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The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.

Razvoj družbe je nujen in za dosego razvoja je treba največ pozornosti nameniti ravno razvoju ljudi. Če konceptu razvoja ljudi dodamo mednarodno perspektivo, dobimo celosten pogled na trenutno stanje v družbi. Ravno mednarodna perspektiva razvoja ljudi in celotna obravnava tematike sta botrovali k izvedbi analize razvoja ljudi v izbranih državah. Z metodo analize so bili pridobljeni vsi potrebni podatki, ki so celotno analizo zaokrožili. Prek analize pridobljenih podatkov so bile države razvrščene v tri skupine. Pri tem so vse razvite in tranzicijske države zajete v vzorec, v primeru razvijajočih se pa so bile države izbrane tako, da so zajeti predstavniki vseh delov Afrike, Azije ter Latinske in Karibske Amerike. Rezultati analize so precej nedvoumni. Izkazalo se je, da samo indeks razvoja ljudi in politična stabilnost države ne zagotavljata močne medsebojne povezave. Pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi pretresi iz začetka 90. let 20. stol. in t. i. svetovni policisti razvitih držav, kar vnaša določeno mero neravnovesja. Na drugi strani pa je bilo pričakovati padec moči povezanosti med razvojem ljudi in izobraževalnim indeksom od razvitih k razvijajočim se. Izkaže se, da je moč povezave največja v tranzicijskih državah, sledijo razvite in na koncu razvijajoče se države. Ugotovitve analize imajo širše učinke za družbeno okolje. Razvoj omogoča oblikovanje razvite družbe in uveljavitev človeku dostojnega življenja. Na osnovi tega bo v prihodnosti mogoče prilagoditi programe razvoja ljudi predvsem v tranzicijskih državah in ostalih delih sveta, ki so precej nestabilni in brez zunanje pomoči. Dejstvo pa je, da so nekatere razvijajoče se države lahko zgled kakovosti primarnih razvojnih programov. ; Development of the country is necessary and for achieving it the biggest focus must be on human development. If we add international perspective to human development, we get a fairly comprehensive view of the current situation in society. It was precisely the addition of an international perspective to the human development and the overall treatment of the topic that contributed to the design of the analysis of human resource development in selected countries. Using the analysis method all necessary data were obtained, which rounded the analysis into a whole. By analysing the data obtained, the countries were classified into three groups. In this, all developed and transition countries are included into the sample, and in the case of developing countries, the countries have been selected to include representatives of all parts of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. The results of the analysis are quite unequivocal. It turned out that only human development index and the political stability of the country do not guarantee a strong interconnection. Shouts from the early 90s of the 20th century and the role of so-called world-wide police officers of developed countries also play an important role, which introduces a certain amount of imbalance. On the other hand, the drop in the strength of the relation between the human development index and educational index from the developed to the developing was expected. It turns out that the power of connections is greatest in transition countries, followed by the developed and ultimately developing countries. The findings of the analysis have broader effects on the social environment. Development enables the creation of developed society the promotion of a decent man's life. On this basis, in the future, human development programs can be adjusted in the transitional countries and other parts of the world, which are rather unstable and without external assistance. It is true that some developing countries can serve as an example of the quality of primary development programs.

Book, written in Slovene, discusses the legal content and scope of the concept of discriminatory harassment, which is deemed to be an unlawful discrimination under modern EU non-discrimination law, in the context of implementation of provisions of relevant EU directives in legal systems of the United Kingdom and Ireland. the two most important EU non-discrimination directives, adopted under Article 13 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community (now Article 19 of the treaty on the Functioning of the European union) - Racial Equality Directive (Directive 2000/43/EC) and Employment Framework Directive (Directive 2000/78/EC) - explicity mention harassment as prohibited form of discrimination. Legal definitions contained in these two directives define harassment as discriminationdiscrimination itself. Prior to the transposition of the EU non-discrimination directives into their laws, while few member states tackled this issue either within the context of the law on equal treatment (e.g. Denmark, the United Kingdom and Ireland) or outside this context (e.g. France), that is in the framework of criminal, civil, health and safety or employment legislation. As a result of the implementation of relevant provisions of the two main non-discrimination directives (Directives 200/43/EC and 200/78/EC) a definition of harassment has been included in legislations of all EU member states. In most member states such legislative definition is a literal copy of the definition of harrasment that can be found in the Directives 2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC. The approach to the definition of harassment that appears to be the most "generous" from the perspective of victims of discriminatory harrasment is the one that was taken by British legislator. Such legal position in respect of the prohibition of discrimination has been developed in British case law and is based on the extensive interpretation of non-discrimination laws.

The discussion about the establishment of regions has been going on in Slovenia for some years. In addition, the regional legislation package has been in the parliamentary procedure for quite some time, too. The purpose of this paper is neither to analyze the proposed legislation nor to provide a detailed list of all the solutions the legislation can bring in. The real purpose of this paper is to analyze various existing regional divisions in the fields of the state administration, general public services & civil society. Some of these regional divisions are supposed to be adapted (according to the regional tasks presented in the legislative proposal) to the proposed dividing the country into fourteen regions. It interests us how the regionalization, taken into consideration by various institutions of the state administration, broader public sector & civil social organizations, complies with the proposals made in attempts to introduce a broader level of local self-government. Besides, we would also like to ascertain whether in already existing regional divisions in Slovenia there might be the predominant solution that could be the basis for the future dividing Slovenia into regions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Thought on Mongolian society

Abstract. The article deals with the wide range of mechanisms in support of civil society institutions–government interaction in the context of developing and implementing European integration reforms in Ukraine. The
authors identified 6 strategic documents and 20 areas
of reform related to the process of European integration,
as well as the key issues concerning implementation of
the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the
EU. The authors conclude that positive trends are visible in recent decades in the institutional development
of Ukrainian civil society, which has become a driving
force of the country's European integration aspirations.
In this setting, civil society institutions (CSIs) work with
government agencies, engage in informal advocacy,
conduct monitoring policies, perform and publish policy analysis and recommendations, and work with and
lobby international agencies and other actors.

V magistrskem delu raziskujemo model in delovanje Slovenske digitalne koalicije (SDK) ter različne poglede deležnikov, ki so vanjo vključeni. V uvodnem delu opišemo strateške dokumente na področju vloge in razvoja informacijsko-komunikacijske tehnologije in informacijske družbe. Na podlagi obstoječih dokumentov in empiričnih podatkov, pridobljenih prek strukturiranih intervjujev, ter po analizi prednosti, slabosti, nevarnosti in izzivov s strani različnih deležnikov ocenimo model in delovanje SDK, v okviru raziskovalnega dela pa je izvedena tudi primerjalna analiza nacionalnih digitalnih koalicij držav članic Evropske unije. Rezultati so pokazali, da je model SDK vzpostavljen po smernicah Evropske komisije, delovanje vzpostavljene SDK pa še ni optimalno in ne izkorišča vseh potencialov delovanja. ; The Master's thesis analyses the model and the functioning of the Slovenian digital coalition (SDK) and the different views of the stakeholders who are part of it. The introduction presents the strategic documents regarding the role and the development of information-communications technology and information society. Based on the current documents, the empirical data we collected through structured interviews and the analysis of the advantages, the disadvantages, the risks and the challenges faced by different stakeholders we evaluate the SDK model and its functioning ; moreover, the research also includes a comparative analysis of national digital coalitions in European Union member states. The results show that the SDK model has been developed in accordance with the guidelines of the European Commission, while its functioning has not yet reached the optimal level and does not fully take advantage of all its potential.

Slovenian folk pop is one of the most under-researched music genres in Slovenia.
To learn more about it, we conducted research about the demographics of those
who listen to it. The results show that this genre is popular principally among older, less-educated, religious, politically right-leaning people in the countryside,
while it is also listened to by other segments of society, albeit to a smaller degree.
We also found that there is no significant correlation between listening to folk pop
and economic class and gender. This suggests that Slovenian society is stratified
into various cultural formations, primarily with respect to education, religiosity,
age, political affiliations and place of residence rather than economic class.

Abstract. The article reflects on a key category introduced by Adolf Bibič
in his 1990 theoretical work Civil Society and Political Pluralism; namely,
association pluralism. Bibič introduced this concept into Slovenian political thought to grasp the diverse social and political developments of the 1980s and to open up a new view of political pluralism that moves beyond party pluralism. The author therefore asks whether the notion of associational pluralism still holds sufficient explanatory potential and is worth preserving and developing further, or whether it can be used to deal with a new social and political reality, i.e., political pluralism, which is also strongly marked by multifaceted environmental issues.
Keywords: associational pluralism, political pluralism, party pluralism,
civil society, state.