The article deals with the problem of vocational training of degree professionals in conditions of information-oriented society. Taking into account transition period of Ukrainian society development from industrial to information (postindustrial) stage, its peculiarities have been analysed, specialists training requirements have been established. These requirements are caused by gender realities of information society development, its humanization, democratization, intellectual work predominance, creating conditions for personality efficiency. The theory of "human capital assets" the main role in which belongs to the system of education grows in the frame of information transformations.
The article investigates the transformation of the elections institution influenced by realities and trends of the «consumer society», which is associated with the transfer of social behaviour patterns and the management of technology from the sphere of the commercial market to the sphere of political relations; resulting this process, and an act of political the choice is mediated by such relationships that may be described in the terminology of «buy-sell» and manipulating the behaviour of the voters masses relegated to the role of the ordinary consumers. This aspect is not always taken into account in theoretical and applied research in social science's. Meanwhile, analysis of the functioning of the political elections institution as the social interaction of the broad masses of voters and representatives of the «political class» in a society of this type can significantly adjust traditional notions of representative democracy as a system of socio-political relations and political regime. The purpose of the article – to make a critical analysis of the political election institute transformation in «mass society» and «consumer society.» So the logic of «consumer society» penetrates deeper into the political sphere, permeates political content, and especially election campaigns, turning them into a mix of spectacular shows, gambling and professional sports competitions for the mass of voters. As business gets through profit entice consumers and «political class», ruling elite manipulates voters at the elections. That's why political freedom is similar to apparent freedom purchaser shopping center, rich advertising and other means of luring customers for products that require a particular sale. The «voter-consumer» alienated from the essence of political choice as the country's political course, because motivation and factors of its voting are quite different, attractive and usually unrealistic promises of candidates, attractive image candidates conformism of public opinion, and others. Consumption is converted not only in terms of political struggle, and the philosophy of «new politics». If the policy works on the laws of the market, «commodification», it is not possible to determine right or wrong, good or bad, smart or stupid politicians or voters: if someone won «his electorate», it means that he does not sell his «political product» or no demand for it. Otherwise, it is a profanation of the political process. Thus, the reality of the socio-political realities «mass society» and «consumer society» forced to abandon one-sided view of the elections as an institution of democracy and the main indicator of its presence. The author believes that the profanation of the elections through their continuous «marketization» can be considered a special technology, the ruling elite, which provides for the perpetuation of their domination over the masses, and converts the declared democracy myth and illusion. This is one is the main strategic goals, the corporate interest of the ruling elite – the perpetuation of the status quo of social roles ruling elite and the broad, alienated from the real control and turned into consumer or mass, the general population. ; В статье исследуется трансформация института выборов под влиянием реалий и тенденций развития «общества потребления», что связано с переносом шаблонов социального поведения и технологий управления ею из сферы коммерческого обращения товаров на потребительском рынке в сферу общественно-политических отношений, в результате чего процесс и акт политического выбора опосредуется такими отношениями, которые могут быть описаны в терминологии «купли продажи» и манипулирования поведением масс избирателей, низведеных до роли рядовых потребителей. Автор статьи считает, что профанация выборов через их сплошную «маркетизацию» может считаться особой технологией правящих элит, которая предусматривает увековечивание их господства над массами, и превращает декларируемую демократию в миф и иллюзию. ; У статті досліджено трансформацію інституту виборів під впливом реалій та тенденцій розвитку «суспільства споживання», що пов'язано з перенесенням шаблонів соціальної поведінки та технологій управління нею зі сфери комерційного обігу товарів на споживчому ринку у сферу суспільно-політичних відносин, унаслідок чого процес та акт політичного вибору опосередковується такими відносинами, що можуть бути описані у термінології «купівлі продажу» та маніпулювання поведінкою мас виборців, зведених до ролі пересічних споживачів. Автор статті наголошує на тому, що профанація виборів через їхню суцільну «маркетизацію» може вважатися особливою технологією правлячих еліт, що передбачає увіковічення їхнього панування над масами, що й перетворює декларовану демократію на міф та ілюзію.
Чукаєва В. О. ПРАВОВА КУЛЬТУРА ЯК ОСНОВА ФОРМУВАННЯ ГРОМАДЯНСЬКОГО СУСПІЛЬСТВАУ статті розглянуто проблему формування громадянського суспільства в Україні, особливості суспільствана сучасному етапі розвитку державності України. У Конституції України в першій статті зазначено, що державає правовою. Це передбачає наявність обов'язкових демократичних інститутів у суспільстві. Демократичні інститутив реальному забезпеченні можливі тільки за наявності громадянського суспільства. На сучасному етапі в Українігромадянське суспільство тільки формується. Відбувається глибока криза державної влади. Така ситуація приво-дить до соціальних конфліктів. Вони небезпечні для держави, оскільки протікають у формі демонстрацій, страйків,громадянських війн. Результат таких конфліктів непередбачуваний, але загроза розвалу держави присутня завжди.Основною причиною таких конфліктів є відсутність в управлінні суспільством із боку держави законності.Сама законність повинна формуватися на принципах верховенства права. Саме такі конфліктні ситуації галь-мують як розвиток громадянського суспільства, так і формування правової держави. Правова держава можливатільки за реального забезпечення верховенства права, верховенства закону, тому у статті аналізується сутністьтаких категорій, як «правова культура», «правосвідомість», «верховенство права», «законність».Існування верховенства права в системі правового регулювання держави можливе тільки за наявності в суспіль-стві правової культури, правової свідомості. Автор статті обґрунтовує, що саме правова культура є основою фор-мування громадянського суспільства. Тільки рівень правової культури суспільства забезпечує верховенство праваі законності. Сама законність можлива за умови забезпечення державою обов'язкової юридичної відповідальностівсіх членів суспільства під час порушення норм права.Автор доходить висновку, що існування реального механізму правового регулювання, який забезпечує закон-ність, можливе. Це може бути тільки за наявності двох систем, таких як система гарантій для прав і система забез-печення юридичної відповідальності за невиконання системи обов'язків. ; The article deals with the problem of formation of civil society in Ukraine. The author also considers the featuresof society at the present stage of development of the statehood of Ukraine. Constitution of Ukraine states in the first articlethat the state is legal. This presupposes the existence of binding democratic institutions in society. This presupposesthe existence of binding democratic institutions in society. Democratic institutions in real support are possible onlyif there is a civil society. At the present stage in Ukraine, civil society is only being formed. There is a deep crisisof state power. This situation leads to social conflicts. They are dangerous for the state, as they take place in the formof demonstrations, strikes and civil wars. The result of such conflicts is unpredictable, but the threat of the collapse of thestate is always present. The main reason for such conflicts is the lack of legality in the management of society by the state.The rule of law itself must be based on the rule of law. It is precisely such conflict situations that hinder boththe development of civil society and the formation of a state governed by the rule of law. The rule of law is possible onlywith the real provision of the rule of law, the rule of law. Therefore, the article analyzes the essence of such categoriesas "legal culture", "legal consciousness", "rule of law", "legality".The existence of the rule of law in the system of legal regulation of the state is possible only if there is a legal cultureand legal consciousness in society. The author of the article substantiates that it is the legal culture that is the basisfor the formation of civil society. Only the level of legal culture of society ensures the rule of law and legality. Legalityitself is possible if the state ensures the mandatory legal responsibility of all members of society in case of violationof the norms of law.The author comes to the conclusion that the existence of a real mechanism of legal regulation, which ensureslegality, is possible. This can only be done if there are two systems: 1) a system of guarantees for rights and 2) a systemof ensuring legal liability in the absence of a system of duties.
research ; Bu çalışma ile Ortaçağ kent devletlerinden bu yana geçen süreçte sivil toplum kavramının düşünsel temel taşları incelenmektedir. Sivil toplumun gelişme sürecinde kırılma noktası, Gramsci olarak kabul edilmiştir. Çünkü Gramsci'den önce sivil toplum ve diğer sosyal kavramların düşünülmesinde başat belirleyicinin modern devlet olgusu olduğu savunulmaktadır. Gramsci ise, sivil topluma üst yapı içerisinde yer vererek gerçek kırılma noktası olmuştur. Bu tez Bobbio tarafından ileri sürülmüştür ve çalışmamızda benimsenmiştir. Gramsci, üst yapıyı "tarihsel blok"un parçası olarak değerlendirmektedir. Gramsci sonrasında bu durum bazı kuramcılar tarafından göz ardı edilmiştir. Ancak son günlerde "tarihsel blok" ve "sivil toplum" kavramları, global kapitalizmle birlikte, yeniden, ele alınmaktadır. Global güce sahip devletler, şirketler, uluslar arası örgütler yeni bir "küresel kapitalist tarihsel blok" oluşturma çabası içindedirler. Diğer yandan ulus devletlerin yapılandırdıkları tarihsel blok hegemonik bir kriz geçirmektedir Sivil toplum, globalleşme ile yerelleşme geriliminin ortasında durmaktadır. ; The main steps of concerning the developmental process of the idea of civil society since Middle Age are examined by this paper. In this process, Gramsci is realized as to be the breaking point. Because, it is claimed that civil society and other social notions were thought in accordance with State before Gramsci. But Gramsci was real breaking point in the history of political thought because he settled civil society in the super structure. This thesis, which has been defending by Bobbio, is shared by us in this text. Gramsci evaluated superstructure as a part of historical block. This situation has not been taken into consideration by some theorists after Gramsci. However, nowadays, the notions of civil society and historical block are again forward into connection with global capitalism. The States, companies and organizations which have global power make an effort to build a new "global capitalist historical block". On the other hand, historical block which is built by nation States is going through a hegemonic crisis. Civil society stands in the middle of the tension between globalization and localization.
Art has always been a part of every day life. People can get values and ideas trough art and it's in a way that people enjoy. There are a lot of visual art representing sorrow and sadness regarding to an actual conflict. Not only to make people understand, this art also can be a way of seeking help, to truly understand the condition of people and what is the conflict about. It is well known that in the modern world art is actively used for the purpose of relaxation, rehabilitation and reduction of emotional tension in conflict situations. The importance of art as a specific tool of influence, which helps in resolving complex conflicts in society and contributes to peacekeeping, is analyzed. It is stated that the present day Russian-Ukrainian armed confrontation significantly intensifies the processes of conflict of different spheres of public life of Ukrainian citizens. It is suggested to use art therapy as an effective method of solving various conflict situations, in particular, in the current conditions of armed conflict in Ukraine. As art therapy has proven itself to be an effective method of exiting a person from a morbid condition, now in Ukraine, in order to deconflictization of society, it is necessary to use art therapy in the psychological rehabilitation of warriors and internally displaced persons. Art therapy was formed as a specific activity that includes art, psychology and psychotherapy. Art therapy can deprive a person of negative feelings, encourage him and help build new life patterns. That is why the issues of deconflictization of the society and restoration of peace in Ukraine are considered in the context of holding various cultural state events, in particular artistic ones. It is also important that modern technological development has created wide-ranging opportunities for art as a stabilizing factor in the state.
Günümüzde Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları, demokratikleşmenin başlıca sebebi olmasa da, demokrasinin temel taşı olarak görülmektedir. STK'ların, devlet ile arasında çift taraflı bir ilişki bulunması, başka bir deyişle, STK'lar, devletin demokrasisini daha şeffaf bir hale getirirken devletin de sivil toplum alanındaki örgütler arası güç dengesini koruması beklenmektedir. STK'lar, devlet ve toplum arasında çok yönlü bir köprü görevi görmektedir. Yurttaşların STK'lar aracılığıyla, savunuculuk faaliyetlerine ve dolayısıyla, demokratik yönetim sürecine katılmalarının toplumsal dengeye katkısı yadsınamaz. Özellikle savunu yapan sivil toplum kuruluşlarının, Doğası gereği toplumu sosyal refah açısından dönüştürme ve politika etkileme faaliyetlerine katılmaları söz konusudur. Bu noktada, sivil toplum kuruluşlarının da hak temelli savunuculuk kavramı hakkındaki anlayışları ve toplumdaki görev ve sorulumlulukları hakkındaki yaklaşımları önem kazanmaktadır. Bu nedenle, STK'ların, karar mekanizmasının en önemli bileşenlerinden biri olan yöneticilerin, hak temelli savunuculuk perspektifinden halkla ilişkiler algısının ne olduğu, iletişim politikasını doğrudan etkileyeceği için son derece önemlidir. Çalışmada, çocuk hakları alanında savunuculuk yapan yerel STK'ların yöneticilerinin, hak temellilik ve halkla ilişkiler algıları, derinlemesine görüşme yöntemiyle ölçülmüş ve betimsel olarak analiz edilmiştir. ; Today, non-governmental organizations are seen as the cornerstone of democracy, though not a leading cause of democratization. NGOs are expected to have a bilateral relationship with the state. in other words, they are expected to make the state's democracy more transparent, while the state is expected to maintain a balance of inter-organizational power in the field of civil society. NGOs act as a multidimensional bridge between the state and society. The social balance and transformation power cannot be denied. When advocacy activities are considered as the participation of citizens in the democratic management process through CSOs. Particularly the rights-based non-governmental organizations, by their nature, have the need to transform the society in favor of social welfare and influence policy. At this point, the perceptions of civil society organizations about rights-based advocacy and their duties and responsibilities in society gains importance. Therefore, the public relations perception from the perspective of rigts-based advocacy of the NGO managers, which is one of the most important component of the decision-making mechanism of the NGO, will directly affect the communication policy of the NGO. In this study, the perceptions of rights and public relations of the executives of local NGOs advocating in the field of children's rights were measured and analyzed descriptively through in-depth interviews.
Examines the ideological state of modern Ukrainian society by clarifying the specifics of the process of socialization and ideological coverage of political and administrative aspects of the doctrinal systems. Suggested interpretation of the new discourse of the implementation of the ideological policy of the state. We consider the ideology of solidarity as one of the most promising areas of the postclassical ideology in Ukraine. ; Досліджується ідеологічний стан сучасного українського суспільства через з'ясування специфіки перебігу процесу ідеологічної соціалізації та висвітлення політико-управлінських аспектів функціонування доктринальних систем. Запропоновано осмислення новітнього дискурсу ідеологічної політики держави. Розглянуто ідеологію солідаризму як одного з найбільш перспективних напрямів розвитку посткласичних ідеологій в Україні.
The main object of the article is to identify the global environmental priorities of the development of society on the partnership basis, also taking into account certain international directions of leveling of environmental threats as well as global warming. The research is based on theoretical substantiation and practical introduction of a systematic approach in implementing the environmental policy of states on the terms of partnership. We determined the core characteristics of global ecological priorities of the society development, global ecological policy, principles of international agreements under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and global goals of sustainable development. We defined the characteristics of a partnership for carrying out ecological policy with the goal of leveling global threats. We determined the possibilities of realizing the systemic approach in the development of society in view of global environmental priorities, ratified international agreements, and global goals of sustainable development. In accordance with the global goals of sustainable development, we generalized the principle courses for implementing environmental measures at different standards. It has been determined that the systematic actions in the implementation of ratified commitments by various state governments require significant changes to internal environmental policy, incentives for all participants to implement the predetermined measures, state incentive policy, and the dissemination of environmental knowledge. We determined that the global environmental priorities of the society development are closely linked with the possibility of introducing an action strategy for reforming to a rational model of consumption and production, which would involve all countries all over the world, considering the development and potential of the states, the progress toward rational development and efficient use of natural resources, and rational use of chemical products and other wastes throughout their life cycle in accordance with internationally agreed principles. All measures must be implemented on the basis of partnership. ; Основним завданням дослідження є виявлення глобальних екологічних пріоритетів розвитку суспільства за умови партнерства на основі визначених міжнародних напрямів нівелювання екологічних загроз, глобального потепління. Дослідження ґрунтується на теоретичному обґрунтуванні й практичному запровадженні системного підходу у реалізації екологічної політики держав на умовах партнерства. Обгрунтовано сутність й особливості глобальних екологічних пріоритетів розвитку суспільства, глобальної екологічної політики, засади міжнародних угод у межах Рамкової конвенції ООН про зміну клімату, глобальних цілей сталого розвитку. Визначено особливості партнерства в екологічній політиці з метою нівелювання глобальних загроз. Визначено можливості реалізації системного підходу у розвитку суспільства з огляду на глобальні екологічні пріоритети, ратифіковані міжнародні угоди, глобальні цілі сталого розвитку. Узагальнено основні напрями екологічних заходів різних рівнів відповідно до Глобальних Цілей сталого розвитку. Визначено, що системність дій у реалізації ратифікованих зобов'язань Урядами держав вимагає суттєвих змін у підходах внутрішньої екологічної політики, мотивації усіх учасників до реалізації передбачених заходів, державної мотиваційної політики, поширення екологічних знань. Визначено, що глобальні екологічні пріоритети розвитку суспільства мають тісний зв'язок із можливістю запровадження стратегії дій з переходу до раціональних моделей споживання і виробництва за участі усіх держав світу, розвитку й потенціалу держав, раціонального освоєння й ефективного використання усіх видів природних ресурсів, раціонального використання хімічних речовин, відходів упродовж усього життєвого циклу відповідно до затверджених міжнародних принципів. Усі заходи відбуваються за умови партнерства, повноти й масштабів передбачених екологічних заходів у межах норм міжнародного права й ратифікованих екологічних угод.
Sporun son yüzyıllık serüveninde devlet hayatında ve ülke imajının oluşturulmasında önemli bir kurumsallık sergilediği göz ardı edilemez. Bireysel bir fenomen olarak sporun değerlendirilmesinden ziyade, toplumsal bir olgu olarak spor, sosyo-kültürel yapının şekillenmesinde etkilidir. Bu anlamda birçok modern toplumda, bu dönemde, spor kurumundan devlet politikası olarak istifade edebilmek hedeflenmiştir. Kuşkusuz bu süreçte Sovyet toplumlarında spora yüklenen sosyolojik anlam toplumsal değişim adına göz ardı edilmeyecek bir öneme sahiptir. Çalışmada Sovyet toplumunda spor kültürünün kitlesel olarak geliştirilmesinde ve uluslararası arenada var olmada, spora yüklenen anlam üç aşamada incelenmiş, Spartakiada ve Moskova Olimpiyatları sosyo-politik olarak çözümlenmeye çalışılmıştır ; It can not be overlooked that sports, in its journey in the last century, exhibits an important institutionalism in the creation of country's image and the state of life. Sport as a social phenomenon, is effective in shaping the socio-cultural structure rather than being evaluated as an individual phenomenon. In this sense, in many of the modern societies, in this period, the sports institutions were aimed to be able to benefit from state policy. Undoubtedly, within this period, the sociological meaning assigned to sports in Soviet societies has an importance that cannot be ignored in the name of change. In the study; the meaning assigned to sports has been examined in three stages both in the collective development of sports culture and its existence in the international arena in Soviet society; in addition, Spartakiada and Moscow Olympics have been analyzed socio-politically
The problem of regionalism is important for Ukraine, based primarily in view of the availability of certain differences between different regions of the country, in particular economic, historical, cultural, geopolitical and more. The article singled out the factors that influence the spatial self-organization of ethnic groups, and analyzed the phenomenon of social distance in the socio-political orientations of different ethnic groups. The existence of social distance among these groups indicates the presence and use of regional auto heterostereotypiv, especially in the activities of some political parties and public organizations, and the conflict between central and regional government institutions is a result of inconsistency and inefficiency ethnic policy. It is clear that the emergence of regionalism in Ukraine is some reflection of objective differences between the citizens of the country in economic, cultural and primarily manifested in the internal and external political orientations inherent to the population of certain regions. In this respect, we should mention the situation ethno-national state of ethnic relations in Crimea where tensions are the main hosts of Crimean Tatar problem and the problem of Russian majority population of the peninsula. ; Проблема регіоналізму є актуальною для України, виходячи передусім з огляду щодо наявності певних розбіжностей між різними регіонами країни, зокрема економічних, історико-культурних, геополітичних тощо. У статті виокремлені чинники, що впливають на просторову самоорганізацію етнічних груп населення, а також аналізується явище соціальної дистанції в соціально-політичних орієнтаціях різних етнічних груп. Існування соціальної дистанції серед таких груп свідчить про наявність використання регіональних авто та гетеростереотипів, насамперед в діяльності деяких політичних партій та громадських організацій, при цьому суперечності між центральними та регіональними інститутами влади є результатом непослідовності та неефективності етнонаціональної політики. Адже ...
Development of Ukraine as a democratic, social and law-based state is impossible without legal education which forms a necessary level of legal awareness and legal culture of a citizen and society in general. That is why the purpose of the article is to research problem issues during the forming of legal awareness in general and particularly in youth at present time. Legal education aims at developing respect for law, view at the law as a big social value which refers to each individual; development of responsibility, intolerance of arbitrary decisions and corruption. The main common goals for legal education of our citizens including youth are the following: increase of their legal knowledge, legal culture, development of such qualities as respect for law, confidence in its necessity and usefulness. Legal education in transitional society particularly in Ukrainian one is a complicated and contradictive task. It is connected first of all with a low level of legal awareness and legal culture in transitional societies. In turn, low level of legal awareness and legal culture in transitional societies is caused by historical, national and psychological factors. Special attention should be focused on a high level of youth's legal awareness because it is an active part of society and a real force which is able to influence and direct changes in society.
The article is devoted to the definition of an effective strategy for studying the interaction between the army and society in the new sociocultural, social and political contexts of its development.In the process of achieving this goal, the most famous research strategies in modern social and political discourse for analyzing the interaction between society and the army are analyzed:by building conceptual models of the relationship that exists between the security forces and politics in the context of various political regimes;through the disclosure of the functional potential of the military institution in various socio-political and socio-cultural contexts of the development of society.As well-known theoretical constructions of the first direction, the model proposals of A.R. Lekhem, M. Trebin, U. Ilnitska.As examples of the second direction in the study of the relationship between society and military structures, the theoretical developments of domestic researchers are considered.It is substantiated that all two versions of scientific intelligence in this direction leave out of the attention of researchers the study of the relationship of various elements of the military bloc with other social structures, and above all institutions and quasi-institutions of civil society.It is substantiated that in the new conditions of development of modern society, its relationship with the army should be considered from the position of applying the leading provisions of the neo-institutional approach.It is this research strategy that allows us to consider the army at the same time as a kind of organization that performs specific functions to achieve state goals, and as a system that carries out activities in the direction of satisfying its specific goals in the context of active interaction with other systemic formations of socio-political reality (in their the number includes institutions and quasi-institutions of civil society).Key words: army, society, politics, political regime, model, functional potential, neo-institutionalism. ; Стаття присвячена визначенню ефективної стратегії дослідження взаємодії між армією і суспільством у нових соціокультурних та соціально-політичних контекстах його розвитку.У контексті досягнення зазначеної мети аналізуються найбільш відомі в сучасному соціально-політичному дискурсі дослідницькі стратегії аналізу взаємодії між суспільством і армією:через побудову концептуальних моделей взаємозв'язку, що існує між силовими структурами і політикою в умовах різних політичних режимів;через розкриття функціонального потенціалу військового інституту в різних соціально-політичних і соціокультурних контекстах розвитку соціуму.Обґрунтовується, що за нових умов розвитку сучасного суспільства його взаємовідносини з армією доцільно розглядати з позиції застосування провідних положень неоінституціонального підходу.Ключові слова: армія, суспільство, політика, політичний режим, модель, функціональний потенціал, неоінституціоналізм. Статья посвящена определению эффективной стратегии исследования взаимодействия между армией и обществом в новых социокультурных и социально-политических контекстах его развития.В процессе достижения указанной цели анализируются наиболее известные в современном социально-политическом дискурсе исследовательские стратегии анализа взаимодействия между обществом и армией:с помощью построения концептуальных моделей взаимосвязи, существующей между силовыми структурами и политикой в условиях различных политических режимов;через раскрытие функционального потенциала военного института в различных социально-политических и социокультурных контекстах развития социума.Обосновывается, что в новых условиях развития современного общества его взаимоотношения с армией целесообразно рассматривать с позиции применения ведущих положений неоинституционального подхода.Ключевые слова: армия, общество, политика, политический режим, модель, функциональный потенциал, неоинституционализм. The article is devoted to the definition of an effective strategy for studying the interaction between the army and society in the new sociocultural, social and political contexts of its development.In the process of achieving this goal, the most famous research strategies in modern social and political discourse for analyzing the interaction between society and the army are analyzed:by building conceptual models of the relationship that exists between the security forces and politics in the context of various political regimes;through the disclosure of the functional potential of the military institution in various socio-political and socio-cultural contexts of the development of society.As well-known theoretical constructions of the first direction, the model proposals of A.R. Lekhem, M. Trebin, U. Ilnitska.As examples of the second direction in the study of the relationship between society and military structures, the theoretical developments of domestic researchers are considered.It is substantiated that all two versions of scientific intelligence in this direction leave out of the attention of researchers the study of the relationship of various elements of the military bloc with other social structures, and above all institutions and quasi-institutions of civil society.It is substantiated that in the new conditions of development of modern society, its relationship with the army should be considered from the position of applying the leading provisions of the neo-institutional approach.It is this research strategy that allows us to consider the army at the same time as a kind of organization that performs specific functions to achieve state goals, and as a system that carries out activities in the direction of satisfying its specific goals in the context of active interaction with other systemic formations of socio-political reality (in their the number includes institutions and quasi-institutions of civil society).Key words: army, society, politics, political regime, model, functional potential, neo-institutionalism.
Висвітлюються питання важливості якісних культурно-освітніх стратегій для сучасного цивілізаційного та національного розвитку України в умовах трансформацій знаннєвого суспільства. ; The questions of importance of qualitative cultural and educational strategies for modern civilization and national development of Ukraine in the conditions of the knowledge society transformation are highlighted.
The article analyses theoretical foundations of the development of an inclusive society in Ukraine. It demonstrates significance of theoretical investigations by D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson into the development of inclusive political and economic institutions as established practices of an inclusive society. The article investigates methodological possibilities of a mono-causal «simple theory» approach, which D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson use to clarify the main contours of economic and political development of different countries from the Neolithic revolution till now. The key idea of the two US scientists is that all the roots of poverty can be traced to politics and political processes. These topics form the subject of their analysis. We note that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson maintain institutional point of view and argue that societies' growth requires effective institutions. Inclusive institutions, such as property rights, access to markets, equality before the law, access to infrastructure, support for economic and social mobility, and investment in human capital are needed for economic development. By contrast, extractive institutions enable the appropriation of rent by privileged groups in society, i.e. the elites. These institutions only redistribute resources rather than supporting development. They discriminate and expropriate. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson consider political institutions fundamental to economic growth. They divide these into inclusive and extractive institutions as well. For D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, politics is the process of a society choosing the rules governing its activities, and political institutions are the key determinant in the result of the struggle for economic gain – the prosperity of a nation, groups or specific individuals. Political institutions determine who has power in society and what power can be used for. Inclusive political institutions are characterised by plurality – various interest groups affecting political decisions. Under such conditions, the control over life in the country cannot be concentrated within a narrow group. However, D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson also caution that sufficient centralization is required to prevent chaos in a wide plurality. Extractive political institutions allow a narrow circle of elites to concentrate political power and subordinate economic institutions to the task of collecting resources from the rest of society. The article emphasises the importance of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusion regarding the synergies between political and economic institutions. Inclusive political institutions with their wide distribution of power do not allow the usurping of power over economic institutions; and equitable distribution of resources encourages strengthening of inclusive political institutions ("inclusive society"). Such synergies are also inherent in extractive institutions. Four types of institutions create four possible institutional combinations. However, two combinations are typically reproduced: inclusive political and economic institutions, and extractive political and economic institutions. If there is a need to go beyond the bounds of extractive political and economic institutions, such opportunities arise at critical junctures, created by shock situations. The article emphasises the cautious nature of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusions regarding the ways of changing political institutions in society from extractive to inclusive ones, and their confidence in the contingent nature of history, which might create or not create inclusive political institutions. However, even in the context of contingency, inclusive political and economic institutions, if they appeared, would be more likely to be reproduced in history, forming a virtuous circle. There is also a vicious circle of extractive institutions. The article also considers the ignorance hypothesis approach as the foundation of the influence of western political elites. According to D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, western politicians are convinced that the roots of the poverty problem lie in the lack of knowledge about generating prosperity among the poor countries' elites. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson emphasise that the overall perspective chosen by international organisations is false because they do not recognise the key role of political institutions. It is noted that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson do not provide a programmatic answer to the question of how to create inclusive political institutions, instead emphasising that there is no recipe for the development of such institutions. There are factors that can contribute to their appearance: a significant level of centralisation that will not allow social movements that are trying to change the existing regime out of the boundaries of the law; availability of a broad coalition; civil society institutions that are able to coordinate the demands of the population so that the opposition movements would not be easily crushed by existing elites or used by another group to establish their control over extractive political institutions. We conclude that under the conditions of contingency, the responsibility of the political elites for their chosen development strategies and tactics grows immeasurably. History is not a destiny: a vicious circle can be broken. The elections awaiting Ukraine can become the breakthrough to a prosperous inclusive society.Key words: extractive political and economic institutions, inclusive society, inclusive political and economic institutions. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних засад розбудови інклюзивного суспільства в Україні. Доводиться значення теоретичних розвідок Д. Аджемоглу і Дж. А. Робінсона щодо розвитку інклюзивних політичних і економічних інститутів як усталених практик інклюзивного суспільства, виявляються фактори, що сприяють їх появі. Політичні інститути визначаються первинними щодо економічного зростання. Підкреслюється принципова відмінність між інклюзивними і екстрактивними політичними і економічними інститутами. Наголошується відповідальність політичних еліт за розвиток інклюзивних інститутів в умовах контингентності.Ключові слова: екстрактивні політичні і економічні інститути, інклюзивне суспільство, інклюзивні політичні і економічні інститути. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований развития инклюзивного общества в Украине. Доказывается значение теоретических разведок Д. Аджемоглу и Дж. А. Робинсона для развития инклюзивных политических и экономических институтов как устоявшихся практик инклюзивного общества, выявляются факторы, которые способствуют их появлению. Политические институты определяются как первичные для экономического роста. Подчеркивается принципиальное отличие между инклюзивными и экстрактивными политическими и экономическими институтами. Отмечается ответственность политических элит за развитие инклюзивных институтов в условиях контингентности.Ключевые слова: экстрактивные политические и экономические институты, инклюзивное общество, инклюзивные политические и экономические институты. The article analyses theoretical foundations of the development of an inclusive society in Ukraine. It demonstrates significance of theoretical investigations by D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson into the development of inclusive political and economic institutions as established practices of an inclusive society. The article investigates methodological possibilities of a mono-causal «simple theory» approach, which D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson use to clarify the main contours of economic and political development of different countries from the Neolithic revolution till now. The key idea of the two US scientists is that all the roots of poverty can be traced to politics and political processes. These topics form the subject of their analysis. We note that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson maintain institutional point of view and argue that societies' growth requires effective institutions. Inclusive institutions, such as property rights, access to markets, equality before the law, access to infrastructure, support for economic and social mobility, and investment in human capital are needed for economic development. By contrast, extractive institutions enable the appropriation of rent by privileged groups in society, i.e. the elites. These institutions only redistribute resources rather than supporting development. They discriminate and expropriate. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson consider political institutions fundamental to economic growth. They divide these into inclusive and extractive institutions as well. For D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, politics is the process of a society choosing the rules governing its activities, and political institutions are the key determinant in the result of the struggle for economic gain – the prosperity of a nation, groups or specific individuals. Political institutions determine who has power in society and what power can be used for. Inclusive political institutions are characterised by plurality – various interest groups affecting political decisions. Under such conditions, the control over life in the country cannot be concentrated within a narrow group. However, D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson also caution that sufficient centralization is required to prevent chaos in a wide plurality. Extractive political institutions allow a narrow circle of elites to concentrate political power and subordinate economic institutions to the task of collecting resources from the rest of society. The article emphasises the importance of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusion regarding the synergies between political and economic institutions. Inclusive political institutions with their wide distribution of power do not allow the usurping of power over economic institutions; and equitable distribution of resources encourages strengthening of inclusive political institutions ("inclusive society"). Such synergies are also inherent in extractive institutions. Four types of institutions create four possible institutional combinations. However, two combinations are typically reproduced: inclusive political and economic institutions, and extractive political and economic institutions. If there is a need to go beyond the bounds of extractive political and economic institutions, such opportunities arise at critical junctures, created by shock situations. The article emphasises the cautious nature of D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson's conclusions regarding the ways of changing political institutions in society from extractive to inclusive ones, and their confidence in the contingent nature of history, which might create or not create inclusive political institutions. However, even in the context of contingency, inclusive political and economic institutions, if they appeared, would be more likely to be reproduced in history, forming a virtuous circle. There is also a vicious circle of extractive institutions. The article also considers the ignorance hypothesis approach as the foundation of the influence of western political elites. According to D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson, western politicians are convinced that the roots of the poverty problem lie in the lack of knowledge about generating prosperity among the poor countries' elites. D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson emphasise that the overall perspective chosen by international organisations is false because they do not recognise the key role of political institutions. It is noted that D. Acemoglu and J.A. Robinson do not provide a programmatic answer to the question of how to create inclusive political institutions, instead emphasising that there is no recipe for the development of such institutions. There are factors that can contribute to their appearance: a significant level of centralisation that will not allow social movements that are trying to change the existing regime out of the boundaries of the law; availability of a broad coalition; civil society institutions that are able to coordinate the demands of the population so that the opposition movements would not be easily crushed by existing elites or used by another group to establish their control over extractive political institutions. We conclude that under the conditions of contingency, the responsibility of the political elites for their chosen development strategies and tactics grows immeasurably. History is not a destiny: a vicious circle can be broken. The elections awaiting Ukraine can become the breakthrough to a prosperous inclusive society.Key words: extractive political and economic institutions, inclusive society, inclusive political and economic institutions.
The article is dedicated to the analysis of the Ukrainian society social cohesion challenges in the pandemic conditions of digitally mediated interactions. Based on the results of qualitative sociological research, as well as a secondary analysis of the results of other sociological studies and statistics data, the author explores the phenomenon of social cohesion in the unity of three social levels of its presence - macro, meso and micro. The study has shown the dialectical nature of social cohesion and the opposite tendencies of its reproduction at different social levels – inner circle, professional communities and society as a whole. In the macro-social perspective, the pandemic has become a «common challenge», intensifying social consolidation at the level of civil society institutions; on the other hand, it has created a new axis of social inequality, deepening local differences and awareness of the different degree of «protection» from crisis conditions. It is concluded that the digitally mediated everyday interactions, characterized by a lack of social actors' co-presence in space and time, contributes to the spread of systemic integration in those social systems for which it was previously uncharacteristic. This, in turn, leads to the «frozen» functioning of social systems. In contemporary digital age, social actors are increasingly beginning to experience «digital loneliness» due to the loss of coexistence in physical time and space and the weakening of binding social capital, making familiar identification patterns less stable and definite. The «shift» of the concentration of interactions from different social circles to the level of the inner circle – the family one sets a double scenario of its reproduction either as a space of cohesive values, the highest level of trust, participation and social security, or as an environment for everyday conflicts. The article emphasizes the urgency of further conceptualization of a new type of capital – digital, which in conditions of systemic integration of social systems «puts into action» the activation of other types of capital.
