi, ukoliko bi se primenjivao prvenstveno na lokalnom, ali i na višim nivoima upravljanja, omoguéio vlastima u svakoj zemlji brži i kvalitetniji ekonomski razvoj društva. Iskustva moderno uređenih demokratskih društava u decentralizaciji vlasti po principima subsidijariteta i fiskalnog federalizma daju uvid u set mera i principa stvaranja dobrog poslovnog okruženja kao prim amog faktora privlačenja kapitala, a time i opšteg razvoj a države. Javno-privatna partnerstva su kao najsloženiji i najnoviji instrument podsticanja ekonomskog razvoja modemih država od posebnog značaja. Još uvek u fazi razvoja i u primeni u nekolicini najrazvijenijih demokratija, pred ovim složenim instrumentom tek leže pravi izazovi i budućnost. Stoga je cilj ovog rada prepoznavanje važnosti najsloženijeg instrumenata za podsticanje ekonomskog razvoja, a to su javno-privatna partnerstva i njihovo poznavanje u teoriji i kroz primenu u praksi. Ono je od velikog značaja sadašnjim i budućim kadrovima koji rade u javnoj upravi Srbije na svim nivoima. Naučni značaj ove teme j e u sistematskom prikazu i analizi modela javno-privatnih partnerstava. JPP su aktuelna tek od 90-ih godina, zemlje EU tek početkom 21.veka osnivaju posebna tela koja se pri vladama bave JPP, a Evropska komisija je tek 2004. izdala Zelenu knjigu o JPP, koja delimitino defunse i analizira JPP. Iz naučnog proizlazi i društveni značaj ovog rada, a to je bolje razumevanje JPP, podizanje svesti sadašnjih i buduéih kadrova u javnoj upravi o njihovom značaju i spremnosti da u predstojeéim reformama ispravno i kvalifikovano zastupaju interese društva u čije ime rade. Osim kao doprinos teoriji o javnoj upravi, ovaj rad ima veći značaj kao priručnik organima te iste uprave u poznavanju i primeni JPP kao instrumenta kojim se podstiče ekonomski razvoj. ; This paper focuses on the presentation of public-private partnerships (PPPs) as instruments which are assumed to enable faster economical development of municipalities and the country in total, for the authority of our country, if firstly applied locally, but then also on higher levels of management. The experiences of the modem democratic societies in the area of decentralization of the authority by the principles of subsidiarityand fiscal federalism, enable the insight to the set of measures and the principles of creating the good business environment as the primary factor of attracting investments, and subsequently enabling the general local development. Public-private partnerships are the most complex, and the latest instrument of special importance for encouraging the economic development of modem states. Still in the phase of development and applied in a few the most developed democracies only, this complex instrument is yet to face the real challenges and the future. Therefore the objective of this paper is recognizing the importance of the most complex instrument for encouraging the local economic development, which are the public-private partnerships and the theoretical and practical knowledge about them.This is of the most importance for current and future staff employed in the public administration of Serbia, at all levels. The scientific importance of this paper is the systematic presentation and analysis of the model of the public-private partnerships. PPPs have become more present since the 90's; at the beginning of the 21st century the EU countries have started forming special government bodiesto deal with PPPs, and the European commission has issued the Green book on PPPs only in 2004, which defines and partly analyses the PPPs. The outcome of the scientific significance of this paper is also the social one: the better understanding of the PPPs, lifting the awareness of the current and future staff employed in the public administration about their significance and competence to, in future reforms, correctly and skillfully represent the interest of the society in whose behalf they act. Beside the contribution to the theory about the local government, this paper has a greater meaning as a guide book for its administrative bodies, when addressing the issues of knowing and applying the PPPs as the instrument to encourage the economic development.

The 'New' Neo-Sufism This book presents the actualization of Neo-Sufism by studying one of the largest tariqas in Indonesia: The Tariqa Qadiriyya Naqshabandiyya Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya (TQN PP Suryalaya). This study was triggered by the fact that much literature on Muslim societies identify tariqas with the rural parts of society and illiterate people. In this view, tariqas represent a waning 'traditional' component in the modern socio-religious order. This image continues to influence general public opinion and scholarship in the Muslim World as well as the West. Encounters between tariqas and modernity are important but they are regrettably under-studied, especially with regard to the Sufi Orders' resurgence among urban society, the best educated and most modern segments of the middle class. My study on TQN PP Suryalaya shows that the tariqa managed to demonstrate its ability to exist, adapt and play a role in modern Indonesia. The murshids of the tariqa made gradual changes and improvements in the tariqa's teachings and practices; and they continue to increase their social functions in Modern Muslim society. Because of its ability to adapt, to answer challenges and offer solutions to the people's problems, the tariqa increasingly came to be noticed and even attracted the interest of the upper middle class, educated circles, and urban communities. In conducting this study, I use the framework of Neo-Sufism to examine TQN PP Suryalaya in the leadership periods of its three murshids: Abah Sepuh (1935-1956), Abah Anom (1956-2011), and Abah Aos (2011-present). Aside from the pro and cons behind the use of the term, scholars still use Neo-Sufism to refer to and portray a reform movement within the tariqa world. The reformed tariqa teachings, its practices, and its actualizations that all fall under the authority of the sheikhs of the tariqa are examined. Some of the questions that are addressed for all three periods are: What was/is the socio-political context of each murshid, the style of their teachings and practice in the tariqa, what reforms in the teachings and practices have they made in the tariqa which can be considered as expressions of "Neo-Sufism"; and how, through socio and political activism, did they actualize the tariqa in each different period in terms of "Neo-Sufism" also with respect to Neo-Sufi orthodoxy? Other issues touched upon in the book include the strategies behind the changes in the tariqa's leadership in the past and in present-day Indonesia and how the tariqa disseminates its teachings and puts them in practice in the modern world? I did my research by using the participant-observation technique and did my fieldwork in three periods, from March to May 2016, November-December 2016, and March-April 2017. I did one additional fieldwork to rework the thesis from June to August 2018 but when I had the occasion to interview informants outside these periods I, of course, used it. During these periods, I held interviews with TQN PP Suryalaya disciples, talqin deputies, and tariqa leaders especially the current TQN PP Suryalaya sheikh. In this qualitative study, I also rely on literary sources. I expect that my study will contribute to a more reliable and intimate understanding of the tariqa world and that of TQN PP Suryalaya in particular, in the following ways: First, it enhances our understanding of the actualization of Neo-Sufism through the revitalization of the tariqa teachings and practices. Second, it digs out the reasons behind TQN PP Suryalaya's change of vision and outlook and what role its leaders played (and still play) in this process. Third, my study elucidates the important roles of educated and professional urban and middle-class Muslims in the promotion of changes in TQN PP Suryalaya's vision and tradition. Forth, my study sheds light on the patterns behind the political behaviour of TQN PP Suryalaya's leaders. Fifth, my study highlight the dramatic political changes that took place since the tariqa's inception and how, at the Indonesian national level, these changes prepared the political setting for TQN PP Suryalaya in promoting its adjustments at all levels.

Modern sports have made many claims, one of which is to give surety of equality within sporting codes. They also specifically focus on providing equal rights to allow individuals to compete in sports. The political history of South Africa is particularly important as it is essentially linked to the capacity to participate in sport in South Africa. Therefore, it is safe to say that politics and sports are intrinsically entwined in the country. Sport played a vibrant role in the struggle against the system of apartheid and has a vigorous role to play in the transformation and nation-building of South Africa. Islam has been open to growth and development, adaptation, and even change. Since its revelation, Islam has been filtered through a succession of cultural growth, reflecting the complex ways in which religious beliefs and social reality accommodate one another. Islam possesses a unifying framework which is provided by the Quran (Islam's primary source regarded by Muslims as God's revealed word) as the quintessential source along with the Hadith (the statements and deeds of Prophet Muhammad [Peace be unto him]) and language of the religion of Islam. This unity is accompanied by a multitude of diversities that must be considered in any discussion regarding Islam and its practice by Muslims. The Muslim women presented in this thesis were specifically from the Malabar area in Port Elizabeth, where different interpretations or perspectives of Islam exist. Malabar was created in 1961 under the Group Areas Act of 1950 in terms of which the Apartheid government forced people of different race categories to live separately. In a variety of societies and communities where legislation, customs, and traditions are affected or inspired by interpretations of the Quran and Sunnah, they combine to define the roles and status of men and women. Within a specific Muslim society, however, these may vary from one class or generation to another. Muslim women's lives and the choices they face are influenced as much by patriarchal social arrangements as they are by religious ideology. The research is centred around the interpretations of Islam and what these interpretations mean for Muslim women and their participation in sports, while also considering the interconnectedness of personal choice and the rules and regulations of Islam. The objective of this study was to critically analyse the effect that the different interpretations of Islam have on Muslim women's participation in sporting activities, as iii well as the barriers that Muslim women face during their involvement in sports. The research adopted a qualitative research method in which 20 Muslim women were interviewed, with the use of semi-structured interview schedules, as well as participant observation to collect the necessary data. A case study method was used to share the data collected from interviews. Furthermore, an auto-ethnographic method is also utilized for self-reflection and to explore personal experience relevant to this research. This thesis also draws on the Marxist feminist theoretical approach, focusing on investigating and explaining how women are oppressed through systems of capitalism and private property. Marxism and feminism are theories of power, which is distributed unequally in society. In researching gender, religion, and sport, I found that the relationship between Muslim women and sport is understood in different ways because of different interpretations of Islam and its teachings, often between one generation to the next and amongst various Muslim communities. Thus, individuals who are passionate about their sport will go the extra mile to ensure participation. In some cases, this would be regardless of the rules and regulations of Islam. Muslim women across the world have made many strides and overcome many barriers in sport. Over the years, although not favourably portrayed in the media, participation by women has increased drastically over time. This thesis explores gender, religion, and sport as well as the 'lived body' experiences of veiled Muslim women in sport and physical activity. I attempt to explain the relationship between religious requirements and participation in sport and physical activity. ; Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2020

L'articolo analizza la sentenza n. 242/2019 della Corte costituzionale, che ha riscritto l'art. 580 c.p., con una sentenza manipolativa e additiva molto dettagliata. L'aiuto al suicidio resta reato, ma non è più punibile colui che agevola l'esecuzione del proposito suicida nei casi in cui l'aspirante suicida si trova in alcune condizioni, verificate da strutture pubbliche del sistema sanitario nazionale e dai comitati etici territorialmente competenti. La sentenza, di carattere normativo derogatorio, viene criticata dall'Autrice in quanto apre una fessura nelle garanzie poste a tutela della vita, nonostante la stessa Corte lo definisca primo dei diritti inviolabili e presupposto per l'esercizio di tutti gli altri diritti; la sentenza si basa poi sul discutibile presupposto che rifiutare trattamenti sanitari equivalga al procurare intenzionalmente la morte, oltre che sull'idea che l'aiuto al suicidio possa qualificarsi trattamento sanitario, in disaccordo con l'opinione delle società mediche scientifiche. Tuttavia l'A. considera apprezzabile che la Corte abbia chiarito che dal diritto alla vita discende il dovere dello Stato di tutelare la vita e non quello di riconoscere un aiuto a morire; e che, di conseguenza, non sussiste alcun dovere dei medici di esaudire tali richieste. Altrettanto apprezzabili sono ritenute le affermazioni sulla priorità delle cure palliative, un pre-requisito di altre scelte, un aspetto del diritto fondamentale alla salute e un diritto umano riconosciuto universalmente, ben diverso da percorsi di "non punibilità". Positiva viene ritenuta anche la mancata accentuazione del concetto di dignità intesa in senso soggettivo, che aveva caratterizzato invece la precedente ordinanza della Corte cost. n. 207/2018. L'A. si interroga infine sui rischi legati ad una legge in materia, ritenuta non strettamente obbligatoria, per il fatto stesso che la Corte, dopo aver lasciato un anno al Parlamento per disciplinare il suicidio medicalmente assistito, abbia ritenuto di pronunciare questa sentenza per rimuovere il vulnus costituzionale. ; The paper analyzes judgment no. 242/2019 of the Constitutional Court, which rewrote art. 580 of the Italian Criminal Code, by a very detailed manipulative and additive ruling. Aid to suicide remains a crime, but the person who facilitates the execution of the suicidal purpose is no longer punishable in cases where the suicidal aspirant is in certain conditions, verified by public structures of the national health system and by the territorially competent ethical committees. The sentence, which is a "legislative" and derogating rule, is criticized by the Author as it opens a gap in the guarantees placed to protect right to life, despite the fact that the Court defines it the most inviolable right and premise for the exercise of all other rights; the judgment is then based on the questionable assumption that refusing health treatments is the same as intentionally procuring death, as well as on the idea that suicide aid could be qualified as health treatment, in disagreement with the opinion of scientific medical societies. However, the Author considers appreciable that the Court has clarified that from the right to life derives the State's duty to protect life and not to recognize aid to die; and that, consequently, there is no duty of the doctors to grant these requests. Equally appreciable are the statements on the priority of palliative care, a pre-requisite for other choices, an aspect of the fundamental right to health, as well as a universally recognized human right, very different from "non-punishable" paths. The failure to accentuate the concept of dignity understood in a subjective sense, which had instead characterized the previous order n. 207/2018 of the Constitutional Court, is also considered positive. Finally, the Author wonders about the risks associated with a law on the matter, considered not strictly mandatory, for the very fact that the Court, after leaving a year to the Parliament to adopt a law on assisted medical suicide, decided to pronounce this judgment to remove the constitutional weak point (vulnus).

Purpose: definition of the rights of medical workers while medical aid in the context of reformation of the health care system. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the research is a set of general and special scientific methods of cognition. The current normative-legal acts, analyzed using a set of methods: comparative-legal, structural-logical, system-analytical, formal-logical and method of theoretical analysis, observing the principles of biotic norms and rules; formulation and systematization of conclusions. Results. The analysis of the current normative-legal acts gives grounds to confirm that the rights of medical workers should be divided into two groups: general and special. The general rights of medical workers include working conditions, the protection of their health, social protection, the right to appropriate conditions of professional activity; the right to establish medical scientific societies, trade unions and other public organizations; the right to judicial protection; the right to medical activities in accordance with specialty and qualification; the right to confirm qualification, retraining in the appropriate institutions and establishments. The special rights of a health worker should include the following: the right to provide information about the patient without his consent or the consent of his legal representative; the right to refuse the further care of a patient; the right to medical intervention without the consent of the patient and/or his legal representatives. Conclusions. The rights of a doctor while medical aid should be divided into general and special. The professional rights of a doctor, which are noted in the current national legislation, are, for the most part, declarative. This is due to the lack of developed by-law acts, which should provide the mechanism for their implementation, taking into account the requirements of nowadays. The application of foreign experience, the implementation of international standards into national legislation, in particular regarding the implementation of doctor's right to object on the grounds of conscience, will provide more professional protection of a doctor and improve the quality of medical care. ; Мета: з'ясувати існуючі права медичних працівників, передбачені чинним законодавством, з огляду на реформування системи охорони здоров'я. Матеріали і методи. Методологічною основою дослідження виступає сукупність загальних та спеціальних наукових методів пізнання. Чинні нормативно-правові акти, що проаналізовано за допомогою комплексу методів: порівняльно-правового, структурно-логічного, системно-аналітичного, формально-логічного та методу теоретичного аналізу з дотриманням принципів біотичних норм і правил; формулювання і систематизація висновків. Результати. Аналіз чинних нормативно-правових актів дає підстави стверджувати, що права медичних працівників слід розмежувати на дві групи: загальні та спеціальні. До загальних прав медичних працівників належать ті, які гарантують певні умови їх професійної діяльності, охорону здоров'я, соціальний захист, зокрема право на: належні умови професійної діяльності; обов'язкове страхування; створення медичних наукових товариств чи професійних спілок; судовий захист; соціальну допомогу; скорочений робочий день і додаткову відпустку; пільгові умови пенсійного забезпечення та пільгове надання житла; першочергову медичну допомогу тощо. До спеціальних прав належать такі, які передбачені виключно для медичного працівника як спеціального суб'єкта. Серед таких прав необхідно виокремити: право про надання інформації про пацієнта без його згоди чи згоди його законного представника; право на відмову від подальшого ведення пацієнта; право здійснювати медичне втручання без згоди пацієнта або його законних представників. Чинне національне законодавство у галузі охорони здоров'я потребує вдосконалення. Одним із кроків на цьому шляху стала би імплементація передбаченого міжнародними нормативними актами права лікаря на заперечення під час виконання своїх професійних обов'язків. Висновки. Права лікаря при наданні медичної допомоги слід розділити на загальні та спеціальні. Передбачені чинним національним законодавством професійні права медичних працівників не завжди забезпечуються державними гарантіями і мають почасти декларативний характер. Це зумовлено відсутністю розроблених підзаконних актів, які повинні забезпечити механізм їх реалізації з урахуванням вимог сьогодення. Застосування зарубіжного досвіду, імплементація міжнародних стандартів у національне законодавство, зокрема щодо реалізації лікарем права на заперечення з міркувань совісті, забезпечить більш професійну захищеність лікаря та підвищить якість надання медичної допомоги.

12 páginas ; The Colombian government signed a revised version of the Havana Peace Deal with the country's main guerrilla group, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in November 2016, giving rise to a set of new opportunities and challenges for the South American nation. Societies that make the transition from conflict to peace need to seek truth, justice, and reparation concerning massive and systematic violations. Thus truth, history, and historical memory (HM) are central to reconciliation and play a key role in fulfilling the national and international obligations of the state. HM in Colombia has emerged mainly from the voices of victims, generating a narrative of events in which the discourses of members of the Armed Forces has, by and large, tended either to be out of place, or is regarded as the perpetrators' account. Military personnel have usually been perceived to be offenders or perpetrators; finding the "truth" based on narratives of traumatic events is complex. This research contributes to the debate on HM in Colombia and the right to truth, exploring the narratives and emotions of traumatized soldiers who suffered permanent physical injuries, and presenting the results of an interdisciplinary project conducted via a series of in-depth interviews. It brought to light important accounts and deeply negative feelings toward the perpetrators of violence and the government, but also mixed feelings about the institution of the military that soldier victims continue to harbor. ; El gobierno colombiano firmó una versión revisada del Acuerdo de Paz de La Habana con el principal grupo guerrillero del país, las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), en noviembre de 2016, lo que generó un conjunto de nuevas oportunidades y desafíos para la nación sudamericana. Las sociedades que hacen la transición del conflicto a la paz necesitan buscar la verdad, la justicia y la reparación de las violaciones masivas y sistemáticas. Por lo tanto, la verdad, la historia y la memoria histórica (HM) son centrales para la reconciliación y juegan un papel clave en el cumplimiento de las obligaciones nacionales e internacionales del estado. HM en Colombia ha surgido principalmente de las voces de las víctimas, generando una narrativa de hechos en la que los discursos de los miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas, en general, han tendido a estar fuera de lugar o se consideran como el relato de los perpetradores. Por lo general, se ha percibido que el personal militar es delincuente o perpetrador; encontrar la "verdad" basada en narraciones de eventos traumáticos es complejo. Esta investigación contribuye al debate sobre HM en Colombia y el derecho a la verdad, explorando las narrativas y emociones de soldados traumatizados que sufrieron lesiones físicas permanentes y presentando los resultados de un proyecto interdisciplinario realizado a través de una serie de entrevistas en profundidad. Sacó a la luz relatos importantes y sentimientos profundamente negativos hacia los perpetradores de la violencia y el gobierno, pero también sentimientos encontrados sobre la institución militar que los soldados víctimas continúan albergando. Esta investigación contribuye al debate sobre HM en Colombia y el derecho a la verdad, explorando las narrativas y emociones de soldados traumatizados que sufrieron lesiones físicas permanentes y presentando los resultados de un proyecto interdisciplinario realizado a través de una serie de entrevistas en profundidad. Sacó a la luz relatos importantes y sentimientos profundamente negativos hacia los perpetradores de la violencia y el gobierno, pero también sentimientos encontrados sobre la institución militar que los soldados víctimas continúan albergando. Esta investigación contribuye al debate sobre HM en Colombia y el derecho a la verdad, explorando las narrativas y emociones de soldados traumatizados que sufrieron lesiones físicas permanentes y presentando los resultados de un proyecto interdisciplinario realizado a través de una serie de entrevistas en profundidad. Sacó a la luz relatos importantes y sentimientos profundamente negativos hacia los perpetradores de la violencia y el gobierno, pero también sentimientos encontrados sobre la institución militar que los soldados víctimas continúan albergando.

Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the 'frontier' myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women's suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women's rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future. ; Les historiens canadiens ont minimisé la portée transnationale du projet suffragiste et du féminisme de la première vague. Le mouvement des suffragettes en Colombie-Britannique fournit un bon exemple des liens mondiaux de ce mouvement. Bien que les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique aient été relativement peu intéressées par les campagnes pancanadiennes, elles ont explicitement positionné le droit de vote provincial des femmes au sein de trois relations transnationales: le mythe de la «frontière» de l'Ouest des États-Unis, l'action directe radicale des suffragettes au Royaume-Uni et la montée en puissance de la Chine moderne. Au cours de la deuxième décennie du 20esiècle, des sociétés suffragistes de plus en plus sûres d'elles ont organisé des rencontres internationales et contribué à la culture mondiale de l'imprimé, deux facteurs qui ont renforcé le sentiment d'appartenir à un mouvement moderne, international et que rien ne pouvait arrêter. Les suffragettes de la Colombie-Britannique étaient au courant des campagnes des suffragettes américaines en Californie, en Oregon et à Washington, états qui avaient accordé le droit de vote aux femmes par référendum et situaient les droits politiques des femmes colons dans le contexte des récits progressistes de l'Ouest. L'accent mis sur le progrès et la modernité s'entrecroisait avec les relations croissantes avec des pays non occidentaux, ce qui a compliqué les arguments racialisés en faveur du droit de vote des femmes colons. Les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique étaient particulièrement impressionnées par le rôle du féminisme dans la réforme politique chinoise et en sont venues à considérer les femmes chinoises comme un symbole de la modernité, du progrès et de l'égalité. Enfin, l'action militante directe dans le mouvement des suffragettes britanniques a joué un rôle essentiel dans la façon dont les suffragettes de Colombie-Britannique ont imaginé le rôle de la violence politique tactique. Elles étaient en contact étroit avec l'organisation militante Women's Social and Political Union(union sociale et politique des femmes), elles ont organisé des débats sur la signification de l'action directe et ont affirmé que les suffragettes étaient des héroïnes luttant pour une cause juste. Elles ont utilisé avec pragmatisme la fascination des médias à l'égard de la violence perpétrée par les suffragettes à des fins politiques en réservant la possibilité que les exigences d'égalité politique non satisfaites pourraient mener à un conflit au Canada à l'avenir.

This paper deals with topical issues of legal regulation of the exercise of power while exercising public administration functions. In this respect, it is emphasized that the right, as a regulator of certain social relations, should be based on a clear regulation of not only the rules of conduct for members of society, but also have specific mechanisms of activity of the authorities and levers of influence on them for the purpose of their fair and just law-making. Considerable attention has been paid to the European Court of Human Rights' clear and stable legal framework for the protection of the rights and freedoms of the individual. This paper explores the notion of the quality of law as a certain legal phenomenon widely used by international institutions in the process of providing legal protection for the fair protection of rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that a legal act must be formulated sufficiently clearly to enable a person to reasonably anticipate, on the basis of the circumstances of the case, the consequences that a particular action may have. In the context of the study of the issues raised in the work, a legal analysis of such a legal phenomenon as discretion in the activity of the subjects of power was carried out. It has been found that in addressing fundamental human rights issues, the extraordinary powers of the authorities in respect of a wide range of unlimited powers are incompatible with the rule of law. Specific examples from the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights have demonstrated the mechanisms for enshrining in the legislative acts the procedure for granting, in necessary cases, the right of broad discretion to the authorities and, on the other hand, the limitation of discretion when it goes beyond the legitimate aim of a given measure in a particular measure. other situation. It is noted that in democratic societies there is a tendency towards a general decrease in the amount of discretionary powers of executive bodies. This is achieved through the narrowing of regulatory spheres, where legislative uncertainty persists, requiring personal initiative and effectiveness on the part of the relevant official or authority. Thus, the decisive one is the requirement of the legislative consolidation of their powers. ; В цій роботі розглядаються актуальні питання правового врегулювання порядку здійснення владних повноважень при здійсненні функцій державного управління. В цьому відношенні наголошується, що право як регулятор певних суспільних відносин, має ґрунтуватися на чіткій регламентації не лише правил поведінки для членів суспільства, але й мати конкретні механізми діяльності органів влади та важелі впливу на них з метою чесної та справедливої їхньої правотворчої та правозастосовної діяльності. Відмічено значну увагу, яку приділяє питанням чіткого та стабільного правового поля для забезпечення прав і свобод особи Європейський суд з прав людини. В даній праці досліджується поняття якості закону як певне юридичне явище, що широко використовується міжнародними інституціями в процесі правового забезпечення справедливого захисту прав і свобод. Акцентується, що правовий акт має бути сформульований достатньо чітко для того, щоб людина могла передбачити в розумних межах, виходячи з обставин справи, ті наслідки, які може спричинити конкретна дія. У контексті дослідження питань, поставлених в роботі, було здійснено правовий аналіз такого правового явища як дискреція в діяльності суб'єктів владних повноважень. Встановлено, що при вирішенні питань, які стосуються основоположних прав людини, надзвичайні можливості владних суб'єктів стосовно широкого у розмірі необмежених повноважень є несумісним з принципом верховенства права. На конкретних прикладах із рішень Європейського суду з прав людини продемонстровано механізми закріплення в нормативних актах порядку надання у необхідних випадках права широкого розсуду органам влади та, з іншого боку, обмеження дискреції, коли вона виходить за рамки легітимної мети того чи іншого вживаного заходу в тій чи іншій ситуації. Зазначено, що у демократичних суспільствах триває тенденція до загалом зменшеня обсягу дискреційних повноважень органів виконавчої влади. Це досягається за рахунок звуження сфер регулювання, де зберігається законодавча невизначеність, яка потребує прояву персональної ініціативи та результативності з боку відповідної посадової особи чи органу влади. Таким чином, вирішальною стає вимога винятково законодавчого закріплення їхніх повноважень.

This article intends to explain and interpret the scope and dynamics of organized crime as a phenomenon that tends, by the logic of circular causality, to erode the social fabric and weaken the cohesive function of institutions. These effects deepen the underdevelopment of a country like Mexico because of the state crisis provoked by the emergence of factual powers that control—by force and violence—large territories and dispute the hegemony of the government and its security apparatus. Based on the tracing and systematization of empirical references, a sociohistorical assessment unravels the destructuring logic of criminal activities such as drug trafficking and their impact on the deterioration of the public sector—as a space for the creation and revitalization of citizenship—amidst the intensification of globalization processes, which also condition and undermine the foundations of the nationstate. The relevance of studying a multidimensional phenomenon such as organized crime is essential to understand one of the contemporary edges of the development-underdevelopment dialectic, as well as to explore possible alternatives and strategies of public policy that, regarding the crisis of meaning suffered by Western societies, are useful to (re)build the concept of citizenship, reverse disdain for the law, and claim respect for the public sector. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo central el explicar e interpretar los alcances y dinámica del crimen organizado como fenómeno que tiende, en una lógica de causalidad circular, a erosionar el tejido social y debilitar la función cohesionadora de las instituciones; efectos estos que profundizan el subdesarrollo de un país como México al presentarse una crisis de Estado ante la emergencia de poderes fácticos que controlan –tras la imposición de su fuerza y violencia– amplios territorios y que le disputan la hegemonía al Gobierno y a su aparato de seguridad. Se trata pues de realizar, con base en el rastreo y sistematización de referencias empíricas, un balance sociohistórico que desentrañe la lógica desestructurante de actividades criminales como el narcotráfico y la incidencia que ejercen en el deterioro de lo público —como espacio para la creación y revitalización de la ciudadanía— en el contexto de la intensificación de los procesos de globalización que también condicionan y socavan los fundamentos del Estado-nación. La relevancia del estudio de un fenómeno multidimensional como el crimen organizado resulta fundamental para comprender una de las aristas contemporáneas de la dialéctica desarrollo-subdesarrollo, así como para explorar posibles alternativas y estrategias de política pública que, de cara a la crisis de sentido padecida por las sociedades occidentales, sean útiles para (re) construir el concepto de ciudadanía, revertir el desdén por la ley y reivindicar el respeto hacia lo público. ; Este artigo tem o objetivo central de explicar e interpretar os alcances e a dinâmica do crime organizado como fenômeno que tende, em uma lógica de causalidade circular, a erodir a estrutura social e a debilitar a função coesa das instituições; esses efeitos aprofundam o subdesenvolvimento de um país como o México ao apresentar-se uma crise de Estado ante a emergência de poderes fáticos que controlam — após a imposição de sua força e violência — amplos territórios e que disputam a hegemonia com o governo e seu aparato de segurança. Portanto, trata-se de realizar, como base no rastreamento e na sistematização de referências empíricas, um balanço sócio-histórico que esclareça a lógica desestruturante de atividades criminais como o narcotráfico e a incidência que exercem no dano do público — como espaço para criar e revitalizar a cidadania — no contexto da intensificação dos processos de globalização que também condicionam e enfraquecem os fundamentos do Estado-Nação. A relevância do estudo de um fenômeno multidimensional como o crime organizado resulta fundamental para compreender uma das arestas contemporâneas da dialética desenvolvimento-subdesenvolvimento, bem como para explorar possíveis alternativas e estratégias de política pública que, ante a crise de sentido padecida pelas sociedades ocidentais, sejam úteis para (re)construir o conceito de cidadania, reverter o desprezo pela lei e reivindicar o respeito ao público.

In the mid-1950s-1960s the Soviet Orientalists were facing serious challenges. The collapse of the colonial system, the growth of national liberation movements, the entry of new forces that did not fit into the rigid framework of the Communist ideas about the revolutionary process, demanded realistic explanations of what was happening. The article attempts to consider some breakthrough ideas and assessments of historical events in the Middle East put forward by the Soviet experts. The review is primarily based on the publications of Soviet specialists published in the 1970's. Among those who studied the new trends and tried to explain their further development were Soviet Arabists. At that time their circle was small. Among those who were engaged in political problems of the Arab world, one can name I.P. Belyaev, E.M. Primakov, G.I. Mirsky, A.M. Vasilyev. They had different backgrounds, but all had managed to form in their studies a fairly complete picture of political trends and state-building in the Arab world. Despite the domination of the official dogmas the leading Soviet researchers were able to present a realistic picture of the region, although their «untimely meditations» were presented in a form acceptable to the Communist ideology.The primitive division of society into the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, peasantry and landlords and the hopes for eventual development of communist parties worldwide both did not reflect the realities in the Third World countries and did not leave room for the Soviet Union there. Due to ideological reasons the USSR could not support nationalist movements abroad. Nevertheless, the Soviet leadership passed the first test for the ability to reassess their ideological stereotypes in the early 1950s, when the leaders of the Egyptian revolution turned to the USSR for military assistance. In order to justify the pragmatic choice in favor of supporting the new Arab nationalist leaders, the Soviet scholars developed the concept of three consecutive and co-dependent revolutionary flows: first, the national liberation movement overthrowing the colonial system; second, the world labor movement overthrowing the capitalist system politically; and, third, the world communist movement overthrowing the capitalist system in economic terms.It was also important for the Soviet leaders to explain the orientation of the young decolonized nationalist regimes towards the USSR, without using the argument of just political expediency. Such an explanation was the theory of the non-capitalist path of development or socialist orientation. It posed that capitalism cannot solve any of the problems of developing countries. Their interest in rapid overcoming of backwardness and maintaining national sovereignty cannot be combined with the choice of a capitalist development model. The theory of socialist orientation was based on original ideas of Marxism founders and further developed by Lenin who insisted that economically underdeveloped countries can with the help of the proletariat from advanced countries go directly to socialism bypassing capitalism.The reality of revolutions without the proletariat and the desire to take advantage of the anti-colonial struggle to establish full-scale presence of the USSR in the Middle Eats made the Soviet leadership more tolerant of scientists' attempts to realistically analyze regional trends and developments.For instance, in the Soviet era, politicians were tempted to explain all conflicts in the regions of the Third world, and particularly in the Middle East exclusively by the workings of imperialism. However, Soviet scholars, E.M. Primakov among them, warned in their studies of the dangers of such simplified estimates. Still relevant today also is G. Mirsky's explanation of the major role the army plays in the politics of the Middle East. He argued that in the traditional societies of the region the army was the only modern, nationwide institution.The works of the Soviet scholars can help better understand contemporary trends. Their studies of driving forces of the revolutions in the Arab world, of the nationalistic regimes, of regional conflicts have not lost their relevance today. They warn the modern generation of researchers against simplistic conclusions, a temptation of politicized assessments and of ignoring the complexity of regional issues.

The concept of resilience acquired academic momentum and pervaded a growing number of crosscutting disciplines along the second half of the twentieth century. Drawing on its epistemological flexibility, its implicit redefinition of agency and the inclusion of the parameters of uncertainty and the inevitability of crisis in its very core, it did not take long until the fields of International Relations and foreign policy-making paid thorough attention to its potential outreach and operationalization. Nor it is surprising that the European Union, imbued in a comprehensive review of its external strategy's flaws and shortages, embraced the term as a means to underpin the paradigmatic bridge laid by the guidance of principled pragmatism. Yet, resilience-fostering can point at states or societies, and the authoritarian nature of Egypt's regime compels to prioritize the latter, in accordance to EU's democratic stance. The current paper will offer a brief review of EU foreign-policy approaches vis-à-vis Egypt, an European Neighbourhood Policy/Instrument walkthrough and it will aim at putting in quantitative terms what kind of resilience is the Union placing at the forefront. To conclude, a series of recommendations will be formulated for EU resilience strategy. ; La Unión Europea y el Vecino Egipcio: evaluando la caracterización de la resiliencia como prioridad de acción exterior El concepto de resiliencia captó el interés de la academia y penetró en un número progresivo y transversal de disciplinas a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Apoyándose sobre la flexibilidad epistemológica, la redefinición implícita de la agencia y la inclusión de los parámetros de incertidumbre e inevitabilidad de la crisis en su seno, las áreas de Relaciones Internacionales y diseño de política exterior no tardaron en posar su atención sobre su alcance y operacionalización. Tampoco es de extrañar que la Unión Europea, imbuida en una revisión integral de los defectos y carestías de su estrategia exterior, acogiera el término con afán de apuntalar el puente paradigmático que tiende el llamado pragmatismo con principios. Ahora bien, la promoción de la resiliencia puede apuntar a los estados o a las sociedades, y en este sentido, de acuerdo con la lógica pro-democrática de la UE, la naturaleza autoritaria del régimen de Egipto exigiría una priorización de aquella segunda dimensión. Este artículo pretende ofrecer un repaso ligero de los enfoques de política exterior de la Unión vis-à-vis Egipto, una guía a lo largo de la Política (o Instrumento) Europea de Vecindad, y procurará resolver en términos cuantitativos qué tipo de resiliencia sitúa la Unión en primera línea. A modo de conclusión, se ordenará una serie de recomendaciones para la estrategia de resiliencia de la UE. ; L'Union Européenne et le Voisin Égyptien: évaluer la caractérisation de la résilience en tant que priorité de l'action extérieure : Le concept de résilience a capté l'intérêt de l'académie et a pénétré un nombre progressif et transversal de disciplines tout a long de la seconde moitié du 20e siècle. S'appuyant sur la flexibilité épistémologique, la redéfinition implicite de l'agence et l'inclusion des paramètres d'incertitude et d'inévitabilité de la crise, les domaines des Relations Internationales et de la design de la politique étrangère n'ont pas tardé à se concentrer sur son champ d'application et son opérationnalisation. Il n'est pas surprenant non plus que l'Únion européenne, chargée d'un examen approfondi des défauts et des carences de sa stratégie étrangère, ait adopté ce terme dans le but de soutenir le pont paradigmatique que l'on appelle généralement pragmatisme avec príncipes. Cependant, la promotion de la résilience peut pointer vers des États ou des sociétés et, dans ce sens, conformément à la logique pro-démocratique de l'UE, le caractère autoritaire du régime égyptien nécessiterait une hiérarchisation de cette seconde dimension. Cet Article vise à donner un aperçu des approaches de l'Union en matière de politique étrangère vis-à-vis de l'Égypte, un guide la Politique européenne de voisinage, et tentera de déterminer quantitativement le type de résilience qu'il confère l'Union en première ligne. En conclusion, une série de recommandations pour la stratégie de résilience de l'UE sera contribué.

South Africa's foreign policy decisions and behaviours are routinely referred to as "schizophrenic" by scholars and political commentators alike. A malady of the human brain, the World Health Organization (WHO) defines "schizophrenia" as "a severe mental disorder, characterized by profound disruptions in thinking, affecting language, perception, and the sense of self [that] can impair functioning through the loss of an acquired capability to earn a livelihood, or the disruption of studies". If schizophrenia is a disorder of the human mind, then diagnosing a state with this disorder implies an acceptance of the argument that, indeed, "states are people too". Yet, for all of the diagnoses of foreign policy schizophrenia handed to the South African state on such a regular basis, very few scholars have seriously contemplated the implications of state personhood for our understanding of politics among nations, and the importance of this approach to International Relations (IR) for research on state behaviours. Pushing Alexander Wendt's (1999) claim that "states are people too" beyond its present conceptual limits, this research undertakes a personology of South Africa as state-person. "Personology" is, in its simplest form, a science of persons: how they exist in relation to others, how they differ from others, and how their experiences of the world affect their cognitions and behaviours. Persons are more than just identities. Persons have emotions, they maintain relationships with significant Others, and they experience internal conflicts that spark certain defensive behaviours. Behaviours, in turn, take on specific patterns in individuals based on historical experiences of the external world, and on the individual's internal configuration that predisposes it to certain courses of action that are again based in past experiences of the individual's interactions with Others. In this sense, the project distinguishes between "identity" and "personality" as two interrelated, but distinct, components of personhood. While constructivist IR to date has contributed significantly to our understanding of state identities, considerations surrounding personality remain unexplored. In the context of the above, the thesis asks the question "how do South Africa's experiences of relationships with other state-persons shape its behaviour in international politics, and why do these behaviours take on these unique dynamics?" Departing from a reexamination of the South African state's identity as both difference from and likeness to Others, the thesis incorporates insights from personality theory and psychoanalysis to propose a workable model for analysing state behaviours. Through an examination of significant events from South Africa's recent foreign relations, the thesis considers both defensive mechanisms employed by the state to protect its Self when faced with criticism from peers, and the reasons why these specific defences are employed in the way that they are employed. An understanding of the functions of narcissistic defences in individuals allows us to make sense of seemingly inconsistent, self-contradictory or incoherent behaviours beyond unexplored accusations of a disordered mind. Persons communicate their Selves, and their experiences of the world, through carefully selected symbols – both linguistic and non-linguistic. The study of these symbols, or semiotics, has long been the purview of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), which takes both linguistic and non-linguistic forms of communication as the foundations of social practice. Drawing heavily on the work of, among others, Foucault, Derrida and Lacan, CDA concerns itself with the social and political context of agency and structure, observable through the lenses of representation, manipulation, interpretation, that is embedded in the discourses of individuals or groups within societies. Discourse is produced with the aim of achieving something; this may simply include positioning the Self within society, communicating with Others to achieve the common aims of the group, or eventually, to change the external world in a way that corresponds to the individual's inner image of its Self in relation to outside world. Informed by this understanding of discourse as the performance of the Self, and the means through which to satisfy internal desires, the project looks at ways in which the South African Self is narratively constructed and performed in relation to significant Others, and how South Africa attempts to shape the external world according to its own mentalistic images of itself-in-theworld.

The role of the media as an intermediary between the formation of images and the representation of reality in the context of Orientalism and Islamophobia was analyzed in the paper. In the 21st century the media has become the dominant source of knowledge about Islam and the Muslims because it selectively decides what the West should know about Islam and what should be disguised. However, the underlying assumption is media, as a stereotype formation institution, opportunities depend on a local sociocultural context.The main goal of this research was to identify the role of the media as an intermediary in shaping social values and worldviews and stereotyping in different cultural environments on the basis of the Muhammad caricature crisis analysis. In order to achieve this objective the following tasks were set: to analyze the role of the media as an intermediary in shaping value-based orientation and constructing stereotypes, to clarify the concepts of a stereotype and Islamophobia and to identify a link between a negative image of Islam and the Muslims constructed by the media, to examine media constructed stereotypes of the Muslims and Islam in four different countries on the basis of the Muhammad caricature case.Quantitative content analysis was carried out and the hypothesis that the same event is differently portrayed in different cultures seeking to shape value orientation of a specific audience it is targeting at was proved. The Western media seeks to portray the Muslims as terrorists / Islamists who oppose the West, its values and any possibility of integration in a Western society. Meanwhile, in the Lebanon and India (Kashmir) media, there is no manifestation of Orientalism and Islamophobia because the audience it is targeting at is dominated by the Muslims; however, there is a noticeable manifestation of Occidentalism - resistance to the West and portrayal of Western societies as Islamophobic.Comparative analysis confirmed the statement that actors with very different believes and values construct different stories of an event. The Western media mainly publishes statements of those politicians, writers and journalists, who promote the phenomena of Muslim marginalization, stigmatization and Islamophobia. Meanwhile, in a cardinally opposite culture (Kashmir and Lebanon), the actors, Muslim representatives, religious leaders (imams), who are in power to form value orientation and public opinion and whose statements are reproduced in articles, express a hostile position to the West and its hegemony in the Orient. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas žiniasklaidos vaidmuo tarp įvaizdžių konstravimo ir realybės reprezentavimo orientalizmo ir islamofobijos kontekste. Žiniasklaida XXI amžiuje yra tapusi dominuojančiu šaltiniu pažinti islamą ir musulmonus, kadangi selektyviai atrenka, ką Vakarai turėtų žinoti apie islamą ir ką reikėtų paslėpti. Vis dėlto pagrindinė prielaida yra ta, kad žiniasklaidos kaip institucijos, formuojančios stereotipus, galimybės priklauso nuo vietinio sociokultūrinio konteksto.Išsikeltas tyrimo tikslas – išsiaiškinti žiniasklaidos kaip tarpininko vaidmenį formuojant visuomenės vertybes, pasaulėžiūrą ir kuriant stereotipus skirtingose kultūrinėse terpėse per Muhammado karikatūrų krizės analizę. Tikslui pasiekti keliami šie uždaviniai: išanalizuoti žiniasklaidos kaip tarpininko vaidmenį formuojant vertybinę orientaciją ir konstruojant stereotipus; išanalizuoti stereotipo ir islamofobijos koncepcijas ir išsiaiškinti sąsajas su žiniasklaidos formuojamais neigiamais islamo ir musulmonų įvaizdžiais; ištirti keturių skirtingų valstybių žiniasklaidoje konstruojamus musulmonų ir islamo stereotipus analizuojant Muhammado karikatūrų atvejį.Atlikta kokybinė turinio analizė patvirtino hipotezę, kad skirtingose kultūrinėse terpėse tas pats įvykis pristatomas skirtingai formuojant tam tikrą vertybinę auditorijos, kuriai skirtas pranešimas, orientaciją. Vakarų žiniasklaidos priemonėse pateikiama informacija siekiama vaizduoti musulmonus kaip teroristus / islamistus, nusiteikusius prieš Vakarus, jų vertybes ir bet kokią integracijos galimybę Vakarų visuomenėse. O Libano ir Indijos (Kašmyro) žiniasklaidos priemonėse orientalizmo ir islamofobijos apraiškų nėra todėl, kad auditorijoje, kuriai skirtas pranešimas, dominuoja musulmonai, tačiau pastebima oksidentalizmo apraiškų – pasipriešinimas Vakarams ir jų kaip islamofobiškos visuomenės vaizdavimas spaudoje.Atlikta lyginamoji analizė patvirtino argumentą, kad veikėjai su labai skirtingais įsitikinimais ir vertybėmis konstruoja skirtingus įvykio pasakojimus. Vakarų žiniasklaidos priemonėse daugiausiai pateikiama politikų, rašytojų ir pačių žurnalistų pasisakymai, kurie skatina musulmonų marginalizavimą, stigmatizavimą ir islamofobijos reiškinį. Tuo tarpu kardinaliai skirtingoje kultūrinėje terpėje (Kašmyre ir Libane) veikėjai, kurių pasisakymai atkartoti straipsniuose ir kurie dėl to disponuoja galia formuojant vertybinę orientaciją ir viešąją nuomonę – musulmonų atstovai, daugiausia religiniai vadovai (imamai), kurie išreiškia priešišką poziciją Vakarų atžvilgiu ir jų hegemonijai Oriente.