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The evolution of city regions and metropolises in both countries illustrates the theoretical debates on this particular geographical object. Political legitimacy, significant autonomy and a 'relevant' territorial area should form the basis of these regions. But there is a long way to go from this theoretical vision to practice. In Germany, a slow and contingent bottom-up process can be observed, whereas in France, following a long history of intermunicipality, institutional metropolises are emerging (MAPTAM law of 2014). Metropolregionen and métropoles thus differ. Germany shows incomplete and variable forms of metropolitan organisation, whereas French metropolises are satisfied with simple criteria of competences and resources. However, these 'intermunicipal' métropoles (one exception: Lyon) can also be compared with the large German cities, which are highly individualised political entities, with the city-states (e. g. Hamburg) being the most extreme cases. Two examples, Frankfurt and Lille, illustrate the comparison.

In the field of urban and regional planning, France and Germany have shown several analogies since the beginning of the modern age. However, there is still a difference between more centralised governance processes (France) and a stronger position of the municipalities (Germany). But the planning strategies of France and Germany have moved closer together. A comparison covering about 100 years must differentiate between German planning strategies in East and West Germany for a considerable period. Urban planning has been influenced by similar models like the Athens Charter or the Leipzig Charter. The latter, a European document, was renewed in 2020. Furthermore, in both countries, similar paths can be identified: the pursuit of a strong technical focus, the tendency towards sustainable development, more flexibility, the growing importance of integrated policies and the challenges of urban sprawl. Main doctrines like integration, participation and future orientation have accompanied urban and regional planning in Germany as well as in France.

The situation, development lines and perspectives of small and medium-sized towns in Germany and France are compared and similarities and differences within the central place systems and the spatial planning of both countries are discussed. With different approaches to definition, these towns have received new attention in both countries in recent years, albeit with different focal points. The discussion covers the positions and lines of development of these towns in the respective central place systems; the perspectives of their future development regarding the strengthening of central place functions, their attractiveness as residential and economic locations, and contexts of rural regional development and services of general interest. In addition, aspects of research on small and medium-sized towns as well as approaches to spatial policy in both countries are addressed.

This chapter concentrates on institutional differences in France and Germany. The stability of the German institutional setting contrasts with the series of institutional reforms that have stretched over decades or even half a century in France. While in Germany transformation has taken the form of successive adaptations, in France the diverse reforms have been hotly debated and sometimes even contested. Often the metropolises and regions form the focus of such discussions in France. These contrasts between stability and change can also be seen in both spatial planning systems and the position of the highest level of territorial authority (régions in France and Länder in Germany). Starting from the national policy guidelines in both countries, the authors describe different territorial units, their areas of responsibility and their manifold planning instruments. They also address processes of democratisation, participation and metropolisation, the role of the European Union and various crises as drivers of the development of both systems.

Contrary to the positive perception of protected areas constructed by political entities as mechanisms for protecting biodiversity put under pressure by the demographic growth of populations and their needs, they have gradually revealed themeselves as areas of turbulence where insecure dynamics proliferate, ie ecosystems that escape state regulation and impact the security of surrounding localities. Protected areas in northern regions of Cameroon have thus contributed to the sustainable dissemination of vectors of crime and others forms of security threats. The question is therefore to know in what way protected areas constitute a security threat and how has the state reacted to the situation in the northern regions of Cameroun? The hypothesis defended is to show that protected areas are islands of cross-border insecurity, hence the process of state security.

This chapter is devoted to mobility in France and Germany. First, key mobility indicators for the two countries are presented. This shows that private motorised transport still dominates in both France and Germany. Despite many negative effects on the climate, but also on health and quality of life, no far-reaching measures have been adopted. Hopes are pinned on technological progress and the integration of electromobility. However, this will not solve the shortage of land in cities or the car-dependence of many (low-income) households in rural areas in France. Subsequently, an empirical example from Berlin is used to show how financial and time restrictions affect the willingness of car drivers to switch to alternative modes of transport. Financial measures have a greater influence than time-related measures. For the French example, regional disparities and social dependence on the car are considered more closely. Finally, the current policy initiatives of the two countries are presented in order to assess the potentials of the transport transition.

Multilingualism, one of the major problems in the new reality, is considered to be of crucial importance for the European Union, as multilingualism can be identified as the phenomenon leading to the cultural diversity and protects the disappearance of certain languages, mostly regional and minority languages.
The treaties and the decrees within the European Union aim at preservation of cultural and linguistic identities of every country. At the same time, the European Union gives the right to every citizen to have the dialogues with the European institutions in his own language. But, in practice, the things are not like in theory. So, we come across the questions: it is really possible to preserve the linguistic identity within the European Union environment? Or, is the application of multilingualism still a problem without solution?
Even if the European Union tries to preserve the multilingual reality, from the practical point of view the reality is considered to be much more complicated. In this case, the multilingualism, within the European Union, is the problem still expecting solutions.

En s'appuyant sur des observations ethnographiques longitudinales et des entretiens compréhensifs, cet article propose une description du fonctionnement socioculturel et une analyse des pratiques éducatives familiales des deux groupes considérés, ainsi qu'un regard sur l'évolution de ces facteurs dans le contexte mouvant du monde actuel. Une connaissance des pratiques éducatives de ces populations pourrait fournir aux enseignants et spécialistes des pistes de réflexion pour une meilleure prise en compte des besoins éducatifs des populations amérindiennes vivant sur les sites isolés des fleuves amazoniens et une adaptation de l'enseignement scolaire aux spécificités culturelles.

The practice of cattle rustling, a persistent ancient tradition in the Adamaoua region, has evolved into a major threat, particularly at the borders with Nigeria. This organized criminal phenomenon poses a severe threat to the security of local populations and hinders trade between the two countries. To address this insecurity orchestrated by cattle bandits, the question arises regarding the explanatory dynamics and mechanisms that could manage transborder depredations. The resilience of cattle theft at the Adamaoua-Nigeria border appears linked to the deterritorialization of the threat, transboundary transhumance and the deficit of state governance in its peripheries. In response to this situation, authorities have implemented sovereign easures and bilateral actions within the framework of cooperation with Nigeria, which have proven effective in suppressing the sources of insecurity.

L'objectif de cette contribution est d'analyser à travers des exemples de programmes politiques de partis d'extrême d'droite d'Allemagne (Afd et NPD), de l'Autriche (FPÖ), de la Belgique (Vlaams Belang), du Danmark (Dans Folkeparti), de la France (FN), des Pays-Bas (PVV) et de la Suède (Sverigedemokraterna) des années 2010 à 2017, comment ces partis se servent de l'implicite dans leurs programmes politiques pour soutenir la stratégie de "normalisation" sans renoncer à leur noyau idéologique d'extrême droite qui est essentiel pour leur électorat traditionnel. Dans cette perspective, il importe aussi d'examiner quelles sont les valeurs et les messages subjacents transportés par l'implicite au service de leurs stratégies. Nous en analyserons deux types de stratégies: les stratégies centrées sur une analyse de la réalité définie par le présupposé et les stratégies centrées sur le sous-entendu. Il est montré comment ces stratégies contribuent à une resémantisation des concepts clés des sociétés démocratiques et sont à même de mettre en péril le consensus démocratique de nos sociétés.

This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 and 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.

Attendu que de nombreux investisseurs s'arrachent les terres agricoles dans le monde entier, il est difficile de savoir qui s'implique dans quelle entreprise et quels pourraient en être les effets sur les populations locales. Une base de données internationale fait la lumière sur cette situation confuse.