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Book 1 (v. 16 of the series) was written as an introd. to the author's translation of Śukra's Śukranīti (v. 13 of the series) ; Original ed. issued as vols. 16 and 25 of The Sacred books of the Hindus. ; Bibliography: v. 1, p. [xix]-xxiv. ; book 1. Non-political.--book 2. Political. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A review of the controls over and the internal organization and process of Polish media. The changing position of the media in the Polish Communist system during the Stalinist, 1956, Gomulka, and Gierek periods are described, along with related changes in the instruments of Party control. The instruments by which the Party exercises direct and indirect supervision over the media are examined, with the exception of formal censorship, which is discussed in detail in companion Note N-1514/2. Finally, the Note describes key elements of the internal organization and editorial process that affect the output of Polish media. It is shown that editorial details, e.g., publication deadlines and the system of remuneration, can affect media output as much as Central Committee directives or censorship. The Note draws extensively on field research in Poland, including a survey of 174 working journalists. This study is a portion of a broad study of Polish media, summarized in R-2627.

In the light of mounting interest in, and manifestations of, ethnicity in most of the world today, it becomes important to work on the broader meaning of ethnicity from the comparative, historical and theoretical perspectives. The sheer persistence and the re-emergence of ethnic identities, and the relationship of ethnic movements and developments to economic and political realities, are certainly major research issues. In this context, we might be able to learn more about ethnicity per se, if we ask questions about the alternatives and opposites to ethnicity. Just as we can better understand the social meaning of conformity by examination of the variations of deviance, so may be treated the sociology of ethnicity. Furthermore, this approach, if valid, may differentiate not only between ethnicity and its absence, but also distinguish among degrees of ethnicity as well. It is, of course, a traditional approach in sociological theory, that of deviant case analysis, or of examining one kind of phenomenon in order to undestand its mirror image or images. In this paper, then, it is proposed to define ethnicity, ethnic culture and structure; and then proceed to examine the theoretical possibilities which emerge from a proposed four-fold classification of attachments to cultural and structural entities.

Department of Chemistry, Government Post.Graduate College, Shivpuri, M.P. Manuscript received 15 May 1975, revised 11 March 1976, accepted 1 September 1976 Rates for the rearrangement of N-Chloroacetanilide and its o-Chloro derivative in hydra chloric and sulphuric acids increase with increase in acid concentration, however, with change in buffer concentration no appreciable difference of rates has been observed. Constant ionic strength effect data shows that reaction is subject to positive salt effect, involves both acid catalysed and neutral rearrangements and that substitution of chlorine brings no change on the effectiveness of acid catalysis. The sum of calculated acid and neutral rates for rearrangement from ionic strength effect data using second empirical term of Debye-Huckel equation do not agree with experimental rates uniformly over the whole range of acidity. Bunnett and Bunnett-Olsen plot data, Zucker Hammett hypothesis show that reaction is bimolecular and involves a nucleophilic attack of water in rate determining step.

What happens to sociology graduates? A mailed questionnaire follow-up study of 267 recent graduates of a maritime university revealed that most of them continue their education in a professional or semi-professional school, usually a school of education or a school of social work. A high proportion of graduates, especially women, become teachers. Many obtain jobs in social welfare agencies, whether or not they continue their education. A small percentage without further education get jobs as research workers for government departments. The women all seem to be oriented to work outside the home, even if presently unemployed. They tend, however, to be in traditional "women's occupations" or "semi-professions," and rarely in supervisory or administrative positions. The graduates in sociology of this maritime university come in high proportions from blue-collar backgrounds. They tend to see their own careers as being upwardly mobile through normal progression to administrative, supervisory, and managerial positions in the educational, social service, and public service sectors of society. They are also geographically mobile, but most migration is within the province or the region. The results are compared with the findings of another study of the careers of 1976 and 1977 graduates in other disciplines and faculties of the same university. Some of the policy implications of the study, (from the perspectives of students, teachers, administrators, and governments) are discussed. ; Les diplômés en sociologie, que leur arrive-t-il? Un questionnaire envoyé comme suivi à 267 diplômés récents d'une université des provinces maritimes révèle que la plupart d'entre eux poursuivent leur formation dans une école professionnelle ou seim-profession-nelle, d'habitude une faculté de pédagogie ou une école de formation pour travailleurs sociaux. Une proportion élevée de diplômés, en particulier des femmes, deviennent des enseignants. Beaucoup d'entre eux trouvent des emplois dans des agences de bien-être social, s'ils continuent ou pas leurs études. Un petit pourcentage d'entre eux sans forma-tion ultérieure trouvent des emplois en tant que travailleurs sociaux auprès des ministères gouvernementaux. Les femmes semblent toutes s'orienter vers un travail en dehors de leur maison, même lorsqu 'elles sont actuellement sans emploi. Elles ont tendance, toutefois, de se trouver dans des "emplois réservés à la femme" ou des métiers dans les marges des professions libérales. Elles occupent rarement des postes administratifs ou de superviseurs. Les diplômés en sociologie de cette université des provinces maritimes proviennent en haute proportion des cols bleus. Ils ont tendance d'envisager leurs propres carrières comme mobiles et à la hausse en progressant de façon normale, dans les secteurs de l'enseignement, des services sociaux et de la fonction publique, des postes administratifs à ceux de surveil-lance et de gestion. Ils sont également mobiles sur le plan géographique - en se mutant le plus souvent à l'intérieur de la province ou de la région. On compare les présents résultats à ceux d'une autre étude sur les carrières des diplômés (1976 et 1977) dans d'autres disciplines de la même université. Il s'agit de certaines impli-cations de l'étude quant à l'orientation de la politique (les perspectives des étudiants, des enseignants, des administrateurs et des gouvernements).

Abstract: This paper argues that the television presentation of the first direct election to the European Parliament in Ireland was more domestic in orientation than either the parties' own presentations on television or voter attitudes might have led one to expect. It seeks to understand how this pattern of coverage emerged by examining the timing of the European election in Ireland; the pre-campaign newspaper speculation regarding the European elections and the extent of the press's subsequent agenda-setting functions; the programme formats within which the European election campaign was presented on RTE; and finally the attitudes of broadcasters to this election and to the audience for European election programmes.

Publication of a conference held at AZAD Centre, Sliema, on February 17, 1978. ; Among the new States, Malta has one of the longest, almost uninterrupted traditions of press freedom and, for her size, is lucky to have had a variety of newspaper opinion. It was two well-known British liberals, John Austin and George Cornwall Lewis, who responding to appeals by the Maltese leader Giorgio Mitrovich, strongly recommended the grant of press freedom to the colony. That was in 1838, when the first papers and periodicals began to be published. Before that time we can hardly say that there was a journalistic tradition at all. The Order of st. John had a printing press in the eighteenth century, but this was mainly for official works. Besides, censorship always hung over Malta's head: in the mid-seventeenth century the Grand Master had opted to close a printing press instead of having to put up with interference from the Pope and Inquisitor who insisted on nihil obstat rights in any printed matter associated with religion or the church. During the brief period of French rule over Malta, from 1798 to 1800, a vaguely Bonapartist paper, Le Journal de Malte, was published; but again this was an official gazette rather than a newspaper. It was all 'liberty, equality and fraternity'; and woe to anybody who disagreed. The same style of paper, a government gazette, continued to be published in the first decades of British rule, first in Italian only, and subsequently in Italian and English until in the early twentieth century Maltese too made an appearance in it. Apart from this, in the period before 1838, very few people managed to get anything controversial printed. One was an Italian refugee; the others were Protestant missionaries. Otherwise the only way to get printed matter distributed in Malta was to have it printed in Italy or elsewhere outside the Island, at least until 1839. ; peer-reviewed

A detailed documentation of the structure and operations of the formal censorship system in Poland. The Main Administration for Control of the Press, Publications, and Public Performances (GUKPPiW) is formally responsible for all censorship; it must monitor every public word from name cards and obituaries to mass media and artistic performances. This Note describes the censorship process and the ways in which GUKPPiW and other, informal controls determine what information is made public. It traces the evolution of the system through mid-1980. It is based on interviews with individuals who have worked in various parts of the Polish media, including the censorship office itself, and it also uses internal documents of the Krakow branch of GUKPPiW which have been published in the West. This study is a portion of a broad study of Polish media, summarized in R-2627. Other parts of the study are reported in N-1514/1, N-1514/3, N-1514/4, and N-1514/5.

Descriptions of six cases that are illustrative of discussion, debate, and controversy in Polish media: (1) the wide-ranging campaign during the March 1968 crisis, which was directly linked with internecine political struggle within the Polish United Workers' Party; (2) the Falkowska debate of 1964, when an esoteric discussion on the proper role of journalism expanded into a veiled critique of the Polish Communist system; (3) the differentiated treatment of the German question in Polish media in the late 1960s; (4) the 1971 debate on a draft social parasite law that had been presented to the Parliament for adoption; (5) a 1976 controversy over amendments to the Polish constitution; and (6) the media discussions of 1977 and 1978 concerning decentralization and unemployment, economic issues which masked criticism of the political system. These cases are not unique; each represents a phenomenon that has occurred on other occasions. This study is a portion of a broad study of Polish media, summarized in R-2627.

Literature pertaining to journalism ethics and journalism ethics instruction suggests a lack of clarity and agreement as to what constitutes ethics in the profession and what ought be considered appropriate journalism ethics instruction. Here, I integrate theories from philosophy, journalism and education to develop a comprehensive model for pre-professional journalism ethics instruction. I assume that the primary function of U.S. journalism is gathering and presenting "the new". Confining my discussion of journalist to purveyors of "the news", I first propose a tri-foundational theory of journalism ethics.The first foundation from which to draw obligations for news organizations and individuals comprising those organizations is the relationship of press to society. I argue that the press has responsibilities to readers based on the power held by the media and by the promise representatives of the media have made to the public. I argue that purveyors of the news comprise an indentifiable group and that members of that group are obligated to uphold shared values which can be shown to be essential to the public trust necessary for media function. This basis for determining obligations to fellow practitioners is the second foundation of the theory. Each journalist is, above all, an autonomous moral agent, capable of choosing action and morally accountable for actions chosen. The third foundation of the theory is the individual moral system of each practitioner. I propose that adequate journalism ethics instruction will include attention to all three foundations from which one may determine journalistic responsibilities. In addition, I argue that educators of pre-professional students have obligations to their students and to the profession. Educators necessarily teach journalist values as part of the curriculum. A separate and comprehensive course in professional ethics is needed to introduce students to the various foundations and justificatory processes associated with each and to assist students in discerning those values which are truly essential shared values of the profession from those which are mere conventions. I suggest that appropriate professional ethics instruction is moral education at its best - character development without indoctrination.

Literature pertaining to journalism ethics and journalism ethics instruction suggests a lack of clarity and agreement as to what constitutes ethics in the profession and what ought be considered appropriate journalism ethics instruction. Here, I integrate theories from philosophy, journalism and education to develop a comprehensive model for pre-professional journalism ethics instruction. I assume that the primary function of U.S. journalism is gathering and presenting "the new". Confining my discussion of journalist to purveyors of "the news", I first propose a tri-foundational theory of journalism ethics.The first foundation from which to draw obligations for news organizations and individuals comprising those organizations is the relationship of press to society. I argue that the press has responsibilities to readers based on the power held by the media and by the promise representatives of the media have made to the public. I argue that purveyors of the news comprise an indentifiable group and that members of that group are obligated to uphold shared values which can be shown to be essential to the public trust necessary for media function. This basis for determining obligations to fellow practitioners is the second foundation of the theory. Each journalist is, above all, an autonomous moral agent, capable of choosing action and morally accountable for actions chosen. The third foundation of the theory is the individual moral system of each practitioner. I propose that adequate journalism ethics instruction will include attention to all three foundations from which one may determine journalistic responsibilities. In addition, I argue that educators of pre-professional students have obligations to their students and to the profession. Educators necessarily teach journalist values as part of the curriculum. A separate and comprehensive course in professional ethics is needed to introduce students to the various foundations and justificatory processes associated with each and to assist students in discerning those values which are truly essential shared values of the profession from those which are mere conventions. I suggest that appropriate professional ethics instruction is moral education at its best - character development without indoctrination.

Literature pertaining to journalism ethics and journalism ethics instruction suggests a lack of clarity and agreement as to what constitutes ethics in the profession and what ought be considered appropriate journalism ethics instruction. Here, I integrate theories from philosophy, journalism and education to develop a comprehensive model for pre-professional journalism ethics instruction. I assume that the primary function of U.S. journalism is gathering and presenting "the new". Confining my discussion of journalist to purveyors of "the news", I first propose a tri-foundational theory of journalism ethics.The first foundation from which to draw obligations for news organizations and individuals comprising those organizations is the relationship of press to society. I argue that the press has responsibilities to readers based on the power held by the media and by the promise representatives of the media have made to the public. I argue that purveyors of the news comprise an indentifiable group and that members of that group are obligated to uphold shared values which can be shown to be essential to the public trust necessary for media function. This basis for determining obligations to fellow practitioners is the second foundation of the theory. Each journalist is, above all, an autonomous moral agent, capable of choosing action and morally accountable for actions chosen. The third foundation of the theory is the individual moral system of each practitioner. I propose that adequate journalism ethics instruction will include attention to all three foundations from which one may determine journalistic responsibilities. In addition, I argue that educators of pre-professional students have obligations to their students and to the profession. Educators necessarily teach journalist values as part of the curriculum. A separate and comprehensive course in professional ethics is needed to introduce students to the various foundations and justificatory processes associated with each and to assist students in discerning those values which are truly essential shared values of the profession from those which are mere conventions. I suggest that appropriate professional ethics instruction is moral education at its best - character development without indoctrination.

A review of the important role played by limited-distribution bulletins in informing the Polish leadership about domestic and foreign affairs. These bulletins include translations of international wire service reports, transcripts of Western radio broadcasts into Poland, and reprints of articles censored from the mass media. Controls on what is published in these bulletins are looser and more indirect than those on the mass media; the leadership generally uses them for its own information but does not decide what should appear in them. While bulletins are not the only source of unpublished information in Poland, they do have a significant impact on policymaking and the thinking of political leaders. This study is a portion of a broad study of Polish media, summarized in R-2627. Other parts of the study are reported in N-1514/1, N-1514/2, N-1514/3, N-1514/5, and N-1514/6.

Differing incidences of Vibrio parahaemolyticus reported by separate government agencies are attributable to sample handling and subsequent isolation techniques.

On the evening of October 10, 1974, police appeared at radio station KPFK-FM in Los Angeles with a warrant authorizing them to search the premises for a New World Liberation Front (NWLF) "communique" that took credit for a recent bombing. The officers conducted an intensive 8-hour search-combing files, listening to tapes, and looking through reporters' notes – finally concluding that the NWLF letter was not at the station. The KPFK search warrant was one of six that California law enforcement officials have executed at press offices since 1972. The circumstances surrounding the incident illustrate the rationale behind the recent development of the search technique. For several years before the KPFK search, the news media had litigated their right not to honor subpoenas from government investigatory bodies and courts. They premised claims of immunity from subpoenas on the first amendment protection of newsgathering and on strengthened shield laws for which they had lobbied." Indeed, when KPFK received the communique from the NWLF, the station was in the process of litigating its previous refusal to respect two subpoenas that sought production of communications from other radical groups. Reiterating the station's policy of not honoring subpoenas prior to judicial challenge, station manager Will Lewis aired the contents of the NWLF letter and offered typed copies of it to press and police, but refused to surrender the original. Confident that a subpoena would mean months of litigation, even if the courts eventually denied Lewis' statutory and constitutional claims, the police resorted to the ex parte search warrant process, allowing them to seize the evidence immediately, if found, and litigate later, if necessary.