In this article the author attempts to analyse the power relationships in the Yugoslav society, in post-war historical perspective of development. He is using the difference between power and meta-power as the conceptual framework. The whole development can be demonstrated as the creation of a system by actors who have meta-power and who want to negate their own meta-power by development of self-management. However, the spontaneous developments lead to such social structuring which challenges the established structure of meta^power. The dilemma with which those having meta-power are faced is whether to intervene into the development of the system and thus »come to surface« as the one having meta-power, or leave the development to remain spontaneous and in such a manner endanger their meta-power. Particular attention has been paid to the relationship between an enterprise and the political system as that sphere of the social system where the processes described in this article are shown with great clarity.
Çalışmamızda öncelikle sivil toplum kavramının literatürdeki yeri aydınlatılmaya çalışılmış, bu çerçevede kavramın tarihsel gelişimine yer verilerek; "devlet", "kamusal alan", "sivil itaatsizlik" kavramlarıyla ilişkisi irdelenmiştir. Ayrıca günümüzde devletin fonksiyonlarının ve etkinliğinin değerlendirilmesi bakımından bir karşılaştırma ölçütü olarak önemli bir yer tutan sivil toplum kuruluşlarının tanımına ve niteliklerine değinilerek, bu kuruluşların devlet olgusu karşısındaki konumunu belirleyen kavram olan demokrasiyle ilişkisi açıklanmıştır. ; In our study, firstly, it has been tried to explain the place of the concept of civil society in the literature, for this reason the development of the concept in the historical process has been given and its relation with the concepts of "state","public area", "civil disobedience" has been studied. Besides, dealing with the definition and the characteristics ofNGO 's that play an important part as a measure of comparison far the evaluation of the functions and the efjicincy of the state, the relation of these organisations with democracy which is the concept that determines the position of these organizations in view of the slate has been explained.
Autor polazi od stava da je za kritičko razumijevanje postsocijalizma (kojeg uvjetno određuje kao stanje i proturiječni procesi u Istočnoj Europi nakon demokratske revolucije) i njegovih razvojnih perspektiva upravo primjeren koncept civilnog društva. Upućuje na tri različite društvene struje koje su doprinjele obnovi problematike civilnog društva: neoliberalizam, postmarksizam i disidentski građanski otpor totalitarizmu. Zatim utvrđuje pojam civilnog društva, u smislu koji je dobio u novovjekovnim teorijama prirodnog prava. Na tom tragu precizira vlastito određenje ovog pojma kao analitičkog oruđa za analizu socijalizma i postsocijalizma. Kad je riječ o socijalizmu ukazuje na stalnu napetost između države i neautonomnog ali »realnog socijalističkog društva«, u kome se uvijek iznova javljaju klice autonomne civilne sfere. Na kraju raspravlja o (ne)ispunjenju tri temeljne pretpostavke civilnog društva u aktualnim postsocijalističkim procesima na europskom Istoku, uključujući Hrvatsku i Jugoslaviju. ; The author expresses the opinion that for a critical understanding of postsocialism (which he conditionally defines as the situation and contradictory processes in Eastern Europe after the democratic revolution) and its development perspectives, the most adequate is the concept of civil society. He indicates three different social currents which contributed to the renewal of the civil society issue: neoliberalism, post-Marxism and the dissident civil opposition to totalitarianism. He then determines the concept of civil society within the meaning it had obtained in the modem theories of natural law. Following this line of thought he specifies his own definition of this concept as an analytical means for studying socialism and postsocialism. When it is a question of socialism, he indicates the constant tension between the state and unautonomous but »real socialist society«, in which new seeds of the autonomous civil sphere keep appearing over and over again. Finally, he discusses the non-fulfilment of the three fundamental pre-suppositions for civil society in contemporary postsocialist processes in the European East, including Croatia and Yugoslavia.
The fundamental thesis of this paper is that Moldovan civil society needs to improve its communication with society. The dependence of Moldovan NGOs on financial aid from EU donors could create a Principal/Agent relationship. NGOs should respect the needs of society and stimulate the government on a pro-European path. The author proves that communication between public administration and civil society is crucial in the process of integration with the EU. ; Artykuł przedstawia wybrane elementy sytuacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii. Podstawową tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że organizacje społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii muszą poprawić swoją komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Uzależnienie mołdawskich NGO od pomocy finansowej od donatorów z UE może tworzyć stosunki zleceniodawca/agent. NGO powinny uwzględniać potrzeby społeczeństwa i stymulować rząd na ścieżce proeuropejskiej. Autor dowodzi, że komunikacja między administracją publiczną i społeczeństwem obywatelskim ma kluczowe znaczenie w procesie integracji z UE.
Yapılan araştırmalar, sivil toplum kuruluşlarına katılımın demokrasi üstünde olumlu bir etkisi olduğunu göstermiştir. Ancak Türkiye'de sivil toplum kuruluşlarına üyelik düşüktür. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'de devlet ile sivil toplum kuruluşları arasındaki ilişkinin tarihine ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarına katılımı etkileyen faktörleri inceleyen literatüre dayanarak Türkiye'de sivil toplum kuruluşlarına üyeliğin düşük olmasının nedenlerini araştırmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu doğrultuda bu çalışmada, 2015 senesinde Türkiye nüfusunu temsil eden bir örneklem ile gerçekleştirilmiş ulusal bir anket çalışması kullanılmıştır. Yapılan analizler, Türkiye'de kişilerin sivil toplum kuruluşlarını demokrasinin önemli öğesi olarak görmediğine işaret etmiştir. Ayrıca, devletin sivil toplum kuruluşlarını dikkate alması, sivil toplum kuruluşlarının devletten bağımsız hareket etmesi ve vatandaşların çekinmeden sivil kuruluşlarına üye olması gibi konularda katılımcıların büyük bir kısmının olumsuz düşüncelere sahip olduğu bulunmuştur. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'de sivil toplum ve devlet ilişkilerinin problemli tarihinin kişilerin sivil toplum kuruluşlarına karşı bu olumsuz yargılara sahip olmalarına ve dolayısıyla sivil toplum kuruluşlarına üyelikten kaçınmalarına neden olduğu sonuca varmıştır. ; Previous research demonstrated that there is a positive relationship between democracy and membership in civil society organizations. Turkey is considered to be a country where membership in civil society organizations is low. Relying on the literature on the factors effecting the participation in civil society organizations and the history of the relationship between civil society organizations and the Turkish state, this article aims to investigate the factors behind low civil society organization membership in Turkey. To this end, this article benefited from a nation-wide survey conducted in 2015. Analysis showed that people in Turkey do not consider strong civil society as an important dimension of democracy. In addition, analysis revealed that a large number of people in Turkey think that: civil society organizations in Turkey are not independent from the state; the state does not see civil society as a partner in policy-making; and people are afraid of being a member of civil society organizations. This article concluded that the problematic history between civil society organizations and the Turkish state is a major reason why people in Turkey hold negative views about civil society organizations, and therefore avoid membership in these organizations.
Civilno društvo je prostor između obitelji, države i tržišta gdje se građani udružuju radi promicanja zajedničkih interesa. Širenjem značenja Europske unije uloga civilnog društva i njegov međuodnos s EU razinom postaje sve značajnije pitanje. Rad tematizira civilno društvo u kontekstu europeizacije. Europeizacija se koristi kao »termin kišobran« koji pokriva mnoštvo značenja u terminima socijalnog, političkog, kognitivnog, pa čak i teritorijalnog, stoga najprije utvrđuje njezino značenje. Prikazuju se procesi i mehanizmi europeizacije civilnog društva. Uzimajući u obzir ključne razvoje zadnjih desetljeća kao i koncept horizontalne politike, raspravlja se o kontekstu europeizacije civilnog društva. Međuodnos europeizacije i civilnog društva sagledava se kroz različite pristupe i načine međusobnog odnošenja civilnog društva i razine EU u aspektu vladavine i politika. Tim analizama omogućuje se pogled u dosege europeizacije civilnog društva i preispitivanje jesmo li na pragu nečega što možemo nazvati »Europskom unijom civilnog društva«. ; Civil society is the space between the family, the state and the market where citizens come together to promote their common interests. By expanding the importance of the European Union, the role of civil society and its interrelationship with the EU level becomes increasingly important issue. The paper deals with civil society in the context of Europeanization. Europeanization is used as an »umbrella term« that covers a multitude of meanings in terms of social, political, cognitive and even territorial meanings. We present the processes and mechanisms of Europeanization of civil society. Taking into account the key developments in the last decade as well as the concept of horizontal policies, the author discusses the context of Europeanization of civil society. Interrelationship of Europeanization and civil society is reviewed from the perspective of different approaches and ways of mutual relations of civil society and EU level from the aspect of governance and policy. This analysis allows a glance at the scope of Europeanization of civil society and examinations of the question whether we are on the threshold of something that we can call "The EU of Civil Society".
research ; Bu çalışma ile Ortaçağ kent devletlerinden bu yana geçen süreçte sivil toplum kavramının düşünsel temel taşları incelenmektedir. Sivil toplumun gelişme sürecinde kırılma noktası, Gramsci olarak kabul edilmiştir. Çünkü Gramsci'den önce sivil toplum ve diğer sosyal kavramların düşünülmesinde başat belirleyicinin modern devlet olgusu olduğu savunulmaktadır. Gramsci ise, sivil topluma üst yapı içerisinde yer vererek gerçek kırılma noktası olmuştur. Bu tez Bobbio tarafından ileri sürülmüştür ve çalışmamızda benimsenmiştir. Gramsci, üst yapıyı "tarihsel blok"un parçası olarak değerlendirmektedir. Gramsci sonrasında bu durum bazı kuramcılar tarafından göz ardı edilmiştir. Ancak son günlerde "tarihsel blok" ve "sivil toplum" kavramları, global kapitalizmle birlikte, yeniden, ele alınmaktadır. Global güce sahip devletler, şirketler, uluslar arası örgütler yeni bir "küresel kapitalist tarihsel blok" oluşturma çabası içindedirler. Diğer yandan ulus devletlerin yapılandırdıkları tarihsel blok hegemonik bir kriz geçirmektedir Sivil toplum, globalleşme ile yerelleşme geriliminin ortasında durmaktadır. ; The main steps of concerning the developmental process of the idea of civil society since Middle Age are examined by this paper. In this process, Gramsci is realized as to be the breaking point. Because, it is claimed that civil society and other social notions were thought in accordance with State before Gramsci. But Gramsci was real breaking point in the history of political thought because he settled civil society in the super structure. This thesis, which has been defending by Bobbio, is shared by us in this text. Gramsci evaluated superstructure as a part of historical block. This situation has not been taken into consideration by some theorists after Gramsci. However, nowadays, the notions of civil society and historical block are again forward into connection with global capitalism. The States, companies and organizations which have global power make an effort to build a new "global capitalist historical block". On the other hand, historical block which is built by nation States is going through a hegemonic crisis. Civil society stands in the middle of the tension between globalization and localization.
Günümüzde Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları, demokratikleşmenin başlıca sebebi olmasa da, demokrasinin temel taşı olarak görülmektedir. STK'ların, devlet ile arasında çift taraflı bir ilişki bulunması, başka bir deyişle, STK'lar, devletin demokrasisini daha şeffaf bir hale getirirken devletin de sivil toplum alanındaki örgütler arası güç dengesini koruması beklenmektedir. STK'lar, devlet ve toplum arasında çok yönlü bir köprü görevi görmektedir. Yurttaşların STK'lar aracılığıyla, savunuculuk faaliyetlerine ve dolayısıyla, demokratik yönetim sürecine katılmalarının toplumsal dengeye katkısı yadsınamaz. Özellikle savunu yapan sivil toplum kuruluşlarının, Doğası gereği toplumu sosyal refah açısından dönüştürme ve politika etkileme faaliyetlerine katılmaları söz konusudur. Bu noktada, sivil toplum kuruluşlarının da hak temelli savunuculuk kavramı hakkındaki anlayışları ve toplumdaki görev ve sorulumlulukları hakkındaki yaklaşımları önem kazanmaktadır. Bu nedenle, STK'ların, karar mekanizmasının en önemli bileşenlerinden biri olan yöneticilerin, hak temelli savunuculuk perspektifinden halkla ilişkiler algısının ne olduğu, iletişim politikasını doğrudan etkileyeceği için son derece önemlidir. Çalışmada, çocuk hakları alanında savunuculuk yapan yerel STK'ların yöneticilerinin, hak temellilik ve halkla ilişkiler algıları, derinlemesine görüşme yöntemiyle ölçülmüş ve betimsel olarak analiz edilmiştir. ; Today, non-governmental organizations are seen as the cornerstone of democracy, though not a leading cause of democratization. NGOs are expected to have a bilateral relationship with the state. in other words, they are expected to make the state's democracy more transparent, while the state is expected to maintain a balance of inter-organizational power in the field of civil society. NGOs act as a multidimensional bridge between the state and society. The social balance and transformation power cannot be denied. When advocacy activities are considered as the participation of citizens in the democratic management process through CSOs. Particularly the rights-based non-governmental organizations, by their nature, have the need to transform the society in favor of social welfare and influence policy. At this point, the perceptions of civil society organizations about rights-based advocacy and their duties and responsibilities in society gains importance. Therefore, the public relations perception from the perspective of rigts-based advocacy of the NGO managers, which is one of the most important component of the decision-making mechanism of the NGO, will directly affect the communication policy of the NGO. In this study, the perceptions of rights and public relations of the executives of local NGOs advocating in the field of children's rights were measured and analyzed descriptively through in-depth interviews.
Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.
Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza prawicowo-ekstremistycznych nastrojów w społeczeństwie niemieckim, których rzecznikiem stają się coraz częściej przedstawiciele klasy średniej. Nieudany projekt wielokulturowości niemieckiej, długotrwały kryzys gospodarczy w Europie, zjawisko terroryzmu islamskiego i fala uchodźców stworzyły atmosferę ksenofobizmu i rasizmu. W efekcie tworzone są partie oraz nieformalne ugrupowania, które oczekują od państwa zmian w polityce azylowej i artykułują potrzebę utrwalania tożsamości narodowej. Tworzące się ad hoc ruchy społeczne odnoszą się krytycznie do niemieckiego systemu politycznego gromadząc określoną część elektoratu. Jeden z ruchów obywatelskich pod nazwą Pegida demonstruje nie tylko przeciwko radykałom muzułmańskim, a islamowi w ogóle. Organizatorzy i zwolennicy Pegidy dystansują się publicznie od ekstremistów prawicowych, ale wykorzystują lęki przed islamskim terrorem i szerzą nastroje niechęci wobec uchodźców i obcych. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy perspektyw utrwalania demokratycznych standardów w pozjednoczeniowym społeczeństwie niemieckim przez klasę średnią, która może stać się najważniejszym elementem wpływającym na opinię publiczną. Renesans ideologii faszystowskiej wymusił konieczność wykreowania nowego modelu komunikowania społecznego pomiędzy klasami. Percepcja tej ideologii jest przedmiotem badawczym sfery aksjologicznej. ; The main topic of this paper is the analysis of right-wing extremist sentiments in German society. Representatives of the middle-class are mostly identified with these political tendencies. The unsuccessful multicultural project in the Federal Republic of Germany, long-lasting economic crisis in Europe, Islamic terrorism and the wave of immigrants have led to the spread of xenophobia and racism. Thus, many new parties and various informal groups are being formed that expect the government to change the asylum policy of the state and which express their need to consolidate national identity. These social groups demonstrate a critical attitude to the German political system, attracting a certain portion of the protesting electorate. One of the citizens' movements, named Pegida, is demonstrating against not only radical Muslims but Islam as a whole. The organizers and supporters of Pegida publicly distance themselves from right-wing extremists, but use the fears of Islamic terror to spread general negative sentiments towards refugees and foreigners. The research question refers to the prospects of instilling democratic standards in the middle class of German society after the post-unification period. This social class may be the most important factor influencing public opinion. The renaissance of fascist ideology has forced the creation of a new model of communication between social classes. The perception of right-wing ideology is the object of research in the axiological sphere.
Sporun son yüzyıllık serüveninde devlet hayatında ve ülke imajının oluşturulmasında önemli bir kurumsallık sergilediği göz ardı edilemez. Bireysel bir fenomen olarak sporun değerlendirilmesinden ziyade, toplumsal bir olgu olarak spor, sosyo-kültürel yapının şekillenmesinde etkilidir. Bu anlamda birçok modern toplumda, bu dönemde, spor kurumundan devlet politikası olarak istifade edebilmek hedeflenmiştir. Kuşkusuz bu süreçte Sovyet toplumlarında spora yüklenen sosyolojik anlam toplumsal değişim adına göz ardı edilmeyecek bir öneme sahiptir. Çalışmada Sovyet toplumunda spor kültürünün kitlesel olarak geliştirilmesinde ve uluslararası arenada var olmada, spora yüklenen anlam üç aşamada incelenmiş, Spartakiada ve Moskova Olimpiyatları sosyo-politik olarak çözümlenmeye çalışılmıştır ; It can not be overlooked that sports, in its journey in the last century, exhibits an important institutionalism in the creation of country's image and the state of life. Sport as a social phenomenon, is effective in shaping the socio-cultural structure rather than being evaluated as an individual phenomenon. In this sense, in many of the modern societies, in this period, the sports institutions were aimed to be able to benefit from state policy. Undoubtedly, within this period, the sociological meaning assigned to sports in Soviet societies has an importance that cannot be ignored in the name of change. In the study; the meaning assigned to sports has been examined in three stages both in the collective development of sports culture and its existence in the international arena in Soviet society; in addition, Spartakiada and Moscow Olympics have been analyzed socio-politically
Radom se promatra odgojni pristup djetetu kao društveno pitanje koje je određeno općim socijalnim, gospodarskim, ekonomskim i političkim trendovima u društvu. Odgoj je nemoguće promatrati kao fenomen izoliran od razvojnih tendencija društva u cjelini. Analizira se oblikovanje suvremenoga pedagoškog pristupa usporedno s promjenama političko-ekonomskoga okruženja. Time se pokazuje kako svako socijalno ustrojstvo stvara sebi prikladan odgoj. U tome smislu ne možemo govoriti o univerzalno poželjnom odgoju, već o kulturološki prikladnom odgoju. Izbjegavanjem se vlastitoga pedagoškog centrizma omogućuje objektivniji uvid u realne praktične trendove razvoja pedagoškoga koncepta, što posljedično dovodi do njegova kontinuiranog razvoja. U radu se tako sveobuhvatno napominje i cjelovitost svih pozitivnih obilježja i eventualnih manjkavosti suvremenoga pedagoškog pristupa. Cilj je takvoga razmatranja uočavanje karakteristika aktualne pedagoške paradigme objektivnom percepcijom njezinih obilježja kako bi se sustavno korigirala i razvijala na dobrobit djece kojima je primarno namijenjena. ; The paper discusses educational approach to a child as a social matter that is determined by general social, economic and political trends in the society. Education is impossible to perceive as a phenomenon isolated from developmental tendencies of society as a whole. The paper analyses contemporary pedagogical approach in parallel with changes in the political and economic environment. This demonstrates how every social structure develops education for itself. In this sense, we cannot speak of a universally acceptable, but culturally appropriate education. Avoiding pedagogical centrism leads to a more objective insight into real practical trends in the development of pedagogical concept, which consequently leads to its continuous development. The paper comprehensively discusses the entirety of all positive features and possible shortcomings of contemporary pedagogical approach. The aim of such consideration is to explore the characteristics of the current pedagogical paradigm through objective perception of its features, in order to systematically correct and develop it for the benefit of the children it is primarily intended for.
The question of the legal nature of the European Union (hereafter: the EU) has been left unanswered to date. Determining the legal nature is important for predicting the consequences, limits and ways of action of any organization, including the EU. Today, the EU is most often defined as a sui generis organization. Given the limited analytical value of the term sui generis, it is important to determine its content. For this purpose, it is necessary to analyze, along with the political aspect of the community, the formal and legal ones, which includes the analysis of federal, international and other elements contained in the legal and political system of the EU. Also, a comparison between the formal and political elements of the EU and a typical federal society such as the United States of America will be made, with the aim of determining the specific features of the EU which prevent it from being called "the United States of Europe". The most prominent definitions of the EU offered by prominent theorists will be briefly addressed in this article.
Tam Metin / Full Text ; Sivil toplumu normatif zemine dayanarak açıklama girişimi yaygın bir eğilim olsa da, bu zemin çoğu zaman sivil toplum olgusunu açıklamak yerine kavramın içeriğini örtmektedir. A priori bir kabulle sivil toplumun salt bir özgürlükler alanı olduğu iddiası, bu olguyu toplumsal gerçeklikten kopararak teorik bir alana hapsetmektedir. Çalışma; sivil topluma yönelik tüm normatif iddialara mesafeli yaklaşarak, sivil toplum kavrayışına Antik Yunan siyasal düşüncesinin merkezinde yer alan oikos-polis dikotomisiyle bir açılım sağlamayı hedeflemektedir. Kabaca bir zorunluluk-özgürleşme ayrımına dayanan oikos-polis dikotomisi, Antik dönem ve modern kavrayış arasındaki farklılığı karşılaştırmalı olarak inceleme olanağı sunmaktadır. Çalışma; kapitalizme içkin olan ekonomi ve siyasetin ayrışması, çalışmanın toplumsal hayatın merkezine yükselmesi ve araçsallaştırılan aklın egemenliği olgularından hareketle modern dönemde sivil toplumun "yeni bir oikos" olarak değerlendirilebileceğini savunmaktadır. Böylelikle gayri siyasi bir özgürleşme alanı olarak sınırları çizilen sivil toplum kavrayışının oikosla olan ilişkisi daha açık hale getirilmiştir. ; Even though the explanation of civil society on the basis of normative ground has been a general disposition, this base generally conceals the phenomenon of civil society instead of explaining its content. The acknowledgement with an apriori claim that civil society is a sphere of freedom, however, confines the concept to the theoretical area by detaching it from social reality. Bearing this in mind, the study aims to offer an insight to the concept of civil society by referring to oikos-polis dichotomy, which constitutes the basis of political thought in Ancient Greece by approaching with suspicion to all normative claims on civil society. Oikos-polis dichotomy, which is roughly based on obligation-emancipation distinction, provides a possibility to investigate comparatively the difference between Ancient period and the modern understanding. With respect to the ...
