Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the class basis of the civil society in Serbia in the period of post-socialist transformation. The analysis is based on data from several empirical studies implemented by the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade over the past twenty years, specifically in 1997, 2007 and 2012. The main objective of the analysis is to determine whether there is rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that members of the middle class are the key actors of civil society in the entire period observed. Results of the analysis show that the members of the middle class have been holders of civil protests during the period of blocked transformation - almost the only phenomenal manifestation of the civil society in Serbia in the 1990s. On the other hand, research findings from 2007 and 2012 indicated a significant decline of civic activism among all social groups, and the decline was most marked precisely among the middle class. Although members of the middle class, compared with other social groups, were still more willing to engage in civic activities, data show that the differences between social classes were not especially marked, and therefore we can talk only conditionally about rootedness of civil society activities among the middle class.

The author discusses the crucial question of whether Serbia truly pursues the path of modernization and European integration, or just a simulation of these processes. The author proposes the thesis that there are numerous obstacles on Serbia's transitional path toward the (post)modern European society. Therefore, he tries to discover the essential reasons for the citizens' reluctance and resistance, the reasons which are related to the modernization of the Serbian society. Serbia is today at the crossroads of the traditional and modern understanding of life. It contains some elements of (post)modernization, but still with a strong influence of its traditional (conservative) heritage. The processes of re-traditionalization (re-mythologization and pseudo-mythologization) represent a major obstacle to the liberation of the society from the grip of the past and to its orientation towards European values. According to the author, the main creators of retrograde flows can be found in the political establishment of contemporary Serbia. He labels them, ironically and derogatorily, the 'guardians' of tradition, who use demagogic statements, populist paroles, and media information control (for their personal and party interests) to slow down Serbia on its European path.

In his main oeuvre from the field of political philosophy ('Basic Traits of the Philosophy of Right'), Hegel wished to reconcile civil society with state. Civil society is for Hegel the way of abstract notion of property concretization. Subjective form of property is evolutioning into objective relationships among title holders. It is in the state where the will is set free from its particular interests and is becoming free in the widest sense of the word. Since civil society is established as per marketing principles, it is subject to inequalities. Since inequalities bear destructive effect on the life in community, civic particularism may be overcome only in institutional way. That institution is the state as the 'seriousness of the spirit', and the essence of civil society. Civil society is a liberal one, and the state is based on liberal principles. For Hegel, contrary to Hobbes and Locke, liberal society is not a social contract among individuals who possessed some natural rights (property), but reciproque and equal agreement among citizens and states which wish to recognize themselves mutually. It is not an own interest, but searching for rational recognition. The same as citizens, states also wish to reconcile themselves mutually, what in the situation in Kosovo and Metohia alike gets the original form.

U radu se razmatra doprinos inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj celokupnog društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca. Ukazuje se na ključne pozitivne promene u društvu koje se opredelilo za sprovođenje inkluzivnog obrazovanja: (a) unapređivanje zakonske regulative u pravcu obezbeđivanja dostupnosti, pravednosti i jednakosti u ostvarivanju prava dece i odraslih sa teškoćama u razvoju; (b) povezivanje i saradnja različitih društvenih sistema i institucija i (v) finansijska dobrobit koja se ostvaruje korišćenjem dostupnih resursa redovnih obrazovnih institucija za obrazovanje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju. Naglašavaju se značajne promene koje se usled realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja dešavaju unutar obrazovnih institucija, a koje pored unapređivanja obrazovne politike i kulture škola obuhvataju i promene na nivou nastavne i vannastavne prakse. Promene na nivou obrazovnih institucija razmatraju se i iz perspektive ključnih aktera i koristi koje oni imaju od realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja. Naglašava se potencijal koji inkluzivno obrazovanje, kao prirodno okruženje, ima za razvoj i učenje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju i otkrivanje njihovih očuvanih sposobnosti. Ukazuje se na važnost ovakvog okruženja za podsticanje tolerancije, uvažavanja različitosti i empatičnosti kod ostale dece u odeljenju. Poseban osvrt dat je na promene koje se odnose na nastavnika i njegovu praksu, kako na nivou stavova i pedagoških uverenja, tako i u domenu novih znanja i kompеtencija. Kvalitet realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca razmotreni su kroz prizmu različitih prepreka, problema i otežavajućih okolnosti. ; The paper deliberates positive effects of inclusive education and its potential influence on development of entire society, educational institutions and individuals. It indicates key positive changes in the society which opted for inclusive education: (a) improvement of legislation towards providing availability, fairness and equality for children and adults with disabilities in exercising their rights; (b) networking and cooperation between different social systems and institutions; (c) financial benefit gained by using the available resources provided by the regular educational institutions for education of children with disabilities. It stresses the important changes that occur inside the educational institutions due to inclusive education which, in addition to improving educational policy and mind-set in schools, include changes in curricular and extra-curricular practices. The changes in educational institutions are also deliberated from the standpoint of key participants and their benefits from inclusive education. It stresses the potential which the inclusive education, as natural environment, has in development and learning of children with disabilities and in revealing their preserved abilities. It points to importance of such environment in nurturing tolerance, respect for diversity and empathy in other children in the classroom. A special emphasis is put on the changes that concern teachers and their practice, both in their attitudes and pedagogical beliefs and in the domain of new skills and competences. The quality of implementation of inclusive education and its potential effects on development of society, educational institutions and individuals are deliberated through the prism of various obstacles, problems and difficulties. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Постсоцијалистичка трансформација у Србији је, као носилац многобројних и разноврсних промена и новина, утицала и на појаву посебних категорија губитника и добитника транзиције. Параметри на основу којих су ове категорије препознате пружају могућност идентификације припадника овог друштва са једном од њих. У овом раду се представљају аналитички појмови који су погодни за разматрање дате идентификације, као и проблеми који се том приликом могу јавити, а који указују на комплексност овог феномена. Категорије губитника и добитника транзиције постоје онолико дуго колико траје и сам процес друштвене трансформације, што значи да су ефемерне. Ипак, то не значи и да су ирелевантне, с обзиром на то да представљају свест о себи, као и о другоме, у једном временском периоду који карактеришу важна социјална, економска, политичка и културна превирања. ; Post-socialist transformation in Serbia has introduced various changes and novelties including a formation of special categories of losers and winners of transition. The parameters defining these categories allow a possibility of identification with either one within the society. This paper presents analytical terms appropriate for discussing the given identification, as well as problems associated with it, further pointing out to the complexity of this issue. The categories of losers and winners of transition are ever-lasting, accompanying a process of social transformation itself. This however does not imply they are irrelevant considering they represent a sense of self and others in time characterized by important economic, political and cultural turbulences.

U radu ćemo predstaviti karakteristike nastave retorike kao obaveznog izbornog predmeta u devetom razredu osnovne škole u Sloveniji. Ovaj predmet predstavlja jedinstveni obrazovni element jer u drugim evropskim obrazovnim sistemima (kao ni i drugde u svetu) nisu na osnovnoškolskom nivou upoznati s nezavisnim predmetom koji bi učenike sistematski učio principima uspešnog ubeđivanja sagovornika. Nakon kratkog predstavljanja okolnosti uvođenja predmeta retorike u školski program slovenačkih osnovnih škola, predstavićemo njegove pedagoške karakteristike i ukazaćemo na neke specifičnosti njegovog praktičnog sprovođenja od 1999. godine do danas. Glavni fokus u drugom delu našeg rada biće predstavljanje rezultata projekta "Razvoj teorijskih osnova i praktičnih smernica za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj i srednjoj školi" koji se od 2018. godine realizuje u Pedagoškom institutu u Ljubljani. Prikazaćemo osnovne (sadržajne i didaktičke) pravce razvoja nove verzije nastavnog plana i programa za nastavu retorike u osnovnoj školi. Ovim nastojimo da pokažemo kako retorika, kao sastavni deo osnovnog obrazovanja, ne predstavlja dodatni balast ili teret, već da, upravo zbog svojih jedinstvenih (tj. klasičnih) karakteristika, omogućava kritički osvrt na znanje i podstiče demokratske procese u školskoj sredini, što predstavlja jedan od ključnih elemenata razvoja učeničkih kompetencija za efikasno učešće u savremenim demokratskim kulturama. ; In the paper, we shall present the characteristics of teaching rhetoric as a compulsory elective subject in the ninth grade of elementary school in Slovenia. It represents a unique education feature, since in other European educational systems (as well as elsewhere in the world) at elementary level they are not familiar with an independent subject where pupils could systematically learn the principles of successful public persuasion. After a brief presentation of the circumstances surrounding the placement of the subject of rhetoric in the Slovenian elementary school curriculum, we shall outline its pedagogical characteristics and present some particularities of its practical carrying out from 1999 to the present day. The main focus in the second part of our paper shall be the presentation of the results of the project "Developing of theoretical bases and practical guidelines for teaching rhetoric in the primary and secondary school" which has been taking part at the Educational Research Institute Slovenia from 2018. We will demonstrate the main (content and didactic) directions of developing a new version of the curriculum for teaching rhetoric in the primary school, thus trying to show that rhetoric, seen as an integral part of the elementary education, does not represent an additional ballast or burden. On the contrary, precisely because of its unique (i.e. classical) features, it enables a critical reflection of knowledge and promotes democratic processes within the school environment, which represent one of the key elements in development of student competences for effective participation in modern democratic cultures. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Despite the progress in all fields, modern society is facing the development of the means of political violence. Technological development also has its dangerous side. Many researches in the field of science are often carried out for the sake of military needs, and scientific researchers are often misused in military purpose. Political violence represents one of the greatest threats for the democratic development and human rights in contemporary society. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the position of political violence in contemporary society, particularly focusing on its covert use by the great powers, which is often justified by the struggle for democracy and achieving human rights. In that sense this paper is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the globalization process, underling that this process has double face, whose negative side can significantly contribute to the spread of political violence. In the second part the author deals with the relations between policy and violence in contemporary society. The paper underlines the need for critical approach to political violence. This critical approach is crucial for understanding of political violence which is the first step in the fight against it. Political violence is not always negative and sometimes can have a positive role, especially when it comes to defensive war and combating terrorism. But the main problem here is that this can be misused to justify political violence in general. What is positive and what is the negative role of political violence often depends on the perspective of observation. Unfortunately, it seems that the privilege to enforce the standard today is reserved only for great powers, and they have become main judges who decide when political violence is to be approved of or not. This is the way in which a war becomes humanitarian interventions, protection of human rights, etc. That is why it is of great importance to encourage and initiate all actions in science which aim to understand and counter this complex phenomenon.

This paper introduces the concept of social capital as a valuable social resourcewhich is accumulated and developed via activities of civil society organizations: through reciprocal relationships as well as through relations with the domain of political power. Civil society, as the institutional actor of political participation, is in a relationship with social capital, which, to a great extent, improves the political, economic and cultural aspects of societies – those with consolidated democracy and institutions, as well as post communist societies with nonconsolidated democracy. Strengthening and development of civil society has a positive impact on the strengthening and development of social capital and vice versa. On the other hand, social capital lays a solid foundation and a base for the growth and strengthening of civil society, thus raising citizens' awareness about political participation which is an indispensable ingredient of the development of democracy. By depicting norms, networking and trust, as well as by distinguishing bonding from bridging social capital, this paper is going to portray the subject matter of social capital which is "utilized" by the citizens' and stakeholders' effi cient collaboration, thus contributing to democratic development. The stability of developed social capital facilitates the development of political participation and enhances democratic development.

Freedom of expression enjoys a particular protection in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. According to the Court, freedom of expression constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic society, and one of the basic conditions for its progress and for the development of every man. Moreover, it is applicable not only to 'information' or 'ideas' that are favorably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb the State or any sector of the population, since these are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no 'democratic society'. This high valuing of freedom of expression is particularly striking when it comes to the political speech, the free political debate being a distinctive feature of a democratic society. Nevertheless, the European Court considers that whoever exercises his freedom of expression undertakes 'duties and responsibilities', and that the freedom of political debate is undoubtedly not absolute in nature. More concretely, when the hate speech is at issue the Court underlines that the tolerance and respect of equal dignity of all human beings constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic and pluralist society, and that in a democratic society, in principle, it may be considered necessary to punish and even to prevent all forms of expression which propagate, incite, promote, or justify the hate based on intolerance. Taking into account the notion of prohibition of hate speech in the constitutional system of the Republic of Serbia, and the place of the European Convention on Human Rights in its hierarchy of legal sources, this paper follows the evolution of the European Court's case-law as to the understanding and definition of conditions under which it may be considered necessary in a democratic society to restrict freedom of expression because of hate speech. This legal standard - necessary in a democratic society, is then compared to the clear and present danger test, which has been developed for almost a century in the case-law of the Supreme Court of the United States of America, and which application is sometimes recommended in Europe.

Corruption is a complex social, political and economic phenomenon, affecting the society on the whole. It undermines democratic institutions, decelerates the economic development, and contributes to the destabilization of the society. All spheres of the society may be affected by corruption, and numerous studies have showed that the defense and security sector is among the sectors which are the most susceptible to corruption. Fight against corruption is a true necessity of any democratic society and it is, at the same time, a prerequisite of reform changes, and building of transparent and accountable institutions. That is why the fight against corruption and the integrity building in the defense sector have found their place within NATO and partner countries. For these reasons, NATO partnership program has been developed, aiming to find optimal models of building the integrity and defense institutions, with reducing the corruption to minimum, and of maintaining or increasing the efficiency and the effectiveness of collective security.

Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens. ; Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.

In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights. ; In Serbia, in the aftermath of 5 October 2000, the process of desecularization, including the revitalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), overlapped with the democratization of its political institutions, as well as with the political and social pluralism. The desecularization of the Serbian society had already started in the socialist Yugoslavia, but the process itself intensified in the early period of political pluralism and establishment of the democratic political institutions. Is Orthodoxy compatible with democracy, viewed not only as the will of the majority or an election procedure, but also as a political culture of pluralism and rule of law? Is Orthodoxy possible as a "civic" church, in line with the European political tradition of democracy and pluralism? The author contends that the contemporary Orthodoxy, including the SOC, accepts globalization in its technical, technological and economic sense, with a parallel tendency towards cultural fragmentation. Thus one needs a consensus between the SOC, state and society in Serbia concerning the basic values, such as: democracy, civil society, pluralistic discourse, secular tolerance and individual human rights.

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

This paper analyses the connection of interests and corruption, especially corruption and political interests. It first considers the notion of interest, i.e. its meanings and significance, both for an individual and for a society. It presents the classification if interests by Albion Woodbury Small. A special emphasis is given to the encounter of different interests as the beginning of clash between humans. The paper analyses individual, special and general interests, as well as their relations. The paper also analyses two levels of conflict of interest: the conflict between public and private interest and the conflict between interests within the public offices. The relation of interests in society and politics is solved in the best way by adopting laws, i.e. by introducing the rule of law into political order. Without that the interest orientation of politicians can easily end up in abuse and illegality. In turn, abuses and illegalities open the possibilities for various kinds of corruptive acts.

The concept of sustainable development is faced with great interest both in theory, by scientific researchers, and in practice, by managers and policy makers in many countries. Given the fact that humanity has no 'spare planet' to live on and that the deterioration of the climatic conditions is a global issue, promoting sustainable production and consumption becomes the activity that is in focus of many actors. The paper analyzes the activities - of consumers, companies and government, as three key actors. Each of them is important in promoting the idea of sustainability, with the ability for substantiation of synergetic effect. Concrete examples advocate that thesis, while having the concept of consumer society not opposed to the aim of preserving the planet. Consumption is the driver of production and without open spiral of these two processes there is no development of society at all. The point is in a qualitative step from production and consumption of material goods that have a negative impact on the limited resources of the planet, towards those that have a positive one.