Suchergebnisse

U ovome pristupu medijska kultura i medijski sadržaji posmatraju se diskurzivno. Medijska praksa posmatra se kao javno komuniciranje, a medijski diskurs kao njezin ishod. Jednako, novinarstvo se posmatra kao jedan od vodećih oblika medijske prakse, odnosno javnoga komuniciranja, a novinarski diskurs kao jedan od njezinih glavnih ishoda. Zato se u radu polazi od vijesti kao arhetipskoga oblika javnoga i medijskog diskursa te se nudi svojevrsni konstitutivni model, odnosno paradigma novinarstva. Tu paradigmu čine principi istinitosti i odgovornosti, kao i atributi triju grupa metateorijskih pitanja – odnosa prema stvarnosti, vjesnovrijednosti i jezika, odnosno komunikativnoga koda. Konstitutivni se model kasnije koristi za teorijsku dekonstrukciju triju najčešćih paradigmi medijskoga diskursa, kako novinarskoga, tako i onih u tržišnome komuniciranju, odnosno u oglašavanju i odnosima s javnošću, javne, političke i komercijalne. Atributi konstitutivne paradigme u istraživanjima mogu se operacionalizirati kao pokazatelji određene paradigme ili paradigme medijskoga diskursa, odnosno njihove hibridizacije. ; In this approach, media culture and media content are viewed discursively. Media practice is regarded as public communication and media discourse as its outcome. Likewise, journalism is considered as one of the main methods of media practice, or public communication, and journalistic discourse as one of its main outcomes. For this reason, the study starts with news as an archetype of public and media discourse and proposes a specific constitutive model or paradigm of journalism. The paradigm is comprised of the principles of truthfulness and responsibility, as well as the attributes of three groups of metatheoretical questions – the attitude to social reality, newsworthiness, and language or a communicational code. The constitutive model is further used for the deconstruction of three most common paradigms of media discourse, both in journalism and in market communication, i.e., in advertising and public relations: public, political and commercial. The attributes of the constitutive paradigm can be operationalized in research as indicators of certain paradigms or paradigms of media discourse, or of their hybridization.

Suvremeni mediji promijenili su današnji svijet u mnogim aspektima. Svijet je postao znatno manjim, a komunikacija je postala brza kao nikada do sada. Tradicionalne društvene veze i vrijednosti polako nestaju, a time i obiteljske vrijednosti koje su njegovane stoljećima. Uloge roditelja nisu iste kao i prije, a sve veći broj roditelja nailazi na mnoge prepreke uzrokovane medijskim djelovanjem i modernim načinom života. Odgojni stilovi često odlaze u krajnosti poput prevelike kontrole ili pak prevelikog popuštanja, a idealni tip odgoja, demokratsko-autoritativni, teško se postiže. Roditeljima je stoga nužna pomoć pri suzbijanju negativnih posljedica medija, a u tome im moraju pri ruci biti nastavnici i pedagozi. Cilj je rada pojasniti zašto je potrebno uvođenje medijskog odgoja i obrazovanjakako za djecutako i za roditelje.

Ministarstvo kulture 2013. godine provodi istraživanje o stanju u medijima, a 2015. godine započinje raspravu o medijskoj politici te donosi deset dokumenata koji služe kao temelj za medijske politike u RH od 2015. do 2020. godine. Nemoguće je tvrditi da je samo ekonomska kriza uzrok krize u medijima, iako postoji sveza jer je pad broja oglasa u medijima za sobom donio i pad broja zaposlenih. Manji broj novinara u redakcijama utjecao je na pad kvalitete novinskih uradaka, a ekspanzija društvenih medija te jačanje portala na internetu, usmjerili su novinarstvo u drugom smjeru. Erozija demokratske funkcije medija termin je s kojim se danas susrećemo kada govorimo u "krizi" ili stanju u medijima. Iako je prethodno održano nekoliko tematskih prosvjeda Hrvatskoga novinarskog društva, u ožujku 2019. godine organiziran je opći prosvjed nazvan Oteli ste medije, novinarstvo ne damo. Prosvjed je imao za cilj uručiti Vladi osam zahtjeva koji se odnose na sudske tuže, pritiske politike i oglašivača, prijetnje novinarima, ugrožavanje profesionalnih standarda, nepoštivanje medijskih zakona kao te izostanak ozbiljne medijske politike. Iako rasprava o medijskoj politici završava u 2020. godine, sami novinari navode izostanak adekvatne strategije. S obzirom na završetak petogodišnjega razdoblja rasprave o medijskoj politici, u radu će se prikazati rekapitulacija protekloga razdoblja. Je li sve navedeno uzrok daljnje krize u medijima te erozije funkcije medija, autori će nastojati utvrditi u radu. Za potrebe rada provedena je anketa među novinarima dostupnim na društvenoj mreži LinkedIn. Također će se napraviti komparacija s početnim stanjem rasprave o medijskoj politici i dobivenih rezultate. Slijedom slogana prosvjeda, pokušat će se dati odgovor tko je oteo medije te kakva je ocjena novinarstva u Hrvatskoj. ; The Ministry of Culture in 2013 conducts research on the media situation, and in 2015 begins discussions on media policy and adopts ten documents that serve as the basis for media policies in the Republic of Croatia in the period 2015 to 2020. It is impossible to argue that only economic crisis is the cause of the crisis in the media, although there is a link because the decrease in the number of advertisements in the media has also led to a decrease in the number of employees. Fewer journalists in newsrooms have affected the decline in the quality of news articles, and the expansion of social media and the strengthening of online portals have directed journalism in another direction. Erosion of the democratic function of the media is a term that we come across today when we speak in a "crisis" or situation in the media. Although several thematic protests have been held by the Croatian Journalist Society, a general protest called "You kidnapped the media, we don't give journalism" was organized in March 2019. The protest was intended to deliver to the Government of eight claims relating to the largest number of lawsuits, political PR and prints and advertisers' pressures, threats against journalists, jeopardizing the professional rights and standards, failure to comply with media laws and the lack of serious media policy. Although the debate on media policy, in the framework of the start, ending in 2020. Godin e journalists themselves referred to the lack of adequate strategies. Given the end of the five-year media policy debate period, a recapitulation of the past period will be made through the paper. Is all of the above a cause of further media crisis and erosion of media function, the authors will endeavour to determine through the work. For the paper, a survey was conducted among journalists available through the LinkedIn social network. Equally, a comparison will be made with the initial state of the media policy debate and the results obtained will be compared. Following the slogan of the protest, an attempt will be made to answer who abducted the media and what is the rating of journalism in Croatia.

Razvojem interneta i informacijsko-komunikacijskih tehnologija mediji i novinarstvo doživjeli su revolucionarne promjene, a multimedijski karakter obrade vijesti promijenio je obrasce prikupljanja, produkcije, uređivanja i objavljivanja vijesti. Na primjeru uređivačkih politika na društvenoj mreži Facebook deset najčitanijih news portala u Hrvatskoj potvrđuje se da su tradicionalne novinarske vrijednosti, kvalitetno i objektivno novinarstvo pod snažnim pritiskom produktivnosti, učinkovitosti i profitabilnosti te da su online mediji sve ovisniji o društvenim mrežama. News portali obilno se koriste clickbaitingom i ostalim manipulativnim tehnikama kako bi povećali čitanost objava na društvenim mrežama, odnosno povećali viralnost nekih "mekih" vijesti. Svakodnevnim povećavanjem broja pratitelja preko društvenih mreža news portalima raste utjecaj, s time da je dominacija Facebooka bitno veća i trenutačno nije upitna. ; Media and journalism have survived revolutionary changes through development of internet and information and communications technologies while the multimedia character of news processing has changed forms of collecting, production, editing and publishing news. The case study on the Facebook editing policies of the ten most widely read news portals in Croatia confirms that traditional journalism values, good and objective journalism are under strong pressure of productivity, efficiency and profitability and that online media are becoming more dependent on social networks. News portals abundantly use clickbaiting and other manipulative techniques in order to increase readership of the social media posts or increase virality of some "soft" news. The influence of news portals grows with everyday increase of the number of followers in social networks, whereas dominance of Facebook is significantly higher and it is not under question for the time being.

U svim dosadašnjim radovima na temu umijeća govorništva istraživala su se verbalna i neverbalna komunikacija, stil, gestovni znakovi, držanje tijela, položaj trupa, pokreti nogu, govori u kontekstu vremena i prostora i sl., no slučaj nepoznavanja ili lošega poznavanja jezika zemlje kojoj je političar na čelu nije istraživan ni razrađen. A upravo je to slučaj s bivšim predsjednikom Vlade Republike Hrvatske Tihomirom Oreškovićem. Ovim se radom željelo ustanoviti kakav dojam ostavlja bivši premijer na javnost u kontekstu nepoznavanja hrvatskoga jezika. Također se pokušalo utvrditi koje odlike u javnome nastupu ima i kakav dojam one ostavljaju na javnost. Kako bi to utvrdili, za potrebe rada autori su proveli dubinski intervju sa stručnjacima iz područja društveno humanističkih znanosti koji su se osvrnuli na javni nastup i dojam koji bivši premijer ostavlja na javnost. Kako bismo kvantitativno argumentirali odgovore dobivene iz dubinskoga intervjua, dodatno je provedeno anketno istraživanje o dojmu koji ostavlja na ispitanike. Radi dodatne argumentacije analiziran je i sadržaj u obliku transkripata javnih nastupa premijera Oreškovića. ; All the previous works on the art of public speaking have investigated the verbal and nonverbal communication, style, gesture signs, posture, position of torso, leg movements, speaking in the context of time and space, etc. But the case of ignorance or poor knowledge of language of the country, whose head the politician is, has neither been investigated nor elaborated. And that is precisely the case with former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković. The main intention of this paper is to determine what kind of impression the former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković makes on the public in the context of lack of knowledge of the Croatian language. It also tried to find out his characteristics in public appearance and what impression they make on the public. In order to determine that, for the purpose of this paper we conducted in-depth interviews with experts in the field of social and human sciences that made a review of public appearance and impression that former Prime Minister Orešković made on general public. In order to quantitatively argue the answers obtained from in-depth interviews, we additionally conducted a survey where we examined the impression he made on respondents. For the purpose of additional argumentation the authors also analyzed the content in the form of transcripts of public appearances of former Prime Minister Orešković.

Stvaralaštvo se uvijek povezuje sa slobodnom ljudskom djelatnošću, s ljepotom, umjetnošću, ljudskom invencijom, itd. – ona je najčešće nešto prihvatljivo i dobro. Ali što se događa u vrijeme globalne manipulacije? Razvija li ovaj period nove tipove i forme stvaralaštva? Što će nam pokazati analiza rada globalne medijske manipulacije? Ideja članka je ukazati na tamnu stranu stvaralaštva u masovnim medijima. Masovni mediji smanjuju mogućnost kreativne aktivnosti u medijima dok istodobno razvijaju manipulativne oblike stvaralaštva. Ti oblici zahtijevaju da ih se ustanovi, objasni i komentira. ; Creativity is always associated with free human activity – with beauty, art, human inventions Most of the time it is something acceptable and good. But what happens in a time of global manipulation? Does the new time develop new types and forms of creativity? What will an analyses of global mass media manipulation performance reveal? The goal of the paper is to show a dark side of creativity in mass media. Mass media reduce the possibility of creative action in the media whilst they develop manipulative forms of creativity. These forms ought to be detected, explained, and commented. ; La créativité est toujours associée à l'activité libre de l'humain, à la beauté, à l'art, aux inventions humaines, etc. – elle est considérée la plupart du temps comme quelque chose d'acceptable et de bon. Or, que se passe-t-il en ces temps de manipulation globale ? Cette période développe-t-elle de nouveaux types et de nouvelles formes de créativité ? Que vont montrer les analyses sur les manipulations médiatiques auxquelles se sont livrés les acteurs mondiaux de l'univers des médias ? L'idée sous-jacente de cet article est de montrer le côté sombre de la créativité dans les médias de masse. Ces derniers réduisent la possibilité d'une action créative au sein des médias et développent en parallèle des formes manipulatoires concernant la créativité. Ces formes requièrent une identification, une explication et un commentaire. ; Die Kreativität wird stets mit der freien menschlichen Aktivität, mit der Schönheit, Kunst, den menschlichen Erfindungen usw. assoziiert – größtenteils mit etwas Akzeptablem und Gutem. Was geschieht aber in einer Zeit der globalen Manipulation? Entwickelt diese Periode neue Typen und Formen der Kreativität? Was werden uns die Analysen der Beobachtung der Medienmanipulation durch globale Spieler der Medienindustrie zeigen? Die Idee hinter dem Artikel ist es, die Schattenseiten der Kreativität in den Massenmedien aufzuzeigen. Die Massenmedien reduzieren die Möglichkeit des kreativen Handelns in den Medien. Zugleich entwickeln sie manipulative Formen der Kreativität. Diese Formen erfordern Feststellung, Erklärung und Kommentierung.

One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy. ; One of the central notions of the post-Yugoslav literature is the status of democracy in national states formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of the exile, not only as banishment, but also as a liberating outside view into the once common social, cultural and political space, the post-Yugoslav writers question the social democracy praxis in their former home states comparing it to the social practices in the states of their current residence. In her books of essays, Dubravka Ugrešić ironizes different forms of social ideology in Croatia from the beginning of nineteen-nineties. Her writing recognizes the standards of European democracy accompanied with the ideological view into the questions of social rights, religion and language as the stumbling block of modern society. Ugrešić describes democracy as a notion hiding different things: the praxis of ruthless capitalist exploitation, loss of media freedom, media manipulation, the censorship of corporate capitalism, production of lies, modern slavery. (Don't take it personal, 2014), validating in her essays the importance of literature in disclosure of autocracy masked as democracy.

Razvoj digitalne tehnologije otvorio je vrata novim mogućnostima stvaranja i prenošenja informacija u različitim oblicima uz pomoć digitalnih medija. Civilno društvo sve češće preuzima i javne usluge koje država prestaje ili više ne uspijeva pružati te je svojevrsni korektiv državnim institucijama, osobito kada su one slabe i nedjelotvorne. Takve društvene promjene stavljaju pred građane i civilno društvo velik izazov. Internetski mediji, posebno društvene mreže, zahvaljujući mogućnosti interaktivne komunikacije na određen način utječu na razvoj političkoga aktivizma kod građana. Pomak od konvencionalnih medija (novine, televizija) na nekonvencionalne (internet) omogućava decentralizaciju komunikacije, otežava kontrolu i restrikcije i čini informacije te razmjenu mišljenja i stavova široko dostupnima. Tako se građanima preko društvenih mreža pruža prilika da sudjeluju u javnome diskursu, iznose mišljenja i stavove te raspravljaju o političkim i društvenim pitanjima. Nekada viđeni samo kao pasivni konzumenti, gledatelji postaju aktivni sudionici kao građani – izvor informacija (Perišin, 2004), što uvelike utječe na interakciju među građanima i razvoj kritičnoga mišljenja. Napredak tehnologije i razvoj društvenih mreža, također, omogućavaju lakše umrežavanje te poticanje razvoja određenih građanskih inicijativa. Time se ujedno otvaraju nove mogućnosti jačanja potencijala organizacija civilnoga društva za mobilizaciju građana za sudjelovanje u društveno korisnim programima i projektima, kao i općenito prostor podrške razvoju civilnoga društva. Svrha je ovoga rada istražiti kako upotreba internetskih medija odnosno društvenih mreža utječe i potiče razvoj građanskoga aktivizma i civilnog društva. ; The evolution of digital technology has opened the door to new means of creating and passing information in various forms with the help of new media. Civil society often takes over public services that the state does not or cannot provide, and serves as a sort of corrective for state institutions, especially if the institutions are weak or ineffective. Such social changes are a great challenge to citizens and civil society. Due to their potential for interactive communication, online media, and particularly social networks influence the development of political activism. The transition from conventional media (newspaper, television) to unconventional (internet, social networks) enables the decentralisation of communication, hinders restrictions and control as well as makes the exchange of opinion and information widely accessible. Through social networks, citizens are allowed to participate in public discourse, present their opinions and thoughts, and discuss political and social matters. Once seen as pure passive consumers, the viewers now become active participants as citizens – the source of information (Perišin, 2010), which has a great impact on the interaction between citizens as well as the development of critical thought. The very advancement of technology and the evolution of social networks enable easier networking and encourage certain civic initiatives. This in result opens up new possibilities for the strengthening of the civic initiative's potential for citizen mobilisation towards participating in socially beneficial programs and projects as well as opening up new space for the support of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of Internet media, i.e. social networks, affect and stimulate the development of civic activism and civil society.

Društveno dogovorno poslovanje (DOP) u suvremenome poslovanju sve više postaje alat tvrtkama za diferenciranje u odnosu na konkurenciju, stjecanje konkurentske prednosti te izgradnju imidža poželjnoga poslodavca i ponuditelja roba i usluga. Mnoge tvrtke društveno odgovorno poslovanje u praksi često povezuju sa sponzorstvima i donacijama, a puno rjeđe s cjelokupnim poslovanjem (odnos prema zaposlenicima, kupcima, drugim dionicima, utjecaj na okoliš, politiku zapošljavanja ili poštivanje ljudskih prava). Upravo zato potrebno je postići sinergiju među tvrtkama, medijima i potrošačima pri čemu tvrtke trebaju biti iskrene, etične i odgovorne, mediji posvećuju pažnju sadržaju koji čine dostupnim, a potrošači uzimaju u obzir sve segmente pojedinoga proizvoda pri odabiru. Autori će u ovome radu prikazati povezanost marketinških kampanja i društveno odgovornoga poslovanja tvrtke, posebno u segmentu kampanja koje se obraćaju djeci kao najmanje zaštićenomu i najmanje kritičnomu dijelu medijske publike. Osim toga, prikazat će kako se, unatoč zakonom reguliranim pravilima o tržišnome komuniciranju kojih bi se trebali pridržavati marketinški stručnjaci i mediji, ta pravila krše posebno kada je riječ o djeci te koje su negativne posljedice takvih marketinških kampanja. Uz primjere i iskustva iz drugih zemalja, autori će na primjerima marketinških kampanja usmjerenih na djecu u Hrvatskoj dati osvrt i na domaća iskustva. Na primjeru nekoliko tvrtki bit će prikazan pokušaj utjecaja na najmlađu populaciju te će biti navedeni rezultati provedenih istraživanja koji pokazuju u kojoj je mjeri učinkovit i dugoročno štetan ili koristan utjecaj marketinga na djecu ; Corporate social responsibility (CSR) in contemporary business operations are increasingly becoming a tool used by companies for differentiation compared to the competition, gaining a competitive advantage and building an image of a desirable employer and supplier of goods and services. Many companies often in practice associate corporate social responsibility with sponsorships and donations, and less often with overall business operations (relations with employees, customers, other stakeholders, impact on the environment, employment policy or respecting human rights). It is precisely for this reason that it is necessary to achieve a synergy between companies, media and consumers, whereby companies create honest, ethical and responsible companies, media dedicate attention to the content that they make available, and consumers take into consideration all of the segments of a specific product during selection. In this paper, the authors will show the connection between marketing campaigns and corporate social responsibility in companies, especially in the segment of campaigns directed at children as the least protected and critical part of the media audience. Furthermore, it will be demonstrated how, despite the legally regulated rules on market communication that marketing experts and media must follow, these rules are often broken, especially when in question are children and the negative consequences of such marketing campaigns. In addition to examples and experiences of other countries concerning marketing campaigns directed at children in Croatia, the authors shall provide an overview of domestic experiences. On the example of a few companies, shown will be their attempt to influence the youngest population, and the findings of conducted research will be provided, showing to what extent the effects of marketing on children are effective and damaging or beneficial long-term.

Prednosti komunikacije te lakšu dostupnost ciljnih javnost preko društvenih mreža prepoznale su i političke elite te su, osim tradicionalnih oblika komunikacije, političku komunikaciju obogatile društvenim medijima. Dominantna društvena mreža u Hrvatskoj je Facebook, iako nemali broj osoba iz javnoga života koristi i Twitter kao sredstvo komunikacije. Premda se raspravlja jesu li društveni mediji unaprijedili demokraciju ili je ugrozili, činjenica je da je ta platforma omogućila transparentniju i dostupniju komunikaciju koja zasigurno utječe na izgradnju imidža pojedinaca i institucija iz političke arene, kojima je takav oblik komunikacije omogućio i izgradnju vlastite virtualne zajednice. Struktura rada sastoji se od nekoliko većih cjelina i pripadajućih podcjelina. Razlike koje su uočene istraživanjem upućuju na to da su institucije, dakle ministarstva, u Sloveniji u daleko većoj mjeri prisutna u viralnome prostoru nego li je to slučaj u Hrvatskoj. Gledaju li se sami nositelji javne vlasti, ministri, oni su u Hrvatskoj, za razliku od Slovenije, prisutniji sa svojim službenim Facebook stranicama. Takvi rezultati, iako znakoviti, ne upućuju na to da se u Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji komunikacija na digitalnim platformama koristi u svrhu političkoga diskursa ili u cilju informiranja ključnih aktera te posljedično kreiranja javnoga mišljenja o nekome političkom pitanju ; With the development of the Internet, as the fastest growing media, social networks have evolved, as well as everyday communication on these platforms. Benefits communication and easier access to the target public and has been recognized by the political elites and are, in addition to traditional forms of communication, political communication enriched communication on social media. The dominant social network in Croatia is Facebook, although not a small number of public life uses Twitter as a means of communication. Despite the numerous controversy over whether or not the social media have upgraded or threatened democracy, the fact is that this platform has enabled a more transparent and accessible communication that certainly has an impact on building the image of individuals and institutions from the political arena, which has made this form of communication possible to build a virtual community . The structure of the work consists of several larger entities and corresponding subdivisions. The first part of the work is based on theoretical insights. Minorizing the transition theory and democratization of post-communist societies, the theoretical part of the work also deals with civic participation and culture. All these transversal processes for three decades have also influenced the modification of communication, from top to bottom, therefore, towards citizens, from citizens to the public authorities. Therefore, political communication on social networks as well as social networks as a tool for creating a positive image in public relations will be treated theoretically. The second part of the deconstruction process is the presence of Croatian and Slovenian ministries, as a public authority institution and ministers on Facebook's social network. Compilation and descriptor methods, theoretical perspectives are dissected using relevant sources, while in the second part, the descriptive statistics method deconstructs the results obtained by research. Using the illustrations and the comparison method, the results are compared. At the end of the paper, the conclusion is based on theoretical strengths and results obtained.

The paper analyzes and discusses two sets of issues: (1) differences between the avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde, and (2) different avant-garde and neo-avant-garde approaches to materialism in a philosophical, political, and aesthetic sense. The avant-garde and the neo-avant-garde were seldom doctrinaire, but one can nevertheless speak about the circularity of beliefs and attitudes, the mobility of theoretical and practical platforms from self-destructiveness to artistic and media nomadism, in the manner of rhizomatic manifolds. Certainly, there are common obsessions with the unity of art and life, or the fundamental turn of art into life, which are expressed by the macro-utopian projections of the new society (industrial society, communist society) forwarded by avant-garde artists, or by the concretizations of micro-utopias (communes, alternative production and exhibition institutions) by neo-avant-garde artists. Examples of primary materialism, aleatory materialism, historical materialism, and basic materialism are given in order to point out the unstable relations between the medium (material) and the media (technique, technology) of communication, but also non-communication. ; U radu se analiziraju i raspravljaju dvije tematizacije: (1) razlike avangarde i neoavangarde i (2) različiti avangardistički i neoavangardistički pristupi materijalizmu u filozofskom, političkom i estetičkom smislu. Avangarde i neoavangarde su rijetko kada bile doktrinarne, prije se može govoriti o cirkularnosti uvjerenja i stavova, mobilnosti teorijskih i praktičnih platformi od autodestruktivnosti do umjetničkog i medijskog nomadizma te o antagonizmima istovremenog suočavanja s dijalektičkim napetostima i obratima, strukturnom proizvodnjom razlika i beskrajnim usložnjavanjima mogućnosti na način rizomatičnih mnogostrukosti. Svakako, postoje i zajedničke opsesije jedinstvom umjetnosti i života ili fundamentalnim obratom umjetnosti u život, koje se iskazuju makroutopijskim projekcijama novog društva (industrijskog društva, komunističkog društva) kod avangardista ili konkretizacijama mikroutopija (komune, alternativne produkcijske i izlagačke institucije) kod neoavangardista. Izvedeni su primjeri primarnog materijalizma, aleatornog materijalizma, historijskog materijalizma te baznog materijalizma da bi se upozorilo na relativne odnose medija (materijala) i medija (tehnike, tehnologije) komunikacije, ali i nekomunikacije.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se razdobljem pozitivizma u Poljskoj koje je trajalo od 1863. do 1890. godine. U radu se opisuje društveno-politička situacija u Europi i njezin utjecaj na Poljsku koja je još 1795. bila podijeljena na austrijski, pruski i ruski dio. Objašnjavaju se zatim temeljni pojmovi programa poljskog pozitivizma. Osim društveno-političke scene, riječ je i o pozitivizmu u poljskoj književnosti, o vrstama književnosti kao što su tendenciozna i agitacijska književnost, te o cenzuri. Pozitivizam u sociologiji utemeljio je Auguste Comte u svome djelu "Zakon triju stadija". Poljski pozitivisti preuzeli su neke vrijednosti i prilagodili pozitivizam svojim potrebama. Promjene u Europi potaknule su politička previranja u Poljskoj: želju za asimilacijom Židova, ali i rast antisemitizma te emancipacija žena i seljaka. Prikazani su također problemi društvenih skupina koje nisu imale status poljskog plemstva. ; This graduate thesis deals with the period of positivism in Poland (1863 – 1890). The theisis addresses the socio-political situation in Europe and its impact in Poland, which was divided in 1795 into Austrian, Prussian and Russian part. The basic concepts of the Polish positivism program are explained. Apart from the socio-political scene, it is also about positivism in Polish literature, about types of literature such as tendentious and agitational literature, and about censorship. Positivism in sociology was founded by Auguste Comte in his work "The Law of the Three Stages". Polish positivists have taken on some values and adapted positivism to their needs. Changes in Europe have fueled political turmoil in Poland: the desire to assimilate Jews, but also the rise of anti-Semitism and the emancipation of women and peasants. Problems of social groups that did not have the status of Polish nobility are also presented.

Pokrovčeva knjiga Slobodno stvaranje prava: Herman U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (2018) nameće pitanje izraženo naslovom ovog rada na koje rad odgovara u tri koraka: prvo, pretpostavkom da je pitanje odgovorivo samo idealnim tipovima pravnih disciplina / funkcija; drugo, upućivanjem na kontekst Kantorowiczevih gledišta, osobito na objavu presuda; treće, ocjenom da je Kantorowicz podijelio pravnu znanost u prepletene funkcije a ne u odvojene discipline. U tu svrhu rad nudi idealne tipove disciplina i funkcija pravne dogmatike, pravne historije, pravne teorije i, kao najsloženiji i najkorisniji skup funkcija, pravnopolitičku analizu. Pretpostavka je, koja se ne dokazuje, da ne postoji ni oštra granica između pravne znanosti i susjednih znanosti: sociologije, ekonomije, psihologije, filozofije. ; Is Herman U. Kantorowicz's classification of legal disciplines - which includes general legal science, legal dogmatics, legal history, sociology of law, philosophy of law, and legal policy - a division of scholarly knowledge of law into distinct disciplines/sciences or into intertwined functions of a single scholarly discipline/science? The question is prompted by the book written by Zoran Pokrovac entitled Slobodno stvaranje prava: Hermann U. Kantorowicz i slobodnopravni pokret (Free Law: Hermann U. Kantorowicz and the Free Law Movement ) and published by "Breza" and the Faculty of Law of the University of Split in 2018. Answering this question may assist Croatian legal scholars in finding standards of scholarly excellence, especially of research de lege ferenda. This paper offers an answer in three steps. The first is the recognition that scholarly practices differ considerably, which means that the question may be answered only by construing and correlating ideal types of legal disciplines / functions that are compatible with Kantorowicz's general ideas, prominent interpretations of legal scholarship, and Croatian mainstream legal scholarship since. The second step provides a context of Kantorowicz's ...