Socio-Political Change without Secularization?
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 559
ISSN: 0017-257X
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In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 559
ISSN: 0017-257X
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 559-561
ISSN: 0017-257X
In: The China quarterly, Band 64, S. 615-644
ISSN: 1468-2648
President Chiang Kai-shek's death on 16 April and President Gerald Ford's announcement that he would visit Peking in the autumn of 1975 once again direct attention to the political future of the Republic of China and the 16 million inhabitants of Taiwan. Progress towards diplomatic normalization between the United States and the People's Republic of China has been slower than many would have expected following President Nixon's visit to the mainland in February 1972. For the island's inhabitants any dramatic change in their political status may spell a permanent alteration in their life style, which has become substantially different from that of the mainland. Precisely because of this, one needs to look closely at their political aspirations and the socio-political changes that have occurred. Any political solution for Taiwan's future should be analysed with respect to its impact on these vital human interests.
In: New directions in archaeology
In: Springer eBook Collection
In: Hispanic Issues
The article provides estimates of the "material standard of living" of the world's population by periods (life expectancy, the volume of production of consumer goods, services, and products per capita). Many scientists and experts, politicians and, statesmen who have left their mark on world history have thought about the concept of progress. Most of them supported the idea of "progress" only from the bottom up. One described the pinnacle of progress as Chinese communism and, another called it "Western democracy." This one-sided explanation reflects in the theory of five entities. (primitive, slavery, feudalism, capitalism and, communism or Western democracy). It emphasizes that all nations must go through these formations. The end of the twentieth century was characterized not only by the breakdown of the socialist system so "longawaited" in the West, the disappearance of the bipolar world and the emergence of world centers of power, unpredictable insane globalization with all the ensuing consequences, but, as it is obvious now, by the emergence of new, previously unseen threats and challenges not only to the sovereignty of individual countries but, above all, by threats to the existence of both each individual and by challenges to the existence of people itself. The first quarter of the 21st century, more than ever before, stuck out, exposed and, brought to the culmination point all painful problems - environmental, economic, geopolitical, socio-cultural, etc. The problem of adequate analysis and forecasting of these threats and challenges did not test, methodologically verified. The study made it possible to conclude that the issue of global and national security on earth is one of the main tasks of any state. And the understanding of the current requirements plays a principal role in preventing the emergence of a threat factor. Thus, understanding the period is one of the dominant needs in preventing the emergence of a threat factor
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In: JeDEM: eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government, Band 7, Heft 1, S. i-v
ISSN: 2075-9517
With the widespread adoption of social media in many Asian societies, these platforms are increasingly used in a variety of ways to promote civic and political aims but such uses are shaped by various stakeholders and contexts of use. In this special issue, four papers on Japan, Singapore, Malaysia and China-Australia present highly contextualized assessments of the role of social media in civic and political life in Asia.
With the widespread adoption of social media in many Asian societies, these platforms are increasingly used in a variety of ways to promote civic and political aims but such uses are shaped by various stakeholders and contexts of use. In this special issue, four papers on Japan, Singapore, Malaysia and China-Australia present highly contextualized assessments of the role of social media in civic and political life in Asia.
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In: Journal of Chinese Political Science, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 167-184
ISSN: 1080-6954
In: Representation, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 295-305
ISSN: 1749-4001
In: The international spectator: journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 59-72
ISSN: 1751-9721
In: Journal of Chinese political science, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 167-184
ISSN: 1874-6357
In: Iran and the Caucasus: research papers from the Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies = Iran i kavkaz : trudy Kavkazskogo e͏̈tìsentra iranistiki, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 261-277
ISSN: 1573-384X
In: Issue: a journal of opinion, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 18-21
From the comfort of American living rooms, the violence that ravaged Rwanda for four months in mid-1994 seemed almost incomprehensible. The daily newspaper reports and nightly television coverage that presented disturbing images of slaughter and destruction failed to provide the necessary background to make sense of the disaster. For most Americans, little option was left than to view the devastation as an expression of some inherent savagery in the Rwandan population.In this article, I draw upon the example of two Rwandan communities to help explain the nature of the violence that swept Rwanda after the death of President Juvénal Habyarimana. These two communities bear certain similarities: they lie in neighboring communes in Kibuye Prefecture; both are relatively remote; and each community centers around a parish of the Presbyterian Church.