Suchergebnisse

Pastor Fábrega-Álvarez & Felipe Criado-Boado (eds.). ; A diversidade cultural é un reto para a investigación, tanto como para a convivencia. O mellor coñecemento do que é diferente incrementa a nosa comprensión da realidade.-- Cultural diversity is a major challenge both for research and coexistence The deeper we know the difference, the better we understand reality. ; [GA] Hai dous anos, o Incipit deseñou e organizou unha mostra titulada "Diversa: Arqueoloxía dende o Incipit alén Europa". Esta mostra nutríase de contidos procedentes de diferentes proxectos arqueolóxicos e etnoarqueolóxicos levados a cabo dende o Incipit alén Europa. Os elementos comúns a todos estes proxectos seguen a ser, unha perspectiva comunitaria e un sentido da práctica científica inseparables do traballo político coas comunidades de todo o mundo, amais de facer visible esta perspectiva á nosa propia comunidade. ; [EN] Two years ago, the Incipit designed and organized an exhibition, entitled "Diverse: Archaeology from Incipit beyond Europe". This exhibition was based on different archaeological and ethnoarchaeological projects carried out by the Incipit around the world. The common elements in all of these projects were, and still are, a community perspective and a sense of scientific practice as being inseparable from political work with citizens everywhere, along with the aim of making this perspective visible to our own community. ; Most of the projects shown here were funded by the Instituto de Patrimonio Cultural de España (IPCE), Spanish Ministry of Educación and Cultura, through the annual call Actuaciones Arqueológicas en el Exterior, Dirección General de Bellas Artes y Bienes Culturales y de Archivos y Bibliotecas de la Secretaría de Estado de Cultura. ; Peer reviewed

In November 2002, the oil tanker Prestige caused a catastrophic oil spill off the coast of Galicia in northwestern Spain. This article discusses the oil spill & the sociopolitical movement that arose from it, Never Again. The analysis begins with an overview of the Galician political system & a chronology of the oil spill & its environmental consequences. The discussion then moves on to the birth of Never Again, with an analysis of its organization, internal debates, & action plans. The development of the movement to the present time is traced, with an analysis of the social & political alliances it has formed, including a discussion of many of the citizens' groups that work with Never Again. The article takes a close look at the political consequences of the movement's work, particularly within the context of the Galician & Spanish political systems. Tables, References. R. Young

U ovom članku autor na sugestivan način ukazuje na važnost razumijevanja nacije i države u kontekstu evropske filozofske misli i prakse o naciji i državi. Iako su mu povod nacija Bošnjaka i bosanska država, autorova razmišljanja su aplikativna za sve skupine slične naciji Bošnjaka, kao i za države slične bosanskoj državi. Osnovna misao u ovom članku je da ideja univerzalne nacije, kulture i civilizacije niti osporava niti negira partikularni osjećaj i subjektivni doživljaj nacije i države. Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ne oduzima pravo nijednoj naciji u Evropi da gaji i razvija svoju nacionalno-kulturnu i nacionalno-državnu svijest. Zapravo, u mjeri u kojoj je svaka nacija i svaka država u Evropi aktivno svjesna svoje nacionalne i kulturne specifične vrijednosti, čini Evropu, odnosno Evropsku uniju, snažnom i važnom u globalnom svijetu. Otuda i Bošnjaci, odnosno Bosanci, kao nacija i kao država (nacija) nemaju potrebe da se povlače, već imaju historijsku obavezu da istaknu svoju specifičnu bosansku kulturu i bosansku državu kao bogatstvo vrijedno pažnje ne samo u Evropi već i u svijetu. ; In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author's reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.

Poduzimanje pravne reforme postaje nužno onda kada pravni sistem ne odgovara na potrebe društva u promijenjenim društvenim okolnostima. Reformu pravnog sistema moguće je provesti na temelju postojećih izvora, unutar pravnog sistema koji se želi reformirati ili putem pozajmljivanja pravnih instituta iz naprednijih pravnih sistema, koji su od ranije poznati. Oživljavanjem funkcije države u Evropi od XI stoljeća sve više vladara poseže za reformom pravnog sistema kao odgovorom na narastajuće probleme s kojima se društvo suočava. Ova reforma započeta je na Siciliji 1140. godine, donošenjem Assize iz Ariana, a nastavljena je u Engleskoj donošenjem više assiza od strane kralja Henryja II. U pokušaju da ukažemo na mogući utjecaj koji se odvijao putem preuzimanja gotovih rješenja iz jedne pravne tradicije u drugu, koristili smo se historijskom i uporednom metodom. Pojedini pravni instituti u okviru ove reforme ukazuju na to da se radilo o pravnim transplantima koje anglosaksonska i normanska pravna tradicija nisu poznavale. Rješenja koja su usvojena ukazuju na sličnosti sa šerijatskom pravnom tradicijom a njihovo prenošenje u engleski pravni sistem moglo je doći posredstvom ljudi koji su bili u službi normanskih vladara na Siciliji (Rogera II) a koji su kasnije ušli u službu engleskog kralja Henryja II. ; Undertaking legislative reform becomes necessary when the legal system does not respond to the needs of society in changed social circumstances. The reform can be carried out on the basis of existing sources, within the legal system to be reformed, or by borrowing institutions from more advanced systems, which are already known. After the 11th century, following the revival of the function of the state in Europe, more and more rulers resorted to the reform of the legal system, as a response to the growing problems that society was facing. This reform began in Sicily in 1140, with the enactment of Assizes from Ariano and continued in England with the enactment of The Assize of Clarendon? (1166) by King Henry II. In an attempt to point out the possible influence that took place by taking ready-made solutions from one legal tradition to another, the historical and comparative method is used. Some legal institutions that were part of this reform indicate that these were transplants that the Anglo-Saxon and Norman traditions did not know. The solutions adopted point to similarities with the Sharia legal tradition, and their transposition into the English legal system could have come through people who were in the service of the Norman rulers in Sicily (Roger II) and who later entered the service of King Henry II.

Porezni sistem BiH predstavlja jedan od ključnih nositelja u održavanju stabilnosti i poticanju razvoja gospodarstva BiH. PDV prevare nisu ozbiljna prijetnja samo za prihode države BiH nego i za funkcioniranje cjelokupnog tržišta, pa se može reći da su to specijalni oblici kriminala, koji nanose veću materijalnu, odnosno finansijsku štetu nego klasični kriminal i predstavljaju izuzetno društveno opasno ponašanje fizičkih ili pravnih lica. Borba protiv PDV prevara i općenito prevara po osnovu neizravnih poreza u svim porama sistema, a posebno u tužiteljstvu i policiji, neophodan je uvjet za opstanak sistema. Vršenje kaznenih djela iz oblasti neizravnih poreza može biti podstaknuto nekažnjavanjem ili nedovoljnim kažnjavanjem, što veoma brzo može dovesti do bogaćenja određenih slojeva društva koji postaju elita u ekonomskom i političkom životu. Takvi slojevi društva prvenstveno su loša slika i loši predstavnici naše države jer takvim postupanjem upućuju na ponašanja puna ličnih interesa i vode zemlju ka putu egoizma, što nikako ne bi trebalo predstavljati ideal kojem treba težiti, već upravo suprotno. Jedino odlučna borba, uz primjenu i preventivnih i represivnih metoda suzbijanja prijevara, u kojoj nema mjesta za nedodirljive, treba postati kategorički imperativ ponašanja i djelovanja. ; Tax system of Bosnia and Herzegovina /BiH/ is one of the key factors in keeping the stability and incitement of BiH economy development. VAT frauds are not serious threat just to the incomes of the BiH state but also for functioning of entire market, so we can say that those are special forms of crimes, which cause more material i.e. financial damage than classic crimes and represent extremely socially dangerous behavior of natural persons or legal entities. The fight against VAT frauds, and frauds in general, based on the indirect taxes in all aspects of the system, and especially in the prosecution and the police is necessary requirement for survival of the system. Committing indirect taxes felonies can be incited by non-punishment or insufficient punishment, which in a short time period can bring to enrichment of certain levels of society that become elite in economic and political life. Such levels of society priory give poor image and poor representatives of our state, because with such behavior the same are indicating the behaviors full of personal interests and are leading the country toward the egoism, which should not represent an ideal to reach for at all but quite the opposite. Only the strong fight, with application of preventive and repressive methods of preventing the frauds, in which there are no untouchables, should priory become a categorical imperative in behavior and action.

The Magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar is taking its second step in a marathon on the path of new ideas about faith, morality, art, nation, society and state. We cannot hide either our nervousness or our curiosity from the rst step. The trepidation was the fear that we would not meet your expectations, and the curiosity was the desire to hear your objective criticism. Apart from two attempts at at criticism burdened with old and new prejudices, we no longer have reason to fear. On the contrary, we have gained the con dence that we dare and can walk freely with our heads held high because the Magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar knows its goal. Our curiosity, on the other hand, is satis ed by a review and analytical critique in one of the renowned, world- famous journals focused on works on religion, under the direction of Dr. Paul Mojzes, both the editorial board and the editorial policy. ; Časopis "Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar" korača svoj drugi korak maratona na putu novih ideja o vjeri, moralu, umjetnosti, naciji, društvu i državi. Ne možemo kriti ni tremu ni radoznalost od prvog koraka. Trema je bila strah da nećemo ispuniti vaša očekivanja, a radoznalost je bila želja da ćemo čuti vašu objektivnu kritiku. Osim dva pokušaja paušalne kritike opterećene starim i novim predrasudama, nemamo više razloga za strah. Naprotiv, stekli smo samopouzdanje da smijemo i možemo slobodno koračati uzdignute glave jer Časopis "Illuminatio/ Svjetionik/Almanar" zna svoj cilj. Naša radoznalost,pak, zadovoljena je prikazom i analitičkom kritikom u jednom od renomiranih, svjetski poznatih časopisa koji je usmjeren na radove o religiji, pod rukovođenjem Dr. Paula Mojzesa, kako uredničkog odbora tako i uredničke politike.

Ovaj se članak zalaže za oživljavanje međureligijskog dijaloga o etici i zakonu kao instrumentu mira i pomirenja. Dok je prvu fazu IRD obilježila značajnu istaknutost ovih tema, one su u drugoj fazi postale manje važne. Ovo treba ispraviti iz dva razloga. Teoretski je racionalnost dogmatskih ili sistematskih uvida (kakva se nalazi u svim vjerskim tradicijama) uglavnom isključiva, dok je racionalnost etike, također religijski utemeljena etika, u osnovi inkluzivna. Stoga je otvoren za dijalog. Postoje značajne zajedničke točke oko normi, pravila i vrijednosti između vjerskih tradicija, koje trebaju služiti ljudima, društvu i političkoj zajednici. To je od posebne važnosti u današnjim multireligijskim društvima, kao i u svijetu koji je više nego ikad povezan globalizacijom. Članak završava analizom dokumenta o ljudskom bratstvu pape Franje i velikog imama Ahmada al-Tayyeba i njegovog etičkog pristupa dijalogu. ; The present article pleads for the revival of an interreligious dialogue on ethics and law as an instrument of peace and reconciliation. Whereas the first phase of IRD was marked by a considerable prominence of these topics, the have become of less importance in the second phase. This needs correction for two reasons. Theoretically the rationality of dogmatic or systematic insights (as found in all faith traditions) is largely exclusive, whereas the rationality of ethics, also religiously founded ethics, is basically inclusive. It is therefore open to dialogue. There exists considerable common ground on norms, rules and values between religious traditions, which are to serve humans, the society and the political community. This is of particular importance in today's multi-religious societies as well as in a world more than ever interconnected by globalization. The article concludes with an analysis of the document on Human Fraternity of Pope Francis and Grand Imam Ahmad al-Tayyeb and its ethical approach to dialogue.

The article discusses the status, rights and perspectives of the minorities and "non-constituent" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The status of the "constituent minorities" (the "Others") is very specific and different from the minorities' status in neighbouring countries. The article argues that in Bosnia and Herzegovina "traditional" attitudes like ethno-nationalism, discrimination, violation of minorities rights and freedoms are still very dominant. A direct consequence of this socio-political atmosphere is ethno-particularisation of society and destabilization of the state in domestic and international contexts. This short review of the status of minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an insight into the international and national instruments that regulate the status and rights of the national minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors highlight the specificity of the country, i.e. the institutional discrimination of citizens that belong to the "others", but are still citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors claim that the citizenship of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be an efficient protection against the observed discrimination. ; Tema ovog članka je položaj, prava i perspektiva manjina i "nekonstitutivnih" naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini. Položaj posebne grupe "konstitutivnih manjina" (tzv. ostalih) Bosnu i Hercegovinu čini specifičnom i po mnogim faktorima razlikuje od drugih država u okruženju. Članak se fokusira na tezu da u Bosni i Hercegovini još uvijek dominiraju određene "tradicionalne" političke i društvene projekcije koje se iskazuju u formi etnonacionalizma, diskriminacije, kršenja manjinskih prava i sloboda, odnosno demokraciji neprimjerenih supstrata i supstituta. Izravan produkt ovakvog socio-političkog ambijenta jeste etno-partikularizacija društva i destabilizacija države na unutarnjem i međunarodnom planu. Ovaj kratki ogled o položaju manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini, sem pregleda međunarodnih i nacionalnih instrumenata koji reguliraju status i prava nacionalnih manjina, nudi uvid u pomenutu specifičnost Bosne i Hercegovine: institucionaliziranu diskriminaciju građana koji pripadaju kategoriji "ostali", koji su žrtve diskriminacije, iako bi njihovo bosanskohercegovačko državljanstvo per se, i po prirodi stvari, trebalo predstavljati učinkovitu smetnju ovakvoj diskriminaciji.

Greece has still not found its way back while its economy has been deteriorating year after year since 2008. It is argued in this article that the central factor of this outcome was the dynamics of financing in the countries most involved in Greek indebtedness that was considerably greater and had a more detrimental influence on the Greek economy than poor fiscal management that different governments could incur. The impetus displayed by financial services did not correspond to the weakness of the real sector which occurs when borrowing and financial flows are used without restriction to meet the interests of creditors. In this work an analysis of the channels that fueled Greek debt is carried out in the context proposed by Minsky where an economy moves from financial stability to a scenario of instability supported in two determining variables: high and exaggerated interest on debt service and the type of agents holding debt assets. The debt-service interest incurred by the government since joining the eurozone and the impetus for financing caused the debt to have a giant snowball effect while the change in debt holders forced the government to comply with strict and onerous government and macroeconomic reforms that directly impacted the ability of Greek governments to pay with negative results on the well-being of society. ; Grecia aún no ha encontrado el camino hacia su recuperación desde que su economía se contrajera año tras año desde el 2008. Se argumenta en este artículo que el factor central de este resultado fue la dinámica de financiación de los países más involucrados en el endeudamiento griego, que fue considerablemente mayor y que influyó más negativamente sobre la economía griega que el deficiente y dispendioso manejo fiscal en el que pudieron incurrir diferentes gobiernos. El ímpetu mostrado por los servicios financieros no correspondió a la debilidad del sector real, pues el endeudamiento y los flujos financieros fueron utilizados sin restricción alguna para satisfacer los intereses de los acreedores. En este trabajo se realiza un análisis de los canales que fueron alimentando la deuda griega en el contexto propuesto por Minsky (1992) de inestabilidad financiera, que tiene lugar cuando una economía transita desde la estabilidad financiera hacia un escenario de inestabilidad soportado en dos variables determinantes: los altos y exagerados intereses del servicio de la deuda y el tipo de agentes poseedores de los activos de deuda. Los intereses del servicio de la deuda contraída por el Gobierno desde su incorporación a la zona euro junto al fuerte impulso de la financiación provocaron que la deuda se convirtiese en una bola de nieve gigante, mientras que el cambio en los poseedores de deuda impidió que el Gobierno pudiera cumplir con las estrictas y onerosas reformas gubernamentales y macroeconómicas, que repercutieron directamente sobre la capacidad de pago de los Gobiernos griegos y que provocaron resultados negativos sobre el bienestar de la sociedad. ; Grecia aínda non atopou o camiño cara á súa recuperación desde que a súa economía se contraese ano tras ano desde o 2008. Arguméntase neste artigo que o factor central deste resultado foi a dinámica de financiamento dos países máis involucrados no endebedamento grego, que foi considerablemente maior e que influíu máis negativamente sobre a economía grega que o deficiente e dispendioso manexo fiscal no que puideron incorrer diferentes gobernos. O ímpeto mostrado polos servizos financeiros non correspondeu á debilidade do sector real, pois o endebedamento e os fluxos financeiros foron utilizados sen restrición ningunha para satisfacer os intereses dos acredores. Neste traballo realízase unha análise das canles que foron alimentando a débeda grega no contexto proposto por Minsky (1992) de inestabilidade financeira, que ten lugar cando unha economía transita desde a estabilidade financeira cara a un escenario de inestabilidade soportado en dúas variables determinantes: os altos e esaxerados xuros do servizo da débeda e mais o tipo de axentes posuidores dos activos de débeda. Os xuros do servizo da débeda contraída polo Goberno desde a súa incorporación á zona euro xunto ao forte impulso do financiamento provocaron que a débeda se convertese nunha bóla de neve xigante, mentres que o cambio nos posuidores de débeda impediu que o Goberno puidese cumprir coas estritas e onerosas reformas gobernamentais e macroeconómicas, que repercutiron directamente sobre a capacidade de pagamento dos Gobernos gregos e que provocaron resultados negativos sobre o benestar da sociedade.