Contents -- Introduction -- Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1 Language Planning and Language Change -- Chapter 2 Linguistic Diversity -- Chapter 3 Standard and Non-Standard Variations -- Chapter 4 Language in Education -- Chapter 5 New Conventions -- Chapter 6 The Language of Bureaucracy -- Chapter 7 The Language of Politicians -- Chapter 8 The Language of Newspapers -- Chapter 9 The Language of Advertising -- Chapter 10 The Language of Young People -- Chapter 11 Italian and English in Italy -- Chapter 12 Italian in English-Speaking Countries -- Chapter 13 Italian in Multilingual Europe -- Conclusions -- References -- Index
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In this essay the author shows what human beings share in a pluralistic society: on one side the great principles of speculative reason and, on the other side and above all, the great principles of practical reason (synteresis). In order to actualise these ancient suggestions the author underlines, the theme of mutual recognition, which passes through the best part of ethical and political contemporary thought. Within the notion of mutual recognition, terms like good, justice, freedom acquire their right and original meaning. Good what permits the flowering of my life; good is, therefore, to love myself; but I can love myself only by loving others as the ones who can make such flowering possible. Justice is to give everyone what he deserves. But what everyone deserves is to be recognised as a (transcendental) subjectivity. Freedom does not mean unconditioned arbitrary, but freedom to do good things. Since the first objective good, historically speaking, is the other's-being-there for me, freedom means, another time, freedom of recognising others as a good for me. Therefore doing, at the same time and in a certain order, my good through the other's good and the other's good through mine. Political good, if we remain at a molecular level.
Url: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/1075000405 ; Devlet-sivil toplum-demokrasi üçgeninin ağırlık merkezinde yer alan basının Batı'lı ülkelerde olduğu gibi Türkiye'de de yurttaşlık haklarının gelişmesinde doğrudan katkısı olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'de yurttaşlık haklarının olgunlaşmasının, özellikle yazılı basındaki gelişmelere koşut bir paralellik gösterdiğinin irdelenmesidir. Betimleyici bir yaklaşımın sergilendiği çalışmanın başlangıç noktasını, Osmanlı'nın son dönemindeki Batılılaşma hareketleri ve basının üstlendiği misyon oluşturmuştur. Bu dönemde, yüzü Batı'ya dönük gazetecilerin yenileşme ve hak arayışları ön plana çıkarken; karşılaştıkları önemli engellemeler, sağlanan kazanımların sınırlılığına neden olmuştur. Bağımsızlık savaşı sonrasında kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti döneminde ise, Batı'lı anlamda bir toplum projesi oluşturulmuştur. Bir yandan temel hak ve özgürlükler anayasal güvence altına alınırken; diğer yandan modern bir yurttaş profili gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bununla birlikte, dönemin gerek iç gerekse dış politikasındaki konjonktürel gelişmeler demokrasi fikrinin yaşama geçirilmesinde gecikmelere yol açmıştır. Özellikle bu dönemde, basından beklenilen işlev, kurulan yeni düzeni ve devrimleri desteklemesi ve bu konuda halkı bilinçlendirmesi olmuştur. Kuşkusuz bu dönemde, Cumhuriyet idealine muhalif olan basın üzerinde önemli kısıtlamalara gidilmiştir. Sonuç olarak çok partili siyasal hayata geçiş öncesindeki dönemin ele alındığı bu çalışmada, basının kimi zaman karşılaştığı sınırlamalara rağmen, yurttaşlık haklarının gelişiminde önemli ancak yeterli olmayan bir rol oynadığı vurgulanmıştır. ; Press is to be taken part in the gravity's center of the triangle of state-civil society- democracy that has been contributed directly to the development of citizenship rights in Turkey like western countries. The aim of this study, it is mentioned that the development of citizenship rights shows a conditioned parallellism towards the development of the written press. In the last period of the Ottoman's westernization movements and mission of the press have constituted the begin-ning point of this study that has been exhibited a descriptive approach. At this term, when jour-nalists whose faces became towards West, surpassed their modernization and right seeking, the limitations of the acquired rights were caused by the importance prohibitions. After Independence War and the Republician of Turkey was established, a social project was formed in Western context. Fundemental right and freedoms were taken by constitutional guaranty. And also, the profile of modern compatriot was constituted. However, the concept of democracy was constituted to be delayed by the conjuncturel developments about both internal and external pol-itics. Especially at this period, it was expected that the function of the press supported the estab-lishing, new deal and revolutions and also, educated to public about this subject. Definitely at this term, importance prohibitions on the press which was related to opposition of the ideal of republician, were constituted by the government. As a result of this study which was related to the term about before the plural political life, although the press was confronted with limitations from time to time, it played a significant role about the development of citizenship rights. But, this role did not become efficent for citizenship rights and democracy.
In this paper I discuss Davide Sparti's book Wittgenstein politico and I examine the possibility to read Wittgenstein's later works from an ethical and political point of view. I defend the following thesis: we can understand the political interest of Wittgenstein's philosophy only if we analyse its ethical value. I pay attention especially to the main themes presented in Sparti's book, and I sketch an analysis of the relationship between Philosophische Untersuchungen's ethical meaning and the ethical meaning of the whole wittgensteinian approach to philosophy. Moreover, I argue against the tendency currently shown by philosophy of politics to judge Wittgenstein's thought a conservative one.
