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In its introduction, the text presents the basis for a sociology of globalization at affirming that such a phenomenon is comprehensible not only in terms of interdependency and formation of exclusively global institutions but in regard to something within what is national. After overcoming a methodological nationalism it becomes possible to approach a growing number of cases of localization of what is global and others of denationalization of what is national which, meanwhile, opens a wide range of research possibilities in social sciences. Then, a study of global cities as a convenient space to test theoretical assumptions of such a sociology is undertaken since, in those cities, a new transnational geography serving as a space for new transnational politics emerges. ; El texto presenta en la introducción las bases para una sociología de la globalización en la que se afirma que dicho fenómeno es comprensible en términos no sólo de la interdependencia y la formación de instituciones exclusivamente globales sino en relación a algo que también reside en el interior de lo nacional. Al superar el nacionalismo metodológico, es posible entonces abordar un número creciente de casos de localización de lo global y de desnacionalización de lo nacional que, a su vez, abre para las ciencias sociales una amplia gama de posibilidades de investigación. A continuación, se aborda el estudio de las ciudades globales como un espacio propicio para poner a prueba los presupuestos teóricos de esta sociología en la medida en que, a través de aquellas, se crea una nueva geografía transnacional que al mismo tiempo constituye el espacio para una nueva política transnacional.

In its introduction, the text presents the basis for a sociology of globalization at affirming that such a phenomenon is comprehensible not only in terms of interdependency and formation of exclusively global institutions but in regard to something within what is national. After overcoming a methodological nationalism it becomes possible to approach a growing number of cases of localization of what is global and others of denationalization of what is national which, meanwhile, opens a wide range of research possibilities in social sciences. Then, a study of global cities as a convenient space to test theoretical assumptions of such a sociology is undertaken since, in those cities, a new transnational geography serving as a space for new transnational politics emerges. ; El texto presenta en la introducción las bases para una sociología de la globalización en la que se afirma que dicho fenómeno es comprensible en términos no sólo de la interdependencia y la formación de instituciones exclusivamente globales sino en relación a algo que también reside en el interior de lo nacional. Al superar el nacionalismo metodológico, es posible entonces abordar un número creciente de casos de localización de lo global y de desnacionalización de lo nacional que, a su vez, abre para las ciencias sociales una amplia gama de posibilidades de investigación. A continuación, se aborda el estudio de las ciudades globales como un espacio propicio para poner a prueba los presupuestos teóricos de esta sociología en la medida en que, a través de aquellas, se crea una nueva geografía transnacional que al mismo tiempo constituye el espacio para una nueva política transnacional.

Media attention on climate change (cc) in developing countries is crucial for understanding the discourses that exist in vulnerable zones. Past research has focused on printed media coverage of cc in western developed countries, but there is little knowledge on online media in developing countries. Using framing theory framework, this study analyses the way in which spanish-speaking online media frames news about cc. We carried out a quantitative content analysis of 889 news items from 97 online media outlets that published news about cc during cop16 (Cancun-2010) and cop17 (Durban-2011). Findings show that the principal sources are politicians and almost half of the news items came from news wire services. The analysis also indicated an association between the quoted source and the news frame. It is discussed that there exists a 'nationalistic domestication' and that media coverage does not respond to local needs. Further qualitative and comparative analyses are suggested

Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la siguiente URL: http://brajets.com/index.php/brajets/article/view/453/244 ; Today, Spain is an advanced country in the field of sport for people with disabilities. Thanks to social movement led by National Blind Organization (ONCE) since the mid-80s, the Paralympic Games in Barcelona in 1992, the birth of the Spanish Paralympic Committee in 1995 and the Paralympic Sport Support Plan (ADOP) by the Government, Spain is a Paralympic power and many athletes with disabilities are socially known and admired people. However, there are yet situations of social and economic discrimination. Surely the media have powerfully influenced for improve the image of these athletes with disabilities, but still they use to give the sport for people with disabilities much less coverage than they give to other sports. From a sociological point of view, the study of sport is consolidating as a scientific area and in recent decades it has highlighted the connections between sport and society in various fields. In particular, sport for people with disabilities has become one of the areas that has evolved, especially in relation to their physical, psychological and social benefits. However, the study area relating adapted sports and mass communication is poorly developed in Spain and the references are still sporadic. The aim of this article is to show the current state of studies on sport for people with disabilities from the point of view of sociology and communication sciences in Spain, as well as the relevance of deepening these studies to achieve understanding and, as far as possible, improve the situation of these people. / Hoje, a Espanha é um país avançado no campo do esporte para pessoas com deficiência. Graças ao movimento social liderado pela Organização Nacional das Cegas (ONCE) desde meados dos anos 80, os Jogos Paraolímpicos de Barcelona em 1992, o nascimento do Comitê Paralímpico Espanhol em 1995 e o Plano Paralímpico de Apoio Esportivo (ADOP) pelo Governo, a Espanha é um poder ...

Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la siguiente URL: http://brajets.com/index.php/brajets/article/view/453/244 ; Today, Spain is an advanced country in the field of sport for people with disabilities. Thanks to social movement led by National Blind Organization (ONCE) since the mid-80s, the Paralympic Games in Barcelona in 1992, the birth of the Spanish Paralympic Committee in 1995 and the Paralympic Sport Support Plan (ADOP) by the Government, Spain is a Paralympic power and many athletes with disabilities are socially known and admired people. However, there are yet situations of social and economic discrimination. Surely the media have powerfully influenced for improve the image of these athletes with disabilities, but still they use to give the sport for people with disabilities much less coverage than they give to other sports. From a sociological point of view, the study of sport is consolidating as a scientific area and in recent decades it has highlighted the connections between sport and society in various fields. In particular, sport for people with disabilities has become one of the areas that has evolved, especially in relation to their physical, psychological and social benefits. However, the study area relating adapted sports and mass communication is poorly developed in Spain and the references are still sporadic. The aim of this article is to show the current state of studies on sport for people with disabilities from the point of view of sociology and communication sciences in Spain, as well as the relevance of deepening these studies to achieve understanding and, as far as possible, improve the situation of these people. / Hoje, a Espanha é um país avançado no campo do esporte para pessoas com deficiência. Graças ao movimento social liderado pela Organização Nacional das Cegas (ONCE) desde meados dos anos 80, os Jogos Paraolímpicos de Barcelona em 1992, o nascimento do Comitê Paralímpico Espanhol em 1995 e o Plano Paralímpico de Apoio Esportivo (ADOP) pelo Governo, a Espanha é um poder ...

The relevance of the present study is predetermined by the widespread political propaganda of new technologies in the digital environment. Analysis of the consequences of their application in journalism is an urgent task for humanities and social practice. Therefore, the article aims, firstly, to reveal the facts of inadequate display of social reality in the media space, secondly, to consider the problems of compliance of the social object and its reflection in the digital environment, and thirdly, to understand the media technologies in terms of their value context. Methods. The essence of the topical issue predetermined the reliance on the methodology of value-based analysis of journalism that allowed considering the impact of media technologies on the humanistic essence of human communication. The research object is the student community as a social and political media audience. In this context, an international research project was prepared and implemented. In the framework of this project, students from Poland, Russia, and Serbia were interviewed. In total, more than 2,000 questionnaires were processed. Results. The article substantiates the following provisions: media technology is the rationalization of the transfer of socially significant texts from the communicator to the mass audience; in terms of value, the effectiveness of technology is ambivalent; the modern media environment is characterized by the dissemination of fakes, and post-truths; media facts and media events have become derivatives of pseudo-social media practice; functional relationship, historically developed in world culture between the object and its reflection in artistic and journalistic creativity, is broken; practice is replaced by media shadow. Conclusion. Materials presented in the article are of practical value for political functionaries and technologists, theorists of journalism, and mass media executives.

Nowadays, when thinking about communication media, it is very common to refer to a discouraging panorama of crisis, in which some journalists' vices seem difficult to erradicate. In the last twenty-five years, however, together with this perception, it has also emerged a growing tendency for solving this situation, which makes us think that, no matter the situation, there is a light at the end of the tunnel. The objective of this article is to describe two of these solution ideas: audience's defenders and media watch. Both are mechanisms which can be placed in the bigger context of media criticism and characterized by their idea for increasing media quality. The existence of each one of these mechanisms as well as the possibility for them to live together performing a hard work for making institutional media more democratic and transparent are described in the following pages. ; Cuando se piensa hoy en los medios, es frecuente aludir a un panorama desalentador, de crisis, en el cual algunos de los vicios de los periodistas parecen difíciles de erradicar. Sin embargo, junto a esta percepción, también existe en los últimos veinticinco años un número creciente de intentos de solución que nos hacen pensar en que, a pesar de todo, hay luz al final del túnel. El objetivo del presente capítulo es describir precisamente dos de estos intentos de solución: los defensores de la audiencia y los observatorios de medios. En ambos casos, se trata de mecanismos que pueden ser ubicados en el contexto mayor del media criticism y que se caracterizan por su voluntad expresa de incrementar la calidad de los medios. En las siguientes páginas, se describe la existencia de cada uno de estos mecanismos y se apuesta por la conveniencia de las dos figuras, en la difícil búsqueda por hacer de los medios instituciones más democráticas y transparentes.

Nowadays, when thinking about communication media, it is very common to refer to a discouraging panorama of crisis, in which some journalists' vices seem difficult to erradicate. In the last twenty-five years, however, together with this perception, it has also emerged a growing tendency for solving this situation, which makes us think that, no matter the situation, there is a light at the end of the tunnel. The objective of this article is to describe two of these solution ideas: audience's defenders and media watch. Both are mechanisms which can be placed in the bigger context of media criticism and characterized by their idea for increasing media quality. The existence of each one of these mechanisms as well as the possibility for them to live together performing a hard work for making institutional media more democratic and transparent are described in the following pages. ; Cuando se piensa hoy en los medios, es frecuente aludir a un panorama desalentador, de crisis, en el cual algunos de los vicios de los periodistas parecen difíciles de erradicar. Sin embargo, junto a esta percepción, también existe en los últimos veinticinco años un número creciente de intentos de solución que nos hacen pensar en que, a pesar de todo, hay luz al final del túnel. El objetivo del presente capítulo es describir precisamente dos de estos intentos de solución: los defensores de la audiencia y los observatorios de medios. En ambos casos, se trata de mecanismos que pueden ser ubicados en el contexto mayor del media criticism y que se caracterizan por su voluntad expresa de incrementar la calidad de los medios. En las siguientes páginas, se describe la existencia de cada uno de estos mecanismos y se apuesta por la conveniencia de las dos figuras, en la difícil búsqueda por hacer de los medios instituciones más democráticas y transparentes.

Along with a considerable increase of thepeople involved in studying Chinese culture andChinese language, Confucius Institute, initiallyfounded in 2004 in Seoul, South Korea,provoked different reactions regarding to themanagement and the activity held. Especiallyon American press, the debate focused on whatthe real aim of the project consists in, has beenretained responsible for political propagandaand a threat for the academic freedom. Soonthe debate involved reporters, journalists,Chinese Studies experts, sinologists andConfucius Institutes directors from every part ofthe world, leading the debate to aninternational dimension. 32 articles publishedsince 2010 on the Italian national newspapers,periodicals, specialized website and onlinechannels, have been collected and examined inorder to propose a critical analysis on how theimage of Confucius Institute is perceived in Italythrough examining the discourse of the Italianpress and the voices of the experts in the press.

A series of wars over the last decade have produced complex emergencies that have led to various combinations of genocide, famine, destruction of infrastructure, enforced displacement of populations and regional destabilisation. There are now violent situations in around 30 countries, which produce over a thousand victims per year in battles over political power or territory. The leading actors in these conflicts are very often corrupt and repressive States and non-state armed groups. These wars are part of, and instrumental to, illegal economies based on resources such as diamonds, oil, timber, and on illicit trades of weapons and drugs. ; Peer reviewed

Political trust is essential for a democratic regime to work, and a declining asset in Western countries. It has been confirmed theoretically and empirically that news media are an important source of influence on political trust, though literature have not considered social media, in which the circulation of false or misleading information, and propaganda, might have a negative effect on political trust, to be relevant channels of news consumption. In order to explore the effect of social media on political trust in comparison with that of traditional media, an ANOVA test and hierarchical multiple linear regression models were run on a three-wave panel survey, during the presidential elections of 2018 (N = 701) in Mexico. The findings indicate that the election campaign had a positive effect on institutional trust, growing as the campaign developed, and that there was a positive influence from social media, followed by television. ; La confianza política es esencial para la funcionalidad de un régimen democrático y un activo a la baja en los países occidentales. Los medios de comunicación se han confirmado teórica y empíricamente como una fuente importante de influencia en ello, aunque los estudios no suelen considerar a las redes sociodigitales como canales relevantes de consumo informativo, donde la circulación de información falsa, engañosa o propagandística pudiera afectar negativamente la confianza política. Para esclarecer el peso que sobre dicha actitud tiene la atención a medios informativos, tanto tradicionales como sociodigitales, se realiza una prueba ANOVA y modelos de regresión sobre una encuesta tipo panel de tres olas, aplicada a nivel nacional en la campaña presidencial de 2018 en México (N=701). Los hallazgos señalan un efecto positivo de la campaña en la confianza institucional, pues esta crece conforme aquella transcurre, así como una influencia positiva de las redes sociodigitales en aquella, seguido de la televisión.

Como expuso Walter Lippmann en su libro La opinión pública, en sociedades complejas como la nuestra los medios de comunicación de masas construyen un pseudoentorno, a través del cual nos hacen llegar las informaciones necesarias para nuestra vida cotidiana. Pero, los medios de comunicación hacen algo más que informarnos: eligen y organizan jerárquicamente nuestro menú cotidiano de informaciones relevantes. Conjuntamente con los agentes sociales, económicos y políticos prominentes, determinan la agenda de las preocupaciones ciudadanas, colocando en primer plano de la actualidad determinados asuntos y silenciando o soslayando otros. Por esa razón, en la sociedad actual el concepto de opinión pública es incomprensible sin referirnos a la actuación de los medios de comunicación. Pero no se trata únicamente de la labor de los media como vehículos para la información y plataformas para la discusión colectiva. Los media popularizan valores, actitudes y modelos de conducta y su enorme capacidad de influir despierta una razonable preocupación entre los ciudadanos. Esta comunicación analiza siete cuestiones que ilustran las fricciones entre ciudadanía y medios de comunicación en la sociedad contemporánea. ; Abstract: As Walter Lippmann stated in his book The Public Opinion, in complex societies as ours, media build a pseudo-environment through which they send us all the necessary information four our daily life. However, media do something more than just informing us: they choose and organize hierarchically our daily menu of relevant information. They determine, helped by social, economic and political agents, the political agenda of citizens' concerns emphasizing certain matters while silencing others. This is the reason why the concept of public opinion is incomprehensible if we do not refer to the performance of media. But media do not merely act as means of information and spread tribunes for public debates. Media popularize values, attitudes, and behavioral models and their great capacity to influence arouse reasonable concern among citizens. This paper analyzes seven questions that illustrate the friction between citizens and media in contemporary society.

Modern politics penetrates all spheres of human existence. This undoubtedly intensifies the study of politicaldiscourse. Along with the development of traditional peculiar features (institutional, special informativeness,semantic uncertainty, and many others), new ones arise due to the modern context. Open media landscape andvirtual communication transform both the structure of the subject of political leverage from an individual politicianto a large party, a state, and the object of home or foreign general public, which further influences the language ofthe text as well as its genre and style. This article considers the statements of the Ministries of Foreign Affairsexpressing the official point of view on an event. Official statements made by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of acountry form a special genre that combines both a spoken and a written forms of messages accompanied by amandatory web version. One of the goals of such statements is to create a specific media image of the country - thespeech image of both the homeland and the partner/opponent country aimed at shaping the public opinion andvalues of the addressee. To carry out the analysis we applied the method of isolating semantic dominants in order todetermine the main speech methods of creating the image of the country. The investigation was conducted on thematerial of the official statements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and Poland made from 2010 to 2018with such functional units as Pol'sha [Poland], polyaki [the Poles] and their contextual synonyms Varshava[Warsaw], pol'skiye vlasti [Polish government], pol'skaya storona [the Polish party] and Rosja, rosyjski, Rosjanin.The findings of the study can be disseminated onto the political discourse as a whole as well as on its linguisticfeatures.