Older gays and lesbians are one of the most invisible social groups as they experience "double invisibility": in Western societies that celebrate youth, they are invisible as older and as older homosexuals. Existing research shows a different structure of social networks of older gays and lesbians compared to older heterosexuals, it points to fears of discrimination in care activities and feelings of exclusion from the LGBT community, which, like society at large, is defined by youth. This exploratory study for Slovenia identifies similar trends, with the key problem being the tension between an individual's stigmatized homosexual identity, which the elderly still mostly hide, and the LGBT community, which is not inclusive for older gays and lesbians. The purpose of the research was to identify key characteristics of everyday life of older gays and lesbians in the period before the existence of activism in Slovenia and the characteristics of the current position of older gays and lesbians in the LGBTIQ + community and society at large.
Presents a wide range of emerging models of historical interpretations of culture, including the "open house" concept of cultural history, which defines culture as high art, literature, & music -- & the "cultural encounter" model. Drawing on the centrality of Peter Burke's (1991) demand for a broad understanding of culture, some important contributions to the new cultural history are discussed. It is argued that the state, social groups, gender, & society itself are culturally constructed. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
The article presents the functioning of the Jezikovna Slovenija web portal and the motivation for its creation. It evaluates the content of the portal in terms of designing and promoting the language policy of the Republic of Slovenia and informing professionals and the general public about the linguistic situation. The article presents in more detail the Language Policy Advisory Corner established on the portal and evaluates its role in understanding language rights and obligations, as well as efforts to promote a tolerant multilingual society. Keywords: language policy, web portal, language policy advice corner, language rights and responsibilities
Cilj magistrske naloge je prikaz manifestacije družbene moči skozi pravo, specifično v demokratičnih procesih ; demokracija je temelj razvitih družb ter točka, iz katere naj bi dandanes izviralo vso pravo, zato sem se osredotočila nanjo kot na izvor razlikovanja posameznikov na podlagi sposobnosti (abstraktne) artikulacije interesa v volilnih procesih. Obstajajo namreč določene skupine bitij, ki niso sposobne artikulirati svojega interesa abstraktno, na način, ki je značilen za današnje institucionalizirane volilne procese, zato so iz njih izključene. V tej nalogi sem se osredotočila na primere otrok, mentalno manj sposobnih posameznikov in nekaterih drugih subjektov, katerih interes se ne upošteva na enaki ravni kot interes drugih. Demokracija kot vladavina ljudstva se po mojem mnenju dandanes sprevrača v vladavino tistih, ki imajo golo fizično ter mentalno sposobnost oditi na volišče, brati, pisati, in abstrahirano, torej ne konkretno, izraziti svoj interes ; ne gre torej za vladavino, utemeljeno na ideji temeljne enakosti oziroma neizpodbojno jasnih ter enakovrednih interesov, temveč za vladavino tistih, ki so sposobni artikulirano ter dejavno delovati v družbi, ter zahtevati uveljavitev svojih interesov. Gre torej za neke vrste procesno, ne materialno enakost, zaradi katere tisti, ki niso sposobni artikulacije interesov v družbi, postanejo objekti prava. Ogledala sem si različne poglede na demokracijo, predpise, ki urejajo položaje omenjenih skupin, ter vprašanje (objektivnega ter subjektivnega) interesa, ki je ključno za mojo tezo, saj idejo obstoja diskriminacije utemeljujem na podlagi konkretnega interesa napram abstraktnemu. Poudarjam pa, da gre za pravno-sociološko, ne za primarno filozofsko delo, ki skuša torej zgolj naslikati dejanskost družbe in prava, ne pa ju tudi predpisovati. ; The goal of this paper is to showcase the manifestation of power within a society, specifically in democratic processes ; democracy is the foundation of developed societies and the supposed source of all of today's law, which is why I focused on it as the source of discrimination of individuals based on their ability to abstractly articulate their interest in voting processes. There are certain groups of people who are incapable of abstractly articulating their interest, in a way which is typical of today's institutionalised voting processes, which is why they are excluded from them ; I have focused on children and mentally handicapped individuals, who's interest isn't taken into account as much as other people's is. Democracy as the rule of the people is in my opinion now turning into the rule of those who have the mere physical and mental capacity to go to a voting booth, write and read, and abstractly (as opposed to concretely), formulate their interest ; it is therefore not a rule based on an idea of fundamental equality or clear and equal interests, but a rule of those who are capable of functioning in a society in an articulate and active way, and demand that their interests are enforced. It is therefore a procedural, not a material equality, because those who aren't capable of (abstractly) articulating their interests in this society become an object of the law. I have examined different views of democracy, regulation which deals with the status of the before mentioned groups, and the question of interest, which is crucial for my thesis, because I base my idea of the existence of discrimination on concrete interest versus the abstract one. I would like to point out that this is a legally-sociological, not a philosophical work, which therefore primarily tries only to paint the reality of society and law, not to prescribe them.
Abstract. This study investigated the relationship between the anxiety provoked by threatening events in society like the Covid-19 pandemic, and illusory pattern perception, with conspiracy beliefs. Using an experimental design, in Study 1 high vs. low anxiety was manipulated, while in Study 2 we manipulated intuitive pattern search, with the findings supporting the assumption that greater anxiety and higher intuitive pattern search lead to an increase in conspiracy beliefs. In order to prevent the detrimental effects of beliefs in conspiracy theories on the individual and societal levels, we recommend transparent information and pre-warning, as well as a focus on critical thinking in education. Keywords: societal events, anxiety, intuitive pattern search, illusory pattern perception, conspiracy beliefs, Covid-19 pandemic
Politična korektnost predstavlja velik problem v današnji družbi, ki skuša biti inkluzivna. V inkluzivni družbi je namreč pomemben jezik, ki ga uporabljamo, saj ne želimo nikogar diskriminirati ali izključiti iz družbe. Magistrsko delo se osredotoča na politično korektne in nekorektne izraze, ki se pojavijo na socialnem omrežju Twitter v času predvolilne kampanje v ZDA in v Avstriji. Zanimal me je predvsem jezik štirih predsedniških kandidatov: Donalda Trumpa in Hillary Clinton iz ZDA ter Norberta Hoferja in Alexandra van der Bellena iz Avstrije. S pomočjo izbranih objav na socialnem omrežju Twitter sem skušala poiskati povezave med Avstrijo in ZDA. V teoretičnem delu sem navedla vse potrebne definicije in prikazala politično korektnost v povezavi z drugimi jezikovnimi fenomeni, kot so tabuji, stereotipi in predsodki. Ločeno sem obravnavala politično korektnost v Avstriji in politično korektnost v ZDA. Zanimala me je tudi povezava politične korektnosti s svobodo govora. Raziskala sem, s katerimi zakoni je urejena pravica do svobode govora v Avstriji oz. Evropi ter v ZDA. V empiričnem delu sledi analiza izbranih objav. Vse politično nekorektne in politično korektne izraze, ki so se pojavili v času predvolilne kampanje, sem razdelila v kategorije in jih analizirala tako statistično kot tudi jezikovno. Rezultati so pokazali razliko med ZDA in Avstrijo glede rabe politično korektnega jezika in zmage na volitvah. V ZDA je namreč zmagal kandidat, ki je med kampanjo uporabil največ politično nekorektnih izrazov. V Avstriji pa je zmagal politično najbolj korekten kandidat. Največ različnih politično nekorektnih izrazov se je pojavilo na področju rasnega/etničnega razlikovanja, kar sem tudi pričakovala. ; Political correctness matters for inclusive society. Language that we use is very important in an inclusive society because we do not want to discriminate or exclude anyone from society. This master's thesis focuses on politically correct and politically incorrect terms that appeared in the social network Twitter during the election campaign in the USA and Austria. I was interested in the language of the four presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton from the USA, and Norbert Hofer and Alexander Van der Bellen from Austria. I tried to find similarities and differences between Austria and the USA with the help of selected posts on Twitter. The theoretical part, contains the definition of political correctness and show political correctness in relation to other linguistic phenomena, such as taboos, stereotypes and prejudices. Political correctness in Austria and political correctness in the USA are compared and political correctness is associated to the freedom of speech. The legislation regulating right to the freedom of speech in Austria and in the USA is discussed. The empirical part presents an analysis of selected Twitter posts. All politically incorrect and politically correct terms that were found during the election campaign were divided into categories and analyzed both statistically as well as linguistically. I have found out that politically correct language is not necessary for an election victory. In the USA a candidate who used the most politically incorrect expressions during the campaign won. In Austria, on the other hand, the most politically correct candidate won. Most politically incorrect expressions appeared in the category racial/ethnical discrimination, which was expected.
Abstract. The article analyses the innovative Marxist conceptualisation of politics proposed by the Slovenian political scientist Adolf Bibič. The latter built on the contributions of Heglo-Marxists and Gramsci to political theory. At the core of his theory, he placed the question of the political power–class exploitation relationship. He distinguished political politics from self-managing politics, and problematised the dominant Western understandings of politics as well as the theories of elitism and pluralism. Moving away from such theories and dogmatic Marxist notions about the withering away of politics, he formulated his project of humanising politics beyond class exploitation and capitalist relations of production. This project assumed a necessary transformation of political practice in terms of the dialectical process of the socialisation of politics and the politicisation of society. Keywords: Adolf Bibič, politics, political science, class relations, economic exploitation.
Abstract. The aim of this article to identify and highlight limitations and challenges of the legal regulation of the use of facial recognition technology for surveillance purposes. The UN and the EU are seeking to develop robust human rights safeguards to regulate such practices, whereas civil society calls for a complete ban on it use for mass surveillance. The type of this technology makes it difficult to impose legal and democratic control over its lawful use and to prevent abuse. We conclude that the regulation of this area, no matter how restrictive, amounts to tacit approval of the mass use of this type of technology that opens the door to various ways of abusing human rights and freedoms, and whose justification from the perspective of the public interest is questionable. Keywords: video surveillance, facial recognition technology, right to privacy, protection of personal data, Clearview AI
Abstract. During a pandemic, it is essential that most people respect the measures in place so as to keep the health crisis at bay. Still, a consensus must exist in society that the measures imposed by government are truly needed, just and legitimate, with several factors affecting whether this is achieved. In the article, we present the results of qualitative research (23 in-depth interviews) conducted in Slovenia at the peak of the first lockdown, focusing on how the study participants (women who were living alone during the first lockdown) perceived communication from the government and the public health authorities that comprised the official crisis communication group for managing the pandemic in Slovenia. The results present critical mistakes in communication that shaped trust in the official communicators and failed to motivate and encourage respondents to comply with the recommended and prescribed protective measures. Keywords: Covid-19, protective measures, risk communication, trust, fear appeal, solo-living women
Abstract. The Covid-19 pandemic has transformed our society, with administrative procedures – as relationships between public authorities and citizens and businesses – being no exception. Still, the innovative digitalisation of such procedures means the 58 administrative units across Slovenia have been able to develop a responsive administrative system. Using normative, descriptive and statistical research methods, the article identifies the relevant drivers and barriers, like user demands leading to a more responsive service, the lack of legal bases, and the top-down approach discouraging progress. Correlation analysis shows that digitalisation also holds important positive implications for the principles of good governance. Moreover, larger administrative units are more likely to achieve a higher degree of digitalisation and hence better public governance. The findings are useful for designing evidence-based public policies to properly respond to pandemic-associated challenges. Keywords: public administration, administrative procedures, Covid-19, good public governance, innovation, digitalisation, Slovenia
In this paper, the author gives a detailed critical discussion of the conditions of possibility of the politics &/or ethics of enjoyment such as that conceived by Sade. She begins by discussing the hypothesis advanced by a set of eminent interpretations of Sade's work according to which there is an irreducible antagonism between disruptive passions & social bonds. The central theme of this essay -- that society is rooted in the imperative of enjoyment -- is elaborated on. As a consequence of this discussion, the author turns to the question of the evil inherent to enjoyment. She concludes that the entire project of the politics & ethics of enjoyment is centered on the deculpabilization of passions & enjoyment since, in Sade, the evilness of enjoyment is imputed to Nature. It could thus be said, argues the author, that Nature is Sade's "symptom," denouncing in this way that Sade, the theorist of enjoyment, is unable &/or unwilling to assume the evilness of enjoyment. Adapted from the source document.
The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; The paper discusses the characteristics of modern American presidential political rhetoric with special reference to Barack Obama's speeches in which he addressed the highly publicized killings of black Americans. Three of the analysed speeches contain Obama's rhetorical reaction to the judicial decisions not to indict the police officers responsible for the killings, while one speech gives his immediate reaction to the mass murder of black parishioners by a white supremacist. The study is based on the discourse-linguistic analysis of attitudinal meanings and their functions, which are conceptualized as evaluative frames. Evaluative frames are used to highlight different kinds of discourse participants through judgments of behaviour, attributions of emotions and evaluations of semiotic phenomena and objects. The theoretical framework for the different categories of evaluative frames is based on the theory of news framing and theory of evaluative language within systemic-functional linguistics. The findings of the analysis show that Obama uses an interplay of positive and negative evaluations of different kinds to transcend racial categorizations and avoid a direct attribution of blame. When he acknowledges the continuing relevance of the racial divide in US society, he often applies evaluative frames in such a way that they unify rather than divide the discourse participants on both sides of the divide. ; V prispevku so obravnavane značilnosti sodobne ameriške predsedniške politične retorike s posebnim poudarkom na govorih Baracka Obame, s katerimi se je odzval na uboje temnopoltih Američanov. Trije od analiziranih govorov vsebujejo Obamov odziv na sodne odločitve, ki so zavrnile obtožbo policistov, odgovornih za uboj, v enem od govorov pa se je odzval na množični umor temnopoltih faranov s strani belega skrajneža. Študija temelji na analizi jezikovnih kategorij vrednotenja, ki so pojmovane kot okviri vrednotenja. Okviri vrednotenja udeležence v diskurzu osvetlijo s presojami vedenja in pripisovanja čustev ter z vrednotenjem predmetov in pojavov. Koncept okvirov vrednotenja temelji na spoznanjih teorije medijske komunikacije in teorije jezika vrednotenja v sistemsko-funkcijskem jezikoslovju. Ugotovitve analize kažejo, da Obama uporablja preplet pozitivnih in negativnih vrednotenj različnih vrst, da bi presegel rasno kategorizacijo in se izognil neposrednemu pripisovanju krivde. Raziskava pokaže tudi, da Obama rasne razdelitve pogosto uokvirja tako, da udeležence na nasprotnih straneh poenoti z istim okvirom.
Local communities have an important role in society. According to states legislature they execute local public policies. Those processes include local democracy, public administration, local economy and social entities. Also they combine public and private resources. All of these groups of factors have their own capacity. Capacity is their ability to achieve goals and consists from inside and outside factors. Capacity of local self-government is integrated capacity. It represents holistic capacity for those units. It tells us, whether they are capable of doing things they should do, according to social and political system and its demands. Local units have different level of capacity. With conceptual model and field research we tested our research hypothesis. Our hypothesis is that local self-government communities with higher capacity offer their residents broader local public services and goods. Also we studies influence of political stability and autonomy on capacity. On representative sample of municipalities in Republic of Slovenia we confirmed all ours research hypothesis. Conceptual model of capacity is a tool for analysing individual communities and for analysing the whole system of local-self government. Also many suggestions for improvement can be made.
Demokracija je oblika oblasti, ki jo danes večina ljudi dojema kot najbližjo idealni ureditvi države, saj temelji na svobodi, enakosti in varnosti – ciljih, za katere bi si morala prizadevati sodobna družba. V uvodu, ki je hkrati prvo poglavje magistrske naloge, podajam opredelitve demokracije in ustavne demokracije na način, kot jih trenutno razumem sama. V drugem poglavju se ukvarjam z načeli in pogoji ustavne demokracije ter z ustavno demokracijo v Republiki Sloveniji. V tretjem poglavju poskušam poudariti pomen ustave. Najbolj me zanima, ali ustava kot najpomembnejši pravni in politični akt svobodo v demokratični ureditvi omejuje ali jo zagotavlja. Čeprav je demokracija nepredstavljiva brez svobode kot svojega temeljnega elementa, ta svoboda ne sme in ne more biti neomejena. Si lahko predstavljamo družbo, v kateri svoboda nima meje, v kateri ni vrhovnega zakona, na katerega bi se lahko vsak posameznik skliceval, ko njegove pravice ogroža država ali drug posameznik? Prvo ključno vprašanje, s katerim se v tem kontekstu ukvarjam, je del četrtega poglavja z naslovom »Človekove pravice in svoboščine – srž ustavne demokracije?«. V petem poglavju namenim pozornost Ustavnemu sodišču. Bistvo ustavne demokracije je Ustavno sodišče opredelilo v odločbi št. U-I-111/04 z dne 8. 7. 2004, ki jo predstavim na koncu magistrske naloge. V sklepu predstavim moj osebni pogled na politični sistem, kakšna je ustavna demokracija ter potrdim oziroma zavrnem postavljene hipoteze ; Democracy is a form of government that is perceived by most people today as the closest to the ideal form of a state, since it is based on freedom, equality and security – the goals that every modern society should aim for. The introduction of the master's thesis, which is also its first chapter, defines democracy and constitutional democracy from our point of view. The second chapter focuses on the principles and conditions of the constitutional democracy and briefly presents the constitutional democracy in the Republic of Slovenia. The third chapter tries to underline the significance of the Constitution. We were mostly interested if the Constitution as the most important legal and political act in a democratic systemrestricts or guarantees ourfreedom. Although democracy is unperceivable without freedom as its fundamental element, it must not and cannot be unlimited. Is it possible to imagine a society in which freedom is unlimited and where there is no supreme law one can refer to in case their rights are undermined by the state or another individual? The first key question that is raised in this context is part of the forth chapter, titled Human Rights and Liberties – Core of Constitutional Democracy? The fifth chapter deals with the Constitutional Court. The essence of the constitutional democracy was defined by the Constitutional Court in the U-I111/04 decree on July 8th, 2004, which is presented at the very end of our master's thesis. The conclusion encompasses our personal view of the political system, such as the constitutional democracy, and either confirms or refutes our set hypotheses.
Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.
