Sekularyzacja w Europie i "causa Polonia": historyczny przypadek szczególny czy rodzaj religijnej asertywności?
In: Gemeinsame Wege? Transformation in Deutschland und Polen, S. 277-285
208 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Gemeinsame Wege? Transformation in Deutschland und Polen, S. 277-285
In: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, Heft 6, S. 68-74
Religious institutions are kind integral areas, in which spatial complex is subordinated to social complexes. Intellectuals as order of society owns big influence as idea on forming integral area relatively and as realities. Total institutions are invariable kind of integral area from many year. Sacral area is not enclave from social conditionality excluded entirely, can be treated independently on social context. Modern sacral buildings refer to trends of modern architecture frequently more, separateness of sacral area in smallest degree underlining, on symbolic pronunciation more putting.
In: Slavia Meridionalis, Band 20, S. 1-25
The article deals with resonance, development, and changes in various forms of atheism in the works of Czech, especially Marxist, intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century. Attention is also paid to their influence on public opinion, especially in connection with a rise in negative attitude of a large part of the Czech public towards religion. The study is based primarily on historical and discursive analyses of the works of principal authors from the 1950s to 1989. Among the authors discussed are important figures such as Ivan Sviták, Milan Machovec, and Vítězslav Gardavský.
ISSN: 2543-9170
In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
BASE
The article examines the Polish regional differences after 1990. It shows the evolutionary process of creation and re-creation of a regional identity (from administrative regions to regions of identity). The author characterizes types of political representation in the Polish regions and wonders if the regions are independent entities of the EU policies. The author also asks about the relationships beetwen regions and the center from the perspective of construction of regional development strategies and about the advantages and disadvantages of concentration of capacity building in Warsaw. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.
BASE
The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.
BASE
In: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, Heft 3, S. 46-53
E. Goffman character analyzes into mutual conditionality of concept of physical and social borders abilities of persons for acquisition, disclosure and concealment of information scare. Analysis of strategic interaction relies in Goffman's book on explication capability expedient utilization or duping of partner. Strategic captivation of interaction is game about zero amount, where increment is loss second actor. Our safety is not natural something in structure of social world, but it dates from socially array rule behavior We lived as spies in our daily life if, social world would seem as enclosing scare, where in each moment and it is possible to meet potential cause for fear place.
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 93-99
ISSN: 2719-7131
In: Encyklopedia starości, starzenia się i niepełnosprawności, S. 485-487
Generacja sandwicz - grupa osób w wieku średnim, która ze względu na swoją centralną pozycję (status) w strukturze wieku i w związanej z nią stratyfikacji wiekowej stanowi generację (pokolenie), które jednocześnie opiekuje się osobami starszymi (przeważnie swoimi rodzicami) i osobami młodszymi (przeważnie swoimi dziećmi). Zjawisko to określane jest też jako "kobiety w środku" (ang. women in the middle) lub "złapani w środku" (ang. being caught in the middle). Koncepcja "generacji sandwicz" ("pokolenia kanapki") w wąskim ujęciu odnoszona jest przeważnie do tradycyjnie postrzeganych ról opiekuńczych kobiet, które są w wieku środkowym (środkowej dorosłości), a zarazem na przedpolu starości (przed późną dorosłością). W ujęciu feministycznym społeczne oczekiwania wobec kobiet znajdujących się między 40. a 60. rokiem życia są zorientowane z jednej strony na udzielanie pomocy dzieciom i młodzieży w uzyskaniu samodzielnego dorosłego życia, z drugiej zaś są ukierunkowane na udzielanie pomocy pielęgnacyjnej starszemu pokoleniu szczególnie w przypadku niepełnosprawności, otępienia lub choroby Alzheimera. Oczekiwania wobec powyższych ról opiekuńczych są sformalizowane w mniejszym (np. tradycja, równość płci, krąg kulturowy, stereotypy) lub większym stopniu (np. polityka rodzinna państwa, polityka kadrowa przedsiębiorstw, powszechność programów równowagi praca-życie) co prowadzi do nierówności między kobietami i mężczyznami (Korzec, 1997).
In: III Forum Socjologów Prawa "Prawo i ład społeczny", S. 63-72
Rozdział prezentuje teoretyczna analizę relacji zachodzącej między prawem a kontrolą społeczną przedstawiając w jaki sposób prawo jako narzędzie kontroli społecznej określa nastawienia wobec prawa.
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 81-99
ISSN: 2719-7131
The author analyses the socio-cultural determinants which influence the internal structure of collective action. It is determined by: the ability to fulfill contracts, the predictability of behaviour and showing trust to others. The author goes on to describe the factors that limit them as a result of the specificity of social relations in the Polish society, which 82 Janusz Hryniewicz Studia z Polityki Publicznej are dominated by the network of micro-groups and it means that only within them - not within the wider society - one can see social relations, in which contracts tend to be fulfilled and trust guaranteed. At the same time, the author indicates that the Polish society's capacity for collective action seems to be limited as a result of the fact that the Cartesian culture has not been fully adopted. There are many ramifications of that including a lower potential to analyse the goals of collective actions and making them more rational. In the Cartesian type of societies, their members are more favourably inclined to act together. They are more favourably adapted towards democracy, collective action and one can see a higher level of self-organisation, a wider range of personal freedom, as well as the setting up of associations. There is no need to impose top-down directives and top-down coordination when collective action must be taken.
Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.
BASE
In: Annales - Ethics in Economic Life, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 47-59
The popularisation of code elaboration addressed to various social groups is one of the features of the modern world. However, among researchers of this phenomenon a full consensus on the moral validity and usefulness of this activity does not exist. The article closely reviews the literature with regard to the reasons for the creation of a moderate position on the codification of ethical standards. The essay brings closer the main concepts of ethical codes and positions for their adoption and rejection. Attention is paid to ways of increasing the effectiveness of codes and the ethical decision-making procedure in a manner that undermines supporters and opponents of codification approaches.