Suchergebnisse

Cet article est basé sur une recherche évaluative du projet « réadaptation à base communautaire, RBC », réalisée au Rwanda en 2012 et en 2013. Il concerne un partenariat entre le ministère de la Santé (Minisanté) et Handicap International (HI), où le Minisanté a demandé l'assistance technique de HI dans la mise en œuvre d'un projet pilote de RBC impliquant l'élaboration de politiques, le renforcement des capacités des professionnels de la santé et la prestation de services au niveau communautaire. Le projet est cofinancé par l'Union européenne et Handicap International pour une durée de 4 ans. Une approche émancipatrice de la recherche avec un accent sur le rôle de la société civile (personnes handicapées et leurs organisations) comme protagoniste a été employée au cours de cette évaluation. Des données, majoritairement qualitatives, ont été recueillies à l'aide de plusieurs outils, comme des SSI (semi-structure interviews) avec les planificateurs et des fournisseurs de services, des groupes de discussion avec les usagers du service, des sondages, des études du cas et de l'observation. Les méthodes d'analyse synthétique ont été employées, comme l'analyse FFOM (force, faiblesse, opportunités et menaces), la validation communautaire et l'interprétation synthétique, incluant aussi des statistiques de base comme des tableaux et des pourcentages.Étant donné le succès du projet pilote, des recommandations ont favorisé la mise en œuvre de la RBC à grande échelle dans le pays, avec un accent particulier mis sur le renforcement de la capacité institutionnelle des acteurs locaux en matière de plaidoyer. Cela correspond bien à une meilleure protection des droits des PH selon la convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées (CDPH).This account is based on an evaluation research to the Community Based Rehabilitation programme in Rwanda which is carried out in 2012-2013. It's a partnership between Ministry of Health (Minisanté) and Handicap International (HI) where Minisanté requested the technical assistance of HI in implementing a pilot CBR project involving policy development, capacity building of health professionals and the provision of rehabilitation services at community level. The project is financed by the European Union and Handicap International for 4 years. An emancipatory research approach was used in this evaluation where persons with disabilities and their civil society organisations have actively participated in research process. Several tools were used for data collections such as semi-structure interviews with planners and service providers, questionnaires, case study, observations and focus group discussion with service users. Equally, qualitative methods for analysis were used including SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity and Threat) as well as community validation of research outcomes. Results showed that the objectives of project were adequately fulfilled according to criteria of pertinence, effectiveness, impact, sustainability and gender participation. Given the success of the pilot stage, recommendations were in favor of expanding CBR at the national level with focus on capacity building of local actors on advocacy issues. This may provide higher levels of rights protection and goes in line with the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD).

O artigo busca fazer reflexões sobre o atual estágio da governança pública nas relações internacionais. Na perspectiva do Direito Internacional, a Carta das Nações Unidas, de 1945, é a Constituição da sociedade internacional dos Estados. Elaborada após a 2ª Guerra Mundial, a Carta prevê a conformação de uma estrutura burocrática global sem precedentes na história, tendo em vista que os cinco principais órgãos da ONU (AGNU, CSNU, SGNU, CIJ e ECOSOC) acondicionam sob suas esferas uma variedade de órgãos subsidiários, agências especializadas, departamentos, programas fundos, organizações relacionadas, comissões regionais e escritórios. Em conjunto, essas instituições conformam o cerne da atual administração pública internacional. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar os argumentos que sustentam essas duas teses: a da constitucionalização das relações internacionais; e a da gradual institucionalização de uma administração pública nas relações internacionais, de que a ONU é um elemento central. Existe, porém, uma problemática: a ausência de uma identificação subjetiva cosmopolita (perspectiva de um "cidadão do mundo") que legitime essas duas teses. A ONU não se apoia sobre os pilares da legitimidade popular. Tampouco existe uma solidariedade comunitária global amplamente difusa a ponto de reunir todos os povos do mundo em torno de um projeto de Constituição mundial. Nesse sentido, será aqui discutida a possibilidade de o pós-nacionalismo conferir legitimidade à ONU como ponto focal de uma governança pública global constitucionalmente estabelecida.
Palavras-chaves: Nações Unidas; Constituição internacional; administração pública internacional.


Abstract: This article seeks to make reflections on the current stage of public governance in international relations. From the perspective of international law, the Charter of the United Nations, of 1945, is the Constitution of the international society of States. Drawn up after World War II, the Charter provides for the formation of an unprecedented global bureaucratic structure, considering that the five major UN bodies – UNGA, UNSC, UNSG, ICJ and ECOSOC – condition under their guardianship a variety of subsidiary bodies, specialized agencies, funds, departments, programs, related organizations, regional commissions and offices. Together, these institutions constitute the core of the current international public administration. The purpose of this article is to present the arguments supporting these two theses: the constitutionalization of international relations; and the gradual institutionalization of a public administration between nation States. There is, however, a problematic little examined by legal experts: the absence of social and cultural substrate that legitimize the thesis of an international Constitution. The UN is not ideologically based on the idea of nation or of popular legitimacy, such as supported by national democratic States and their constitutions. In this sense, this article will analyze the possibility of a "post-national" ideology giving certain legitimacy to UN global public governance structure as a constitutionally established system.
Keywords: United Nations; international Constitution; international public administration.


Recebido em: fev/2016;
Aprovado em: abr/2017.

Introducción: El artículo que presento se enmarca en una investigación más amplia titulada "Miradas sobre la otredad. Producción de representaciones sociales en torno a los migrantes senegaleses y argentinos en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. 2010- 2014", en el marco del Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Allí he abordado las relaciones que se producen entre ambas poblaciones y las representaciones que un grupo construye sobre el otro. En este escrito me propongo analizar la movilidad y la inserción que dichos migrantes tienen en la sociedad receptora.Método: Para ello he analizado veinte entrevistas en profundidad realizadas a migrantes senegaleses que arribaron a la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires entre los años 2000 y 2014. Las mismas han sido grilladas y analizadas bajo diversas categorías que me han permitido reflexionar respecto de su circulación e inserción en el territorio.Resultados: Los migrantes senegaleses arribados en la última década y media a la Argentina siguen un patrón de circulación particular en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, signado por su inserción laboral marginal y su segregación residencial, como resultado de la aplicación de políticas neoliberales durante los años '90 en la Argentina que tuvieron como contrapartida la reducción de oportunidades para la población más pobre y vulnerable, donde suelen ubicarse los grupos migrantes.Conclusiones: La venta ambulante y la residencia en hoteles pensiones en barrios empobrecidos de la ciudad de Buenos Aires son parte de las estrategias que los migrantes senegaleses ponen en juego para insertarse en la sociedad, donde intervienen pautas culturales propias de este colectivo migratorio. Introduction: The present article is part of a broader research entitled "Perspectives on otherness. Production of social representations about Senegalese and Argentinean migrants in Buenos Aires. 2010-2014", in the framework of the Doctorate in Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires, in which I sought to address the relationships that occur between the two populations and the representations that a group built on the other.Method: I analyzed twenty in-depth interviews with Senegalese migrants who had arrived in Buenos Aires Autonomous City between 1995 and 2014. This data have been analyzed under various categories, which have allowed me to reflect on those migrants' circulation and insertion in the territory.Results: Senegalese migrants who arrived in Argentina over the last decade and a half follow a particular pattern of movement in the city of Buenos Aires, marked by their employment and residential segregation, as a result of the implementation of neoliberal policies during the 1990's. Such policies led to a reduction of opportunities among the most poor and vulnerable population, to which migrant groups tend to belong.Conclusion: Some of the strategies developed by Senegalese migrants to get integrated into society are: working as street vendors and residing in hotels located at impoverished neighborhoods in the City of Buenos Aires. Those strategies involve migrants' own cultural patterns.

The article is devoted to the study of the historical development of the territory of the Chernihiv-Siversky Podesennya by the researcher-archaeologist Vasily Eliseyevich Kurylenko, to the learning of his role in the development of Ukrainian archaeological science, museum affairs and his educational activities. The author analyzes the life and search path of the researcher, describes the importance of field archeological activity and museum-educational work. The study tested the significance of scientific (archeological), literary heritage and educational activities for the development of modern views on the ancient history of Ukraine. The study of the historical processes of the Desnian region for some reasons has not been sufficiently disclosed. Among them, the Mizun stand, named after the culture of the Eastern player of Sivershchyna, which is the most prominent archaeological sites, whose age reaches 20-18 millennium BC. The Mizun stand testifies the transition of people in ancient times at the turn of the Paleolithic and Mesolithic period from the caves of natural origin in handmade dwellings built from the bones and skins of mammoths. The opening of the Mizun stand nowadays equates to the opening of Troy by H. Schliemann, Trypillia culture by V. Khvoika, the Scythian Golden pectoral by B. Mazolevsky, the value of Egyptian hieroglyphs be Zh.F. Champolion. Having analyzed the formation of V.E. Kurylenko as an archaeologist-researcher focuses on the significance of his archaeological researches, scientific activity, literary-journalistic, artistic, educational, museum-heritage for the development of contemporary views on the ancient history of Ukraine, on the factors of the formation of the Ukrainian ethnic group, and the consolidation of civil society. In the article the significance of V.E.Kurylenko' researches of the Mizun bracelets, fragments of the original products with ornament, which was deciphered by the scientist, the monthly protocalendar of the hunters and fishermen of the Neolithic Age, the protozoan instruments, etc., which do not have world analogues were noted. By deciphering the Mizun bracelets the scientist launched a new direction in archaeological science - astroarheology. The researcher has developed a scientific method of complex study of cultures of the district. V.Kurylenko looked for traces of the Mesolithic and Neolithic settlements in the district of Mizin on Podesennya during 46 years (from 1965 to 2011). He found the second Mizun Paleolithic stand "Kostomakh' well". V.Kurylenko discovered more than 60 archeological artefacts, found on the banks of the Desna more than twenty different cultures, in particular - previously unknown − Preyukhnov culture. V.E.Kurilenko collected more than 54,000 archaeological finds, systematized them, classified and created archaeological museums for them, among them a museum near the world-famous Mizun stand. V.Kurylenko studied the interconnection, interplay of chronological changes in the cultures of a particular region., avoid pseudo-scientific, imposed, ideologically-ordered conclusions. He created the Ukrainian concept of museum creation.

Administrative corruption in a simple definition is violation of a law for personal benefits by utilization of job position. It is a phenomenon within today's world as one of the most important obstacles on the way of societies' progress. The impact of different factors in forming corruption has given it a complicated nature. Administrative corruption is a correlative issue and it is different according to value system of each society. This article is trying to present a solution in order to fight against administrative corruption through classification of staff with the help of explaining the relation of their perception, sensation and commitment towards corruption and corrupted situations. Present study in terms of purpose is developmental-practical, and in terms of execution and based upon research purposes is a survey. The study population is the staff of Ministry of Economic Affairs and Finance in 2015. In order to explain perception, sensation and the behavior of staff, the questionnaire of administrative corruption is designed in three dimensions: perceptive aspect (cognitive) which includes items for assessing the status of awareness and recognition of staff from instances and consequences of administrative corruption; sensation aspect which includes items for assessing the vision and tendencies of staff towards corruption, and behavioral aspect which is formed from items for assessing the behavior of staff in facing with corruptive situations. In order to identify the reasons of corruption two questionnaires of "National identity" and "Organizational culture" have been designed. The result of the research was that the perpetrators of corruption can be divided into three categories. First category is the staff that their perception is positive, it means that they have adequate cognition from manifestations and corruption consequences and their feeling about corruption is negative, it means that they consider it as an ominous phenomenon, but they are guilty of corruption. Second category is the staff that their perception is positive, they don't see corruption as an ominous phenomenon. Consequently, their feeling toward corruption is positive, and they perpetrate it. The third category is the staff whose perception is negative, their feeling is uncertain, and they perpetrate it. The behavior of these categories will be interpreted in form of related theories. The significant note is that despite the tendency average to practice administrative corruption among governmental staff is lower than assumed average and it indicates that there is a protection of corruption perpetration, but the rank of our country is not favorable the International Organization report. This warning made the researchers to provide new solutions to help resolving this social issue by reviewing current solutions for prevention, and fighting against administrative corruption, regarding the richness of evaluating system in Iran.
Keywords: corruption, administrative corruption, corruption perception, sense of corruption, corruption behavior, organizational culture, national identity. JEL Classification: D73, M12, Z10

<div><p><em>Women in India are approximately about out half of the population, they have been the weakest of the weaker sections which have been the most exploited in every field and in all sectors .Women in have been the most abused and have been undergone a various types of hardships in their everyday life. Even though the government of India have been implemented some of policies implemented as their social security not many of them have come to reality. The women domestic workers in India are the unorganized group who strived to make their living without any life security and are in the vital situations in their social life. Over the last few years, studies on domestic life security in India have noted the increase in the numbers of migrant female domestic workers in the cities. They have also observed that domestic work is highly informal in its organization and tinted the vulnerabilities of domestic workers who belong to the poorer and uneducated sections of society. These studies also note that women from <strong>marginalized castes</strong> form a substantive group of domestic workers (Kaur 2006; Neetha 2004 and 2008). Domestic workers form a significant part of this informal economy which is unorganised. Despite the fact, domestic workers, constitute a crushing 90% of this unorganized labor force in India, they have always been <strong>marginalized</strong> as the unorganised sector. Whether they work part time, full day or as live in workers, they are forced to put up with various indignities, in the privacy of the households they work in. This part of my paper constitutes the study of Domestic workers in the Bangalore city is significant aspect due to its urban development process and women domestic have found to be the most wanted. Domestic workers, an estimated <strong>4 lakhs</strong> in <strong>Bangalore City</strong> work under illogical rules, are largely unskilled and illiterate. For years, women have been doing the drudgery of washing, cleaning, cooking and all menial tasks in other households for their own survival. Long hours of work, years of toil often with no living wage, no rest or recreation, sexual harassment, abuse of their dignity, untouchability, often treated callously are the story of their lives. The conditions of lakhs of child women domestic workers, the 24 hours live in workers, are even more exploitative and obnoxious. There have been many cases of rape and murder, horror tales of children being beaten, locked in bathrooms, bitten and burnt by employers. In my paper I have highlight some of the vital incidents where women have been facing and also the government policies and programmes and polices in the women empowerment in the social sector.</em></p></div>

El origen, construcción y establecimiento de una agenda sociopolítica implica actores que no necesariamente se relacionan directamente, sino que utilizan medios para difundir información acerca de los temas de sus agendas. En el caso del Estado, los medios de comunicación tales como televisión, radio y prensa son empleados para influir en la opinión ciudadana cuando de la evaluación de políticas públicas se trata. Por su parte, la ciudadanía a través de las redes sociales como Twitter y Facebook ha influido en el ejercicio profesional de los comunicadores. De este modo, la influencia de los medios sobre las políticas públicas a través de la opinión pública ha sido rebasada. En este sentido, el objetivo del presente trabajo es exponer los marcos teóricos para explicar las relaciones entre los actores involucrados en el establecimiento de la agenda pública. Este ejercicio permitirá discernir los modos de influencia entre los actores y la emergencia o permanencia de temas en la agendanacional.Palabras clave: agenda, políticas públicas, medios de comunicación,sociedad civil, redes sociales.Teorias para explicar a origem, construção eestabelecimento da agenda sociopolíticaA origem, construção e estabelecimento de uma agenda sociopolíticaenvolve atores que não necessariamente se relacionam diretamente,mas que utilizam a mídia para divulgar informações sobre os temas desuas agendas. No caso do Estado, os médios de comunicação, tais comotelevisão, rádio e mídia impressa, são empregados para influenciar naopinião cidadã quando se trata da avaliação de políticas públicas. Por suaparte, a cidadania, através das redes sociais como Twitter e Facebook, teminfluenciado o exercício profissional dos comunicadores. Desta forma, ainfluência da mídia sobre as políticas públicas, através da opinião públicatem sido excedida. Neste sentido, o objetivo do presente trabalho é exporos enquadres teóricos para explicar as relações entre os atores envolvidosno estabelecimento da agenda pública. Este exercício permitirá discernirformas de influência entre os atores e a emergência ou a permanência detemas na agenda nacional.Palavras-chave: Agenda, políticas públicas, mídia, sociedade civil, redessociais.Theories to explain the origin, construction andestablishment of the socio-political agendaThe origin, construction and establishment of a socio-political agendainvolve actors not necessarily directly related, but who use media todisseminate information about issues on their agendas. In the case of theState, media such as television, radio and newspapers are used to influencepublic opinion when evaluating public policy. In the case of the citizens,they have influenced the practice of journalists through social networks likeTwitter and Facebook. Thus, media influence on public policy through publicopinion has been exceeded. In this sense, the objective of this paper is topresent a theoretical framework to explain the relationship among actorsinvolved in setting the public agenda. This exercise will allow discerningmodes of influence among actors and the emergence or persistence ofissues in the national agenda.Keywords: agenda, public policy, media, civil society, social networking.

Part 1 (1) articulates and explains (A) the specific-anticompetitive-intent test of illegality that the study claims is promulgated by the Sherman Act, the object-branch of the test of illegality promulgated by Article 101(1) of the Treaty of Lisbon, and the exclusionary-abuse branch of the test of illegality promulgated by Article 102 of the Treaty of Lisbon; and (B) the lessening-competition test of illegality that the study claims is promulgated by the Clayton Act, the effect-branch of the test of illegality promulgated by Article 101(1) of the Treaty of Lisbon, and the European Merger Control Regulation; and (2) attempts to justify the study's claims that its operationalizations of those tests of illegality are correct as a matter of law. Part 2 (1) articulates the study's definition of the concept of "the impact of a choice on economic efficiency," (2) defines three categories of organizational allocative (economic) efficiencies the study distinguishes and explains why the fact that conduct generates any of these categories of organizational economic efficiency favors its legality under U.S. or E.U. antitrust law, and (3) defines the other categories of economic inefficiency the study identifies and explains why the impact of business conduct on the magnitudes of these categories of economic inefficiency in the society in question is irrelevant to its legality under U.S. or E.U. antitrust law. Part 3 then (1) summarizes the study's argument for its conclusion that definitions of both classical economic markets and antitrust markets are inevitably arbitrary not just at their periphery but at their core, (2) summarizes the study's discussion of the concept of a firm's dominance or economic (market) power and its explanation of why a firm's economic power could not be inferred from its market share even if markets could be defined nonarbitrarily, (3) outlines the conceptual systems the study develops and uses to analyze the competitiveness of prices and the impact of conduct on the intensity of price competition respectively in individualized-pricing and across-the-board-pricing contexts, and (4) articulates the study's definitions of (A) the concept of quality-or-variety-increasing-investment competition and (B) the concepts it uses to analyze the impact of conduct on such competition. Part 4 outlines the most salient points the study makes about (1) coordinated conduct and oligopolistic pricing, (2) predatory pricing and predatory investments, (3) horizontal mergers and acquisitions, (4) conglomerate mergers, and (5) various pricing-techniques, contract-clause and sales-policy surrogates for vertical integration, and vertical mergers and acquisitions. The Conclusion describes an important part of the policy-sequel to this antitrust-law study that I have contracted to publish. In particular, the Conclusion outlines the protocol that that sequel will use to analyze the economic efficiency of any exemplar of any category of antitrust-law-covered conduct or of any policy-responses to such conduct.

The paper discusses choral singing as a form of extracurricular activity and teaching in elementary school. It considers the historical development of choral singing in order to highlight the continuity of its existence and importance in society and reviews the importance of choral singing in musical and overall upbringing and education of elementary school students. Authors analyze the curricula of grades I to IV in order to determine how much attention is given to choral singing. Didactic and methodological issues related to the formation of the choir in elementary school are reviewed, together with methodical approach for working with early grades choir, proper selection of the musical compositions and the role of teachers. Listed is the recommended choral literature to supplement the current curricula. Special attention was given to literature containing the Kosovo-Metohija folk songs, suitable for choral arrangement. Performing of these songs in a choral arrangement will contribute to stimulating the interest of students towards musical folklore of Kosovo and Metohija, and therefore its preservation and fostering. It is highlighted that singing in the choir contributes to the development of hearing, voice, harmonic feeling, a sense of rhythm, melody and group play. By mastering different compositions, students become familiar with valuable achievements of artist, spiritual and folk music. The significant meaning and importance of this kind of work is reflected in the possibilities of achieving the tasks of socio-moral education. Choral singing develops a sense of collective responsibility, conscious discipline, perseverance, endurance, helps establish a sense of understanding, mutual respect and tolerance, friendship and a sense of teamwork. Singing in the choir develops aesthetic attitude and taste in music. Students are trained to perceive and to value the true qualities of beauty, grace, harmony and authenticity in music. The value of this kind of work is also reflected in the capabilities of the development of work habits, work culture and discipline. Choral singing encourages emotional and psychological development of students. Group singing relaxes students, reduces stage fright and uncertainty, and promotes self-esteem. Singing variety of lyrics enables students to acquire knowledge, and form a more positive attitude towards life. Choral singing contributes to the development of skills and good habits, motivation of students to learn, self-education, self-development, encourages the development of attention, memory, concentration, thinking, contributing to the achievement of the goals of intellectual education. In addition to the educational influence on the members of the choir, it enriches also the listeners and contributes to their musical and cultural development, as well as the reputation and recognition of the school. It was concluded that the choir, as the largest form of collective music performance in elementary school, has an extremely important role in the musical and the comprehensive development of students, which is why it should receive much more attention in the context of elementary school extracurricular activities.

The paper presents considerations of the research on the Serbian political tradition in the work of Slobodan Jovanović (1869-1958), a famous Serbian lawyer, historian, writer and politician, who had a very important role in the development of the Serbian political thought. His work is extensive and varied, but in essence, it relates to the whole of political life in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Almost all the elements that make up the Serbian political tradition can be observed in his work. All these elements are contained in the discussion of political institutions in the 19th century Serbia, the rule of the Obrenović dynasty, political parties and party leaders, political ideas and movements in Serbia and Yugoslavia, extreme political behavior and Serbian national character. Jovanović found the origins of Serbian political tradition in the epic poetry and the Kosovo myth, as well as in the poetry of Njegoš. This was a decisive factor in the formation of general ideas about the Serbs as a freedom-loving, heroic and justice-loving people. At the same time, this is where the origins of the idea of Serbs as a disunited nation can be found. Jovanović paid the greatest attention to issues concerning the content of Serbian political tradition, namely: constitutional system, political institutions, parliamentary life, inter-party struggles, political events, the role of the individual in politics and culture, authoritarianism and political violence. He pointed to the political ideas that were coming from the West and which were accepted with mistrust by the patriarchal Serbian society. He appreciated the role of political parties in the democratization of political life, but he also warned of the dangers that threatened national unity: party favouritism and intolerance. In the analyses of the Serbian national character, Jovanović was of the opinion that the Serbs are predominantly a 'Dinaric type' people, which is characterised by the highly developed sense of justice but not of legality, because it was difficult for them to get accustomed to the laws and could not rid themselves of the biasin favour of relatives and friends in their public life. Regarding Yugoslavism, Jovanovic was its critic, but he pointed out to the rational reasons for the unification of Serbs and Croats, which could be established on a compromise of Serbian and Croatian nationalism. He particularly devoted his attention to the Serbian cultural pattern and indicated that, in its absence, it often came to the corruption in public life, which was most noticeable in politics. That is why he advocated the formation of a humanistic cultural pattern, which would be directed to the development of people and would cover the whole of the spiritual life. The work of Slobodan Jovanović expressed a very critical approach to many issues of Serbian political tradition, but it also expressed very clear Enlightenment appeals for the necessity of humanistic education for the development of democratic political culture in Serbia.

Central Asian Gypsies: identities and migrationsDuring recent years the topic of Gypsy/Roma migration and identities became burning topic of pan-EUropean public discourse. Much less attention is paid to the Gypsy migrations outside the borders of European Union. The present article has ambitious goal to fulfill this gap and to present contemporary Gypsy migrations in Post-soviet Central Asian in order to see how this "burning" topic looks outside European space. After breakdown of Soviet Union and establishing of new independent republics in Central Asia and in connection to economical difficulties, wars and social unrest, in order to make their living, the communities of Central Asian 'Gypsies' revitalised their former nomadic traditions and migrate towards Russian Federation and in frames of Central Asia towards Kazakhstan. There they are earning their living through begging and sporadic work in construction and scrap collection.A central point of this article is the impact of these contemporary migrations on the development of identities and well being of Central Asian 'Gypsies'. The multilevel, hierarchically structured identities of Central-Asian 'Gypsies' are analysed as demonstrated in different historical contexts – as former "Soviet people", member of former ruling class of agricultural proletariat, and as declassed community today; as Central-Asian 'Gypsies' or as citizens of respective Central Asian Republics during migrations in Russian Federation in front of Russian majority society and in front of Roma; and in context of the Central Asian region during the migrations to Kazakhstan and in their home countries. Cyganie środkowoazjatyccy – tożsamości i migracje W ostatnich latach tematyka migracji i tożsamości Cyganów (Romów) stała się tematem palącym w unijnoeuropejskim dyskursie publicznym. O wiele mniej uwagi poświęca się w nim migracjom Cyganów, które mają miejsce poza granicami Unii Europejskiej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wypełnienie tej luki i ukazanie współczesnych migracji Cyganów w posowieckiej Azji Środkowej, po to by móc spojrzeć, jak ów "palący" problem przedstawia się poza obszarem europejskim. Po rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego i ustanowieniu w Azji Środkowej nowych niepodległych republik, a także wobec trudności gospodarczych, wojen i niepokojów społecznych, w dążeniu do uzyskania środków do życia, wspólnoty "Cyganów" środkowoazjatyckich powróciły do swych dawnych tradycji nomadycznych i migrują na teren Federacji Rosyjskiej jak też w obrębie Azji Środowej do Kazachstanu. Zarabiają tu na życie żebraniem, okazjonalnie podejmują pracę na budowach, zajmują się też zbieraniem surowców wtórnych.Zasadniczą kwestią rozpatrywaną w niniejszym artykule jest ukazanie, jak te współczesne migracje wpływają na budowanie tożsamości i dobrobytu środkowoazjatyckich "Cyganów". Przedstawiona została analiza wielopoziomowych hierarchicznie ustrukturyzowanych tożsamości "Cyganów" środkowoazjatyckich, przejawiających się w różnych kontekstach historycznych: jako "ludzi sowieckich", członków dawnej klasy przewodniej – wiejskiego proletariatu, i jako zdeklasowanej dziś wspólnoty; jako "Cyganie" środkowoazjatyccy lub jako obywatele odnośnych republik środkowoazjatyckich podczas migracji na terenie Federacji Rosyjskiej vis a vis dominującej wspólnoty społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, jak też vis a vis Romów; a także w kontekście regionu środkowoazjatyckiego podczas migracji do Kazachstanu oraz w ich krajach ojczystych.

Den sociologiske forskning i frivilligt arbejde har længe været optaget af at afklare hvilke faktorer, der afgør om et menneske engagerer sig i civilsamfundet eller ej. En række forskellige teorier tilskriver den afgørende betydning til henholdsvis de frivilliges normer, ressourcer eller netværk. I en dansk kontekst er dette spørgsmål hidtil kun blevet adresseret ved hjælp af tværsnitsdata. I denne artikel undersøger vi betydningen af disse forskellige faktorer for danske frivillige med udgangspunkt i paneldata fra 2004 og 2012. Formålet med denne artikel er at afprøve de tre dominerende teorier, om hvad der får folk til at blive frivillige, samt hvad der får dem til at holde op igen. Endvidere undersøges teoriernes respektive gyldighed inden for tre forskellige civilsamfundssektorer – den aktivitetsorienterede, den velfærdsorienterede og den politisk- og lokalsamfundsorienterede sektor – for at undersøge, hvorvidt det er de samme faktorer, der har betydning for det frivillige engagement på tværs af forskellige typer frivillig aktivitet. Analysen viser, at det især er netværk knyttet til forskellige livsfaser, der forklarer bevægelser ind og ud af frivillighed. Yderligere viser vi, at familietraditioner for frivilligt arbejde socialiserer stærkt til selv at blive frivillig, hvorimod socialiseringsforskelle mellem fødselskohorter kun synes at have betydning for frivilligheden inden for den politiske sektor. Endelig viser analysen, at uddannelsesmæssige ressourcer overraskende har meget begrænset betydning for mobilitet ind og ud af frivilligt arbejde.


ENGELSK ABSTRACT:

Morten Frederiksen and Rasmus Juul Møberg: Mobility in the Volunteer Sector. A Panel Data Analysis of Danish People's Involvement in Volunteer Work between 2004 and 2012

Sociological research on volunteering has had a longstanding interest in identifying the factors affecting whether people volunteer or not. Three different theoretical positions ascribe the decisive impact to resources, norms, and/or networks of the volunteers. The Danish case has hitherto only been investigated using cross sectional data. In this article, we investigate the importance of these different factors in Denmark using panel data from 2004 and 2012. The purpose of the article is to test these three dominant theories about what makes people volunteer and what makes them stop again. Furthermore, the salience of each theory is analysed within three different sectors of civil society: the activity oriented, the welfare oriented and the politics and community oriented. The purpose is to investigate whether the same factors are important in the different sectors, as is usually assumed. The analysis indicates that social networks associated with different life stages, in particular, can account for mobility in and out of volunteer work. Additionally, we show that socialization through family traditions for volunteering is strong, whereas differences in socialization between birth cohorts only seems to affect volunteering in the politics and community sector. Finally, we find that education has surprisingly little influence on volunteer mobility.

Keywords: volunteer work, panel data, volunteer sectors, norms, life stage.

Resumo: Esta pesquisa buscou apresentar as características dos "rolezinhos", que são movimentos de ocupação de espaço de consumo, buscando a afirmação e reconhecimento social e explicitação das contradições do país. Os praticantes, normalmente são jovens trabalhadores assalariados, advindos de grandes centros periféricos que, através de ações e políticas praticadas no início década de 2000 até os dias atuais, conquistaram a capacidade de consumir, aumentando as possibilidades de lazer e exigindo a inclusão em espaços que antes não frequentavam. O acalorado debate gira em torno da legalidade deste movimento, destacando que dentre os direitos garantidos aos sujeitos praticantes está o direito de ir e vir, este é garantido na Constituição Federal de 1988, de acordo com o disposto no artigo 5°, inciso 15, e no artigo 8º, da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos e o direito à livre manifestação expresso no artigo 5º, incisos IV incluindo o direito de opinião que inclui pensamentos, ideias e opiniões bem como a forma em que são expostas.. O direito ao lazer, disposto no artigo 6º da carta magna é reivindicação deste movimento, sendo este um direito fundamental social. Concluiu-se que o Poder Público, os operadores do direito, a sociedade, as famílias e cada cidadão reflita sobre a aceitação deste novo momento e as possibilidades de políticas públicas de inclusão para atender as demandas que esse novo cenário social exige. Utilizou-se do método dialético, com consultas em fontes bibliográficas como livros, jurisprudência, revistas e entrevistas. Palavras-chave: Desenvolvimento Econômico; Direito; Movimento Social. Abstract: This study aims to present the characteristics of "rolezinhos" which are squatters space consumption, seeking affirmation and social recognition and explanation of the contradictions of the country. Practitioners are usually young employees, arising from large peripheral centers, through actions and policies in the early 2000s to the present day, gained the ability to consume, increasing the possibilities for leisure and requiring the inclusion in spaces that not attended before. The heated debate revolves around the legality of this move, noting that among the rights guaranteed to individuals practicing is the right to come and go, also known as freedom of movement or freedom of movement, this is guaranteed in the Federal Constitution of 1988, according with the provisions of Article 5, section 15, and Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. The right to leisure, Article 6 of the Federal Constitution claim is this movement, this being a fundamental social right. It was concluded that the Government, jurists, society, families and individual citizens reflect on the acceptance of this new moment and the possibilities for public policy inclusion to meet the demands that this new social scene requires. We used the dialectical method, in consultation with library resources such as books, jurisprudence, magazines and interviews. Keywords: Economic Development; Right; Social Movement.

The potential of "people and place" is assessed as a means to broaden research about regional political actors into key questions about their role in European integration, largely dormant since the European Commission's 2001 White Paper on Governance raised the potential for territorial authorities to bridge EU institutions with territorial civil society. Interviews were conducted with a subset of executives from EU liaison offices performing leading roles in the formation and maintenance of a cluster of cognate networks. A key driver involves differences in their working constraints, assessed by a dual typology of offices in conjunction with literature applied to lobbyists in outreach contexts. A tendency to "go native" over time, coupled with the opportunities for long-time post holders to control their own working agendas, may lead to activities orientated toward bringing the EU to regions, rather than just promoting their regions in EU institutions. Spanish
"La gente y el lugar" son un medio para ampliar investigación sobre los actores políticos regionales en la integración europea, preguntas ausentes desde que el Libro Blanco sobre Gobernanza de la Comisión Europea (2001) elevó el potencial de las autoridades territoriales para establecer relaciones entre la sociedad civil y las instituciones de la Unión Europea (UE). Se entrevistaron ejecutivos de oficinas regionales de enlace de la UE que desempeñan actividades importantes en la formación de un conjunto de redes afines. Un factor clave involucra diferencias en sus restricciones de trabajo, evaluadas por una tipología dual de las oficinas junto con la literatura aplicada a grupos de presión en contextos de divulgación. Una tendencia a "volverse nativo", junto con oportunidades para los antiguos funcionarios de controlar sus agendas, puede conducir a actividades que promueven la UE en las regiones, en vez de simplemente promover sus regiones en instituciones de la UE. French
Cet article évalue le potentiel des «personnes et des lieux» comme un moyen d'élargir la recherche sur les acteurs politiques régionaux sur des questions clés relatives à leur rôle dans le processus d'intégration européenne, en berne depuis la publication du Livre blanc de la Commission européenne en 2011 sur la gouvernance qui a soulevé le potentiel qu'avaient les collectivités territoriales à combler le dé ficit des institutions de l'UE en collaboration avec la société civile territoriale. Les entrevues ont été menées auprès d'un sous-groupe de cadres des bureaux de liaison de l'UE chargés du premier rôle dans la formation et le maintien d'un groupe de réseaux apparentés. Un facteur clé implique des différences dans leurs contraintes de travail, évalués par une double typologie des bureaux en conjonction avec la littérature appliquée aux lobbyistes dans des contextes de sensibilisation. Une tendance à «aller indigène» au fil du temps, couplé avec les possibilités pour les titulaires de poste à long termes de contrôler leurs propres programmes de travail, peut conduire à des activités susceptibles d'orienter l'UE dans le sens des régions, plutôt que de promouvoir essentiellement la promotion des régions au sein des institutions de l'UE.