The article highlights the opportunities and social factors created in this society for well-being. The action strategy is based on the fact that it is a practical expression of the well- being of society and positive changes in people's lives. At the same time, issues of strengthening the spiritual and mental immunity of a person based on the correct formation of the concept of happiness are highlighted. In the formation of immunity, along with the concept of happiness, the concept of national ideas, the path of democratic development, civil society and spirituality are revealed. At the same time, destructive ideas are compared with national ideology with a special emphasis on the role of spirituality in the formation of ideological immunity.
The role and place of public diplomacy in international relations, peace and stability, and the strengthening of mutual relations among nations are constantly increasing in the context of globalization. People's diplomacy plays an important role in shaping friendly relations between Uzbekistan and the international community with political, diplomatic and economic ties. In the development of public diplomacy, scientists, science and culture representatives, educational institutions, public and religious organizations, as well as public associations founded by fellow citizens, play a key role in the development of public diplomacy. The article aims to provide a systematic illustration of the history of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with Germany within the framework of public diplomacy. It follows from the following tasks: The Role of Public Diplomacy in Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan; Opening of the main directions of the German cooperation in the field of public diplomacy; The role of societies in the cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with public diplomacy with Germany. The research has been used in the analysis, synthesis, history, logic research ways. The external mining partnership, formed in connection with public diplomacy, has given its results in the short run. In 1992, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Uzbekistan received 36 representatives from 9 countries (England, Germany, Israel, India, Malaysia, Turkey, USA, France and JAR). In 1993, about 160 countries recognized the independence of Uzbekistan and established diplomatic relations with 60 countries. In 1993, The First President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov visited Germany, France, England, the Netherlands, Japan and India. As a result of the visit, an agreement on cultural cooperation was signed with India, Turkey, Germany, France, Great Britain and China. The development of public diplomacy has played a significant role in the Uzbek Culture Days in Germany and the German Cultural Days in Uzbekistan. At the same time, the role of art and theater days in the countries in the development of cooperation between two countries in the sphere of culture was particularly significant. The role of friendship societies and cultural centers in the development of bilateral relations between two states in Eurasia – Germany and Uzbekistan is immense. The role of "Uzbekistan-Germany" Friendship Society and "Germany-Uzbekistan" societies, which unite representatives of two nations in the development of cooperation within the framework of people diplomacy are unique.
Pastor Fábrega-Álvarez & Felipe Criado-Boado (eds.). ; A diversidade cultural é un reto para a investigación, tanto como para a convivencia. O mellor coñecemento do que é diferente incrementa a nosa comprensión da realidade.-- Cultural diversity is a major challenge both for research and coexistence The deeper we know the difference, the better we understand reality. ; [GA] Hai dous anos, o Incipit deseñou e organizou unha mostra titulada "Diversa: Arqueoloxía dende o Incipit alén Europa". Esta mostra nutríase de contidos procedentes de diferentes proxectos arqueolóxicos e etnoarqueolóxicos levados a cabo dende o Incipit alén Europa. Os elementos comúns a todos estes proxectos seguen a ser, unha perspectiva comunitaria e un sentido da práctica científica inseparables do traballo político coas comunidades de todo o mundo, amais de facer visible esta perspectiva á nosa propia comunidade. ; [EN] Two years ago, the Incipit designed and organized an exhibition, entitled "Diverse: Archaeology from Incipit beyond Europe". This exhibition was based on different archaeological and ethnoarchaeological projects carried out by the Incipit around the world. The common elements in all of these projects were, and still are, a community perspective and a sense of scientific practice as being inseparable from political work with citizens everywhere, along with the aim of making this perspective visible to our own community. ; Most of the projects shown here were funded by the Instituto de Patrimonio Cultural de España (IPCE), Spanish Ministry of Educación and Cultura, through the annual call Actuaciones Arqueológicas en el Exterior, Dirección General de Bellas Artes y Bienes Culturales y de Archivos y Bibliotecas de la Secretaría de Estado de Cultura. ; Peer reviewed
In November 2002, the oil tanker Prestige caused a catastrophic oil spill off the coast of Galicia in northwestern Spain. This article discusses the oil spill & the sociopolitical movement that arose from it, Never Again. The analysis begins with an overview of the Galician political system & a chronology of the oil spill & its environmental consequences. The discussion then moves on to the birth of Never Again, with an analysis of its organization, internal debates, & action plans. The development of the movement to the present time is traced, with an analysis of the social & political alliances it has formed, including a discussion of many of the citizens' groups that work with Never Again. The article takes a close look at the political consequences of the movement's work, particularly within the context of the Galician & Spanish political systems. Tables, References. R. Young
This scientific article analyzes the importance of the conceptual ideas put forward in the address of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the Parliament of December 28, 2018. Special attention is paid to their importance in raising large-scale reforms in the country to a new level, carried out on the basis of an Action strategy. In particular, the issues of deepening globalization processes occurring in the world and difficult international situation under its influence, the need to take into account the international situation in the process of independent political development, the main tasks of further improving the effectiveness of the political system, democratizing society at the current stage of our country are illuminated in it. The President's address paid special attention to improving the practice of strengthening parliamentary oversight over decisions, passing laws and applying democratic mechanisms in the activities of parliament. The article also deals with the optimization of the executive system, justified in the address of the President, about topical issues of increasing the efficiency of the activities of the Cabinet of Ministers. The author of the article talks about the most advanced models of modern democracy being implemented in our country. In particular, he sets forth his analytical thoughts on such concepts as "Democracy of monitoring", "Deliberative democracy", "E-democracy", "Mobile democracy" and on other new models of democracy. The article analyzes the great goals and objectives related to the achievement of great results, based on modern mechanisms and principles of democracy in the context of the implementation of innovative state policy containing the actual needs of our country's renewal and development based on the most advanced requirements of our time, which were set forth in the address of the President. At the same time, it is shown that the leading principles, the philosophy of the implementation of innovation policy express the expectations and aspirations of our people. In this regard, the article presents the conclusions about the importance of the implementation of modern innovative democratic development in society.
In this article, the conceptual and doctrinal foundations of the ideas of non-use of force and ensuring peace in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan are investigated in chronological order. The foreign policy of Uzbekistan is, first of all, a course aimed at ensuring vital tasks, primarily for the state and society. Uzbekistan's foreign policy strategy is primarily aimed at ensuring integration into the world community. The deepening of the country's integration into the world community in the current difficult conditions of international relations is an important task facing the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The conceptual idea of foreign policy and foreign policy of the Republic of Uzbekistan is the indivisibility of security and joint and partnership actions to ensure it. The problem of national and regional security occupies an important place in Uzbekistan's foreign policy. One of the main tasks in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan was the formation of a system of regional security, which is necessary both for the republics of Central Asia and for the vast geographical area bordering the region. Another advanced idea for Uzbekistan's foreign policy is the postulate that the problems of the Central Asian region should be solved without the intervention of external forces and only by the countries of the region. Given all this, the cornerstone of Uzbekistan's foreign policy remains the non-use of force and the threat of force, and the maintenance and observance of peace. The article examines the changes occurring in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan, their regulatory consolidation, guidelines for the short, medium and long-term perspective, and on the basis of this, a number of scientific conclusions and practical recommendations are given.
Greece has still not found its way back while its economy has been deteriorating year after year since 2008. It is argued in this article that the central factor of this outcome was the dynamics of financing in the countries most involved in Greek indebtedness that was considerably greater and had a more detrimental influence on the Greek economy than poor fiscal management that different governments could incur. The impetus displayed by financial services did not correspond to the weakness of the real sector which occurs when borrowing and financial flows are used without restriction to meet the interests of creditors. In this work an analysis of the channels that fueled Greek debt is carried out in the context proposed by Minsky where an economy moves from financial stability to a scenario of instability supported in two determining variables: high and exaggerated interest on debt service and the type of agents holding debt assets. The debt-service interest incurred by the government since joining the eurozone and the impetus for financing caused the debt to have a giant snowball effect while the change in debt holders forced the government to comply with strict and onerous government and macroeconomic reforms that directly impacted the ability of Greek governments to pay with negative results on the well-being of society. ; Grecia aún no ha encontrado el camino hacia su recuperación desde que su economía se contrajera año tras año desde el 2008. Se argumenta en este artículo que el factor central de este resultado fue la dinámica de financiación de los países más involucrados en el endeudamiento griego, que fue considerablemente mayor y que influyó más negativamente sobre la economía griega que el deficiente y dispendioso manejo fiscal en el que pudieron incurrir diferentes gobiernos. El ímpetu mostrado por los servicios financieros no correspondió a la debilidad del sector real, pues el endeudamiento y los flujos financieros fueron utilizados sin restricción alguna para satisfacer los intereses de los acreedores. En este trabajo se realiza un análisis de los canales que fueron alimentando la deuda griega en el contexto propuesto por Minsky (1992) de inestabilidad financiera, que tiene lugar cuando una economía transita desde la estabilidad financiera hacia un escenario de inestabilidad soportado en dos variables determinantes: los altos y exagerados intereses del servicio de la deuda y el tipo de agentes poseedores de los activos de deuda. Los intereses del servicio de la deuda contraída por el Gobierno desde su incorporación a la zona euro junto al fuerte impulso de la financiación provocaron que la deuda se convirtiese en una bola de nieve gigante, mientras que el cambio en los poseedores de deuda impidió que el Gobierno pudiera cumplir con las estrictas y onerosas reformas gubernamentales y macroeconómicas, que repercutieron directamente sobre la capacidad de pago de los Gobiernos griegos y que provocaron resultados negativos sobre el bienestar de la sociedad. ; Grecia aínda non atopou o camiño cara á súa recuperación desde que a súa economía se contraese ano tras ano desde o 2008. Arguméntase neste artigo que o factor central deste resultado foi a dinámica de financiamento dos países máis involucrados no endebedamento grego, que foi considerablemente maior e que influíu máis negativamente sobre a economía grega que o deficiente e dispendioso manexo fiscal no que puideron incorrer diferentes gobernos. O ímpeto mostrado polos servizos financeiros non correspondeu á debilidade do sector real, pois o endebedamento e os fluxos financeiros foron utilizados sen restrición ningunha para satisfacer os intereses dos acredores. Neste traballo realízase unha análise das canles que foron alimentando a débeda grega no contexto proposto por Minsky (1992) de inestabilidade financeira, que ten lugar cando unha economía transita desde a estabilidade financeira cara a un escenario de inestabilidade soportado en dúas variables determinantes: os altos e esaxerados xuros do servizo da débeda e mais o tipo de axentes posuidores dos activos de débeda. Os xuros do servizo da débeda contraída polo Goberno desde a súa incorporación á zona euro xunto ao forte impulso do financiamento provocaron que a débeda se convertese nunha bóla de neve xigante, mentres que o cambio nos posuidores de débeda impediu que o Goberno puidese cumprir coas estritas e onerosas reformas gobernamentais e macroeconómicas, que repercutiron directamente sobre a capacidade de pagamento dos Gobernos gregos e que provocaron resultados negativos sobre o benestar da sociedade.