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Introduction : the quest for a balanced economic growth and social development - ideas and practices promoting social cohesion in greater China / Ka Ho Mok, Ka Kuen Leung and Yeun Wen Ku -- pt. I. Concepts of social cohesion and policy response. ch. 1. Social cohesive efforts to meet youth development needs in Tin Shui Wai, Hong Kong / Sandra K. M. Tsang and Yiu Kong Chu. ch. 2. In search of harmonious society in China : a social policy response / Kinglun Ngok and Yapeng Zhu. ch. 3. Social cohesion in a divided society : lessons from Taiwan's welfare politics / Yeun Wen Ku. ch. 4. One country, two cities : a comparison of perceived cohesion in Guangzhou and Hong Kong / Simon T. M. Chan, Sammy W. S. Chiu and Marcus Y. L. Chiu -- pt. II. Social change and urban governance. ch. 5. Governing a global city in the context of political transition / Tai Lok Lui. ch. 6. Embracing the market : examining the consequences for education, housing, and health in Chinese cities / Ka Ho Mok ... [et al.]. ch. 7. Urban governance from below : a case study of Kaohsiung, Taiwan / Shiuh Shen Chien and Yeilong Wu -- pt. III. Economic well-being, urban poverty and pension reforms. ch. 8. Elderly poverty and old-age pension reform in Hong Kong : issues and prospects / Ernest Chiu and Lisanne Ko. ch. 9. Is welfare restructuring and economic development in post-1997 Hong Kong in search of a cohesive society? / Maggie Lau and Ka Ho Mok. ch. 10. Economic development and household economic well-being in urban China / Xiulan Zhang, Terry Lum and Yuebin Xu. ch. 11. The fragmentation of the old-age security system : the politics of pension reform in Taiwan / Shih Jiunn Shi.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Series Preface -- Introduction -- 1 Walter Goffart (1981), 'Rome, Constantinople, and the Barbarians', American Historical Review, 86, pp. 275-306. -- 2 Thomas Anderson, Jr (1995), 'Roman Military Colonies in Gaul, Salian Ethnogenesis and the Forgotten Meaning of Ρactus Legis Salicae 59.5', Early Medieval Europe, 4, pp. 129-44. -- 3 Rudi Paul Lindner (1981), 'Nomadism, Horses and Huns', Past and Present, 92, pp. 3-19. -- 4 Peter Heather (1995), 'The Huns and the End of the Roman Empire in Western Europe', English Historical Review, 110, pp. 4-41. -- 5 Speros Vryonis, Jr (1981), 'The Evolution of Slavic Society and the Slavic Invasions in Greece: The First Major Slavic Attack on Thessaloniki, AD 597', Hesperia, 50, pp. 378-90. -- 6 E.A. Thompson (1958), 'Early Germanic Warfare', Past and Present, 14, pp. 2-29. -- 7 J.M. Wallace-Hadrill (1975), 'War and Peace in the Earlier Middle Ages', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series 25, pp. 157-74. -- 8 Thomas S. Burns (1973), 'The Battle of Adrianople: A Reconsideration', Historia, 22, pp. 336-45. -- 9 Christopher Holdsworth (1996), '"An Airier Aristocracy": The Saints at War', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series 6, pp. 103-22. -- 10 R.A. Markus (1983), 'Saint Augustine's Views on the "Just War'", Studies in Church History, 20, pp. 1-13. -- 11 Michael Ε. Jones (1986), 'The Historicity of the Alleluja Victory', Albion, 18, pp. 363-73. -- 12 Bernard S. Bachrach (1970), 'Charles Martel, Mounted Shock Combat, the Stirrup, and Feudalism', Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 7, pp. 49-75. -- 13 Simon Coupland (1990), 'Carolingian Arms and Armor in the Ninth Century', Viator, 21, pp. 29-50

In this pathbreaking book, a well-known feminist and sociologist-who is also the Founding Editor of Gender & Society-challenges our most basic assumptions about gender. Judith Lorber views gender as wholly a product of socialization subject to human agency, organization, and interpretation. In her new paradigm, gender is an institution comparable to the economy, the family, and religion in its significance and consequences.Drawing on many schools of feminist scholarship and on research from anthropology, history, sociology, social psychology, sociolinguistics, and cultural studies, Lorber explores different paradoxes of gender:-why we speak of only two "opposite sexes" when there is such a variety of sexual behaviors and relationships;-why transvestites, transsexuals, and hermaphrodites do not affect the conceptualization of two genders and two sexes in Western societies;-why most of our cultural images of women are the way men see them and not the way women see themselves;-why all women in modern society are expected to have children and be the primary caretaker;-why domestic work is almost always the sole responsibility of wives, even when they earn more than half the family income;-why there are so few women in positions of authority, when women can be found in substantial numbers in many occupations and professions;-why women have not benefited from major social revolutions.Lorber argues that the whole point of the gender system today is to maintain structured gender inequality-to produce a subordinate class (women) that can be exploited as workers, sexual partners, childbearers, and emotional nurturers. Calling into question the inevitability and necessity of gender, she envisions a society structured for equality, where no gender, racial ethnic, or social class group is allowed to monopolize economic, educational, and cultural resources or the positions of power

Preface -- Introduction: Rodney Hilton, medieval historian / Christopher Dyer -- Lordship and society. Lordship and community: northern Spain on the eve of the year 1000 / Wendy Davies ; Hilton, lordship and the culture of the gentry / Peter Coss ; Lordship and the peasant economy, c.1250-c.1400: Robert Kyng and the Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds / Phillipp R. Schofield ; The ineffectiveness of lordship in England, 1200-1400 / Christopher Dyer -- Peasant society and peasant communities. Exploring difference within rural communities in the northern Iberian kingdoms, 1000-1300 / Isabel Alfonso ; Peasant elites and village communities in the south of France, 1200-1350 / Monique Bourin ; A divided class? Peasants and peasant communities in later medieval England / Miriam Miller -- Towns in feudal society. What if the sea were different? Urbanization in medieval Norway / Richard Holt ; Church lords and English urban investment in the later Middle Ages / Richard Goddard ; English and French towns in the sixteenth century / Penny Roberts -- Popular rebellions. Serfdom and freedom in medieval England: a reply to the revisionists / Zvi Razi ; Popular insurrection and the Black Death: a comparative view / Samuel K. Cohn, Jr. ; Religious dissent, social revolt and 'ideology' / Steven Justice ; Changing patterns of urban conflict in late medieval Castile / Pablo S(c)Łnchez Le(c)đn ; Peasant politics and class consciousness: the Norfolk rebellions of 1381 and 1549 compared / Jane Whittle -- The transition from feudalism to capitalism. Rodney Hilton, Marxism and the transition from feudalism to capitalism / S. R. Epstein ; English towns and the transition c.1450-1550 / Spencer Dimmock ; The transition in the Low Countries: wage labour as an indicator of the rise of capitalism in the countryside, 1300-1700 / Bas (B.J.P.) van Bavel -- Conclusions / Chris Wickham -- Appendix. Bibliography of works by Rodney Hilton / Jean Birrell

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures and Maps -- Preface -- Currency, Weights, Measures -- Geographical Note -- Abbreviations -- Glossary -- Maps -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Theme of the Study -- 1.2 Formation of the Malaysian National Economy -- 2 The Premodern Economy -- 2.1 Population and Settlement -- 2.2 The Subsistence Base -- 2.3 Commercial Production -- 2.4 Trade and the State -- 2.5 Overview -- PART I: THE FORMATION OF A COLONIAL EXPORT ECONOMY (c.1800-1920) -- 3 The Transition to Modern Trade -- 3.1 World Trade in Transition -- 3.2 Colonial versus Indigenous States in Trade -- 3.3 The Trade in Straits Products (c. 1820-70) -- 3.4 The Trade in Staples (1870- c. 1920) -- 3.5 The Structure of Commercial Enterprise -- 3.6 International Trade: 'Engine' or 'Handmaiden' of Growth? -- 4 The Growth of Production -- 4.1 Export Prices and Production -- 4.2 Capital -- 4.3 Land and Labour -- 4.4 Technology -- 4.5 The Domestic Economy -- 5 The Infrastructure -- 5.1 The Development of Money, Banking and Credit -- 5.2 Transport, Urbanisation, Communications and Power -- 6 The Growth of a Plural Society -- 6.1 Population Growth -- 6.2 The Structure of Society -- 6.3 Government and Society -- 7 Overview: The Colonial Export Economy c. 1920 -- 7.1 A Turning Point for the Economy -- 7.2 A Segmented Economy -- 7.3 The Impact of Colonial Rule -- 7.4 The Material Benefits -- PART II: DEPRESSION, WAR, AND THE ADVENT OF INDEPENDENCE (1920-63) -- 8 The Interwar Years (1920-41) -- 8.1 Malaysian Trade and the International Economy -- 8.2 Commodity Control Schemes -- 8.3 Other Products -- 8.4 Industry -- 8.5 Infrastructure -- 8.6 Land, Credit, Cooperatives -- 8.7 Population and Welfare -- 8.8 Overview -- 9 War, Reconstruction and the Advent of Independence (1942-63) -- 9.1 Japanese Occupation 1942-5 -- 9.2 The Late Colonial State 1945-63.

Since the work of Butterfield and Namier in the 1930s, it has commonly been said that eighteenth-century England appears atomised, left with no overall interpretation. Subsequent work on religious differences and on party strife served to reinforce the image of a divided society, and in the last ten years historians of the poor and unprivileged have suggested that beneath the surface lurked substantial popular discontent. Professor Cannon uses his 1982 Wiles Lecture to offer a different interpretation - that the widespread acceptance of aristocratic values and aristocratic leadership gave a remarkable intellectual, political and social coherence to the century. He traces the recovery made by the aristocracy from its decade in 1649 when the House of Lords was abolished as useless and dangerous. After the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the peerage re-established its hold on government and society. Professor Cannon is forced to challenge some of the most cherished beliefs of English historiography - that Hanoverian society, at its top level, was an open elite, continually replenished by vigorous recruits from other groups and classes. He suggests that, on the contrary, in some respects the English peerage was more exclusive than many of its continental counterparts and that the openness was a myth which itself served a potent political purpose. Of the prospering burgeoisie, he argues that the remarkable thing was not their assertiveness but their long acquiescence in patrician rule, and he poses the paradox of a country increasingly dominated by a landed aristocracy giving birth to the first industrial revolution. His final chapter discusses the ideological under-pinning which made aristocratic supremacy acceptable for so long, and the emergence of those forces and ideals which were ultimately to replace it

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Foreword -- Preface -- Contents -- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -- PART ONE Introduction: "Our Rights as Moral Beings -- Prelude: Breaking Away from Slave Society -- Seeking a Voice: Garrisonian Abolitionist Women, 1831-1833 -- Women Claim the Right to Act: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in New York, July 1836-May 1837 -- Redefining the Rights of Women: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in Massachusetts, Summer 1837 -- The Antislavery Movement Splits Over the Question of Women's Rights, 1837-1840 -- An Independent Women's Rights Movement Is Born, 1840-1858 -- Epilogue: The New Movement Splits Over the Question of Race, 1850-1869 -- PART TWO The Documents -- Seeking a Voice: Garrisonian Abolitionist Women, 1831-1833 -- 1. Lucretia Mott, Life and Letters, 1884 -- 2. Constitution of the Afric-American Female Intelligence Society, 1831 -- 3. Maria Stewart, Religion and the Pure Principles of Morality, 1831 -- 4. Maria Stewart, Lecture Delivered at the Franklin Hall, Boston, 1832 -- 5. Maria Stewart, Farewell Address to Her Friends in the City of Boston, 1833 -- Women Claim the Right to Act: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in New York, July 1836-May 1837 -- 6. American Anti-Slavery Society, Petition Form for Women, 1834 -- 7. Angelina Grimké, Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, 1836 -- 8. Angelina Grimké, Letter to Jane Smith, New York, December 17, 1836 -- 9. Angelina Grimké, Letter to jane Smith, New York, January 20, 1837 -- 10. Angelina Grimké, Letter to jane Smith, New York, February 4, 1837 -- 11. Sarah and Angelina Grimké, Letter to Sarah Douglass, Newark, N.J., February 22, 1837 -- 12. Angelina and Sarah Grimké, Letter to Sarah Douglass, New York City, April3, 1837 -- 13. Sarah Forten, Letter to Angelina Grimké, Philadelphia, April15, 1837.

An original, empirically rich, and analytically multilayered and provocative statement by Tomila Lankina, The Estate Origins of Democracy in Russia (2022) is a meticulous work of sociology focused on the exploration and elaboration of social mechanisms of resilience in a transforming polity and society. It is also an attempt to link the past, the 19th-century reform of the estate system in Russia, to the present, Russia's failed democratization, by arguing that the social basis for democracy in postcommunist Russia was associated with the thin stratum of the more privileged, educated, and politically engaged members of the middle class who were able to build on the intergenerational capital and became "the silent custodian of institutions and values that nurtured the democratic promise of post-communism" (391). As such, it is a passionate statement against Soviet historiography that has been influential in shaping the mainstream Western understanding about the socially transformative nature of communism. The book goes against the received wisdom about the degree to which the Soviet society has been modernized and transformed through communist experience: "the narratives of grand revolutionary rupture," as Lankina phrases it (394). Excavating specific family histories, Lankina shines light "on the 'tectonic' layers of skills, values, and occupational complexity" that underlay wealth-supporting strategies along with the pursuit of better education and the acquisition of better-paid jobs in the Soviet Union. The already privileged social groups—the urban and rural meshchane—were better "connected, networked and engaged" and therefore better-equipped "with the skills, tools, and capital" (393). The Soviet regime reincorporated these privileged professional groups into an elite layer (prosloyka) of the Soviet society, commonly known as Soviet intelligentsia.

PurposeIn public management research, the focus in the public value debate has been on public administration organizations' broader societal outcomes. Public value describes how public administrations form a vital part of the social context in which people develop and grow. However, there has not yet been an analysis of how public administration contributes to happiness in society.Design/methodology/approachIn this study, we empirically analyze the relationship between people's happiness and the public value of public administration. Our approach is based on a unique Swiss survey dataset comprising 870 individuals.FindingsWe find a positive relationship between public administration's public value and happiness. We also find preliminary evidence with a moderation analysis that the relationship between a value-creating public administration sector and self-reported happiness is stronger for public administration employees.Research limitations/implicationsWhile correlation studies cannot claim causal explanations and common method bias may additionally limit any research in social science, we took a number of measures to mitigate related problem. We tested our model in two samples and took both several procedural techniques and a survey design minimizing common method bias.Practical implicationsThe paper discusses implications for public sector performance measurement for public management and practitioners.Social implicationsThis study calls for a more positive view on the multiple functions public administration performs for society. After an era of critical voices, our study helps reclaim public administration as a positive force for society at large in times of grand challenges, such as climate crisis, demographics and digitization.Originality/valueThis study has highlighted the importance between public administration's public value and happiness in Swiss public service organizations. The study also showed that an employment in the public administration contributes to the happiness of individuals and beyond to society.

ABSTRACT
The growing share of information technologies in the daily lives of citizens of the Republic of Kazakhstan during the pandemic leads to the fact that various institutions use an increasingly wide range of information elements and mechanisms. The expectations of society are not only to improve the functioning of electronic administration, but also to ensure that all stored data is properly protected from unauthorized access, so that ensuring the security of information processing becomes one of the most important tasks of the State and the public. The purpose of the study is to consider aspects of the functioning of information security in the Republic of Kazakhstan during the pandemic and to identify the factors of reliable information security by state policy in order to distinguish hoaxes from real malicious actions. The methodological approach of the research is institutional, structural–functional, and systemic. Improper management of information security can lead to leakage, loss, or falsification of stored data, paralyzing completely relevant activities. Kazakhstan has made notable advancements in establishing a comprehensive legal framework for cybersecurity, positioning itself ahead of certain Central Asian neighbors. Government agencies develop, install, implement, operate, monitor, and analyze an information security management system, ensuring confidentiality, accessibility, and integrity of information. Information security requires the establishment of comprehensive procedures for all ongoing processes, taking into account the use of personal data. Information is an integral part of society, acting as a strategic resource for creating national security. Kazakhstan has been particularly active in forging collaborations and alliances to bolster their cybersecurity postures. The practical significance lies in the improvement of state measures aimed at protecting information, as well as preventing material, physical, moral, or other damage to the state and society as a result of information activities.

Ambedkar's method of social change is about its commensurability with critical methods leads the legitimatization over radical means. The preconceived method devoid of reality was not only failed but also disastrous. The theory and practice are an integral part of the theory of social change of Ambedkar. It has laid the contrast between two methods of social change that is Marxist and Pragmatist. Ambedkar's method of social change influenced from pragmatism. It was not only the relevance of his thought but also the legitimacy of his methods used for bringing about change in Indian society. Ambedkar's Critical method for social change upholds the idea of democracy and justice while radical violent means which emphasized on the equality without much space for democracy and freedom of speech delegitimized the purpose of communist society. The article is divided into two major parts; first part dealt with the critical theory and its primary concern for social change. It also contrasted with Ambedkar's method of social change. Second section focused briefly on the debate between Marxist Trotsky and pragmatist John Dewey over use of means for achieving the ends. The experiment of the Cultural Change in the case of Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution in China by Mao Zedong and the methods of the Cultural Revolution proposed by Ambedkar is also part of the discussion where two experiments for bringing about cultural changes in Chinese and Indian society. The legitimacy of the democratic means remains unbeatable in the case of Ambedkar while violent radical means lost the legitimacy in Chinese experience. The struggle of Ambedkar who secured the rights for untouchable in the Indian constitution was not less than a revolution. Banning practice of Untouchability in any form and making it the punishable offence was the victory of the democratic means.

The article represents one of the first attempts in the domestic literature on the problems of electronic docu-ment management to link this issue with such a social factor as increasing trust in society and such a problem of modern management as the role of electronic document management in managing the human capital of the organization. On the issue of trust, the article substantiates the fact that the problem initially posed by the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of May 9, 2017, to create conditions for increasing trust in electronic documents has not yet been solved. It is emphasized that the rejection of paper media has rather reduced trust in society both at the level of the state-population and at the level of corporate employer-employee relations. In order to confirm this circumstance, the authors stress the social inertia of the transition from paternalistic social and labor relations to liberal-market commodity-money relations in modern society. On the issue of the connection of transition to electronic document flow in the management of a modern organiza-tion, the article substantiates that such a transition from the standpoint of human resource management should be assessed from the standpoint of changing the paradigm of managing the labor potential of an employee, adopted in the Soviet economy, to the paradigm of human capital management in the modern economy. The given conclusion is argued both by references to socio-economic literature and the results of socio-economic research. The article justifies that the transition to management as part of human capital issues solves the prob-lem of trust and social justice in the transition to electronic document flow management.

Despite initial suggestions that the COVID-19 pandemic affected everyone equally, it quickly became clear that some were much worse affected than others. Marginalization—including poverty, substandard accommodation, precarious or no employment, reduced access to healthcare and other key public goods—was clearly correlated with higher rates of both contagion and fatality. For Sweden, COVID-19 inequality could be seen along clear racial and socio-economic lines, with some of the first high death rates seen amongst Somali communities, where individuals had contracted the virus through unsafe employment as taxi drivers transporting wealthier Swedes home from their winter holidays. At the same time, actors on the extra parliamentarian far-right in Sweden were quick to blame the country's relatively high per-capita fatality rate on persons born outside Sweden working in the healthcare and care home sector. Media frames affirming racial stereotypes grounded in cultural racism circulated across the ecosystem of alternative media in the country. In both healthcare and the media, we see growing forms of exclusion disproportionately affecting migrants. Such intertwined exclusions in Sweden, as the article argues, are a sign of a wider disintegration of Swedish society in which individuals lose trust in both the core institutions as well as across different parts of society. Drawing on Davina Cooper's understanding of the relationship between the state and other public institutions with individuals as based on "touch," the article explores how exclusionary practices impact this relationship. Our key argument is that, whilst ostensibly such practices often most materially hurt minority groups (e.g., migrants), they are indicative of—and accelerate—a broader disintegration of society through undermining a logic of "care" necessary to sustain social bonds.

Abstract: Both democracy and autocracy are forms of governance systems that have been operated by humankind in the course of organizing society. They differ from one another and can hardly be combined for governance purposes without wreaking havoc in the society that does so. In some societies, there has been evidence that a historical transition from autocracy to democracy took place; the latter has since been consolidated. This is notably true in capitalist social formations. But, in some other societies, such linear transition has not been perfected and consolidated; such societies have often been stuck with autocracy, even when they propagandize democratic rule. Two points have to be raised about these forms of governance based on what has been said so far. In the first instance, because of the inherent differences in the natures of the two governance systems, humankind has arrived at a conclusion that democracy is better than autocracy and that it is historically a progressive development. Secondly and consequentially, a society that has been able to transition from autocracy to democracy should not allow itself to regress. This has not been the case in the Nigerian governance system. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, democracy was explicitly accepted to be an antithesis of colonial autocracy. However, both autocracy and elements of democracy were used and have since been combined for governance. Just halfway into the first decade of independence, the military took over, and alternations between civilian rule and autocracy took place. The paper attempts to clarify both concepts of democracy and autocracy, provide a detailed analysis of governance in Nigeria, and show how the country's debilitating economic structures and other factors have reinforced autocratic nature of governance, whether military or civilian.

Judging by numerous publications, which, among other things, contain the results of sociological surveys, in the age of the finest technologies, our society has been «covered» by a pandemic of profanity.
The author of the article attempts to analyze what is happening from a scientific point of view, namely: to study the origins and get acquainted with the nature of the phenomenon, its vitality and ability to «revolutionary reproduction», etc.
Based on the research results, the author introduces the opinion of modern scientists about the active use of obscene vocabulary. In this regard, we are talking, first of all, about the reasons for its taboo by our ancestors, then about the functional features of the use of obscene vocabulary (increasing the emotionality of speech; relieving psychological tension; insulting, humiliating the addressee of speech, etc.); in addition, about the negative impact of swear words on the physical and emotional state of a person; about the causes of the survivability of speech obscenities, etc.
Systematizing the available research, the author formulates the possible consequences and risks of the «expletive pandemic», such as: the adoption of profanity as a norm (against the background of cultural polymorphism); the formation of language poverty; the understanding of the mat as a kind of manifestation of subcultural extremism; the presentation of spontaneous profanity as an indicator of intolerance, aggression and violence in society itself.
According to the author, according to numerous surveys, modern Russian society is indifferent, indifferent, in different ways, but, for the most part, takes obscene vocabulary for granted. The author expresses confidence in the need to immediately prevent the spread of the expletive pandemic by all available means.