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"In this work, one of Latin America's most renowned legal philosophers conducts a comprehensive survey of the ancient Greek understanding of the law, drawing on texts by poets (Hesiod), philosophers (Anaximander), playwrights (Aeschylus and Sophocles), and historians (Herodotus and Thucydides). The book ends with a finely detailed analysis of the relationship between language and reality in Aristotle, and the emergence of the notion of the system and its subsequent introduction into Roman law. The author's in-depth study of all these aspects makes this volume an essential reference for philosophers, jurists, and historians"--

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos». ; Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos».

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexandros N. Teneketzis, Art and Politics in Cold War. The International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner The gradual transfer of the metropolis of the western art world from Paris to New York and specifically in circles around the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) under the leadership of Alfred H. Barr Jr. and with the theoretical foundation by Clement Greenberg, but practically under the guidance and financing from the CIA, was also visible in the case of public memory and art about the Second World War. The international institution that was the cause for the widespread diffusion of the artistic standards grown in USA was the "International Sculpture Competition for the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner", which was organized under the auspices of the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA) in London and the Tate Gallery, but actually with the encouragement, blessings and supervision of the CIA. The competition was from the beginning a large turnout and the proposals submitted until January 1953 surpassed 3.500 –mainly abstract or semi­abstract stylistic suggestions. The biggest names at the time in the international arena of sculpture in West took part, while artists from the Eastern Bloc boycotted the process. Therefore were precluded any realistic academic representative works and of course any relationship with socialist realism, giving thus the tone for both the style, and for all other future monuments in the western world. Eventually, the first prize of 2.500 pounds awarded to the British sculptor Reg Butler, unknown to the general public until that time but with a decisive commitment to abstraction. However, the work of Butler was never completed, principally because of the changing international circumstances and relationships after the death of Stalin in '53 and Khrushchev's secret speech in '56. The new "Thaw" era in East­West relations imposed the final rejection in 1960. A public monument like that of Butler's, which would refer to the previous tense situation, was no more possible. Nevertheless, the dual objective of recognition and legitimization of abstract art in the western world and at the same time of the weakening of socialist realism and therefore of communism was promoted and achieved up to a certain degree.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; This paper discusses the politics of historical interpretation as manifested in E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class. The discussion addresses two main areas of interest:a. The structure of the conceptual framework that organises historical narration and grounds historical analysis and interpretation. It is argued that this framework is based on his insistence on the privileged character of historiography as a field of knowledge and as a critical perspective for social and political perspective on the one hand. The conceptual framework also consists of Thompson's conviction that in the process of class formation experience is the sine qua non historical catalyst that intervenes between the social being (modes of production) and class consciousness. These analytical inclinations are explored with reference to Thompson's engagement with the discussion over marxist reductionism on the one hand, and althusserian structuralism on the other.b. Finally, an attempt is made to trace the particularities of the historical context within which Thompson's perspective was shaped, as well as the influence that his work has had on the orientations of social studies during the period of the 1970s and 1980s.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Nassia Yakovaki, The «Traité des trois imposteurs)) and the European Enlightenment The aim of this article is to present the obscure but fascinating story of the production and diffusion of the Traité des trois imposteurs, the best seller of the clandestine literature in Europe during the first half of the 18th century and to discuss the new and to some extent controversial interpretations that the study of this text has provoked as far as the understanding of the European Enlightenment is concerned. The importance of this text derives, first of all, from its subversive ideas: it offers a bold and straightforward attack on all three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) by rejecting the principle of revelation and by pronouncing their founders as «impostors», while attributing the appearance of organized religions to political interests. Yet, the significance of this text goes beyond its content: the conditions of its production as well as of its circulation offer to modern historical research the chance to explore an «underground universe», peopled by relatively unknown figures, working among the middlemen of the publishing world. These circles —as it seems— had the readiness to respond creatively to a turbulent religious and political environment, to adopt rigid philosophical stands and to step into radical politics. Historical research has recently succeeded in investigating the complicated issues of the origin, dating, authorship and circulation of this notorious text and in disentangling the thread connecting this late 17th century production with the medieval legend of the «imposture». Crucial among these findings is on the one hand the bond that links the Traité with the works of Spinoza and on the other the connection between the production of the text and a group of people in late 17th and early 18th century Holland. The interesting questions concerning the general understanding of the era of «the crisis of the European consciousness» that the historical scholarship about the Traité has raised have already led to the formation of a new, stimulating, yet controversial historiographical trend which elaborates a new interpretation of the Enlightenment, around the idea of an early and radical Enlightenment (Margaret Jacob, 1981 and 2003, Jonathan Israel, 2001).

The dissemination of learning objects via the Internet in a smart way that meets the essential needs of learners could significantly improve the services offered by an e-learning system. A prerequisite for this is the adoption of an efficient framework for organising, describing and managing the available training materials. The various knowledge-organising systems that have been developed from time to time contribute to this objective, but are not the best solutions for each case. Therefore, through this work we are trying to distinguish the differences between the main knowledge representation structures and to identify the one best suited to modelling a field of knowledge in a machine-readable way. In this first attempt, we put in practice the knowledge organisation system which we believed to be predominant over others, in order to see its dynamics. Our ultimate goal is to make use of this technique in all aspects of a distance learning programme. ; Η διάχυση των μαθησιακών αντικειμένων μέσω του Διαδικτύου με τρόπο ευφυή, που να ανταποκρίνεται στις ουσιαστικές ανάγκες των εκπαιδευόμενων, θα μπορούσε να βελτιώσει σημαντικά τις προσφερόμενες υπηρεσίες ενός συστήματος ηλεκτρονικής μάθησης. Απαραίτητη προϋπόθεση για κάτι τέτοιο είναι η υιοθέτηση ενός αποδοτικού πλαισίου οργάνωσης, περιγραφής και διαχείρισης του διαθέσιμου εκπαιδευτικού υλικού. Τα διάφορα συστήματα οργάνωσης γνώσης που έχουν αναπτυχθεί κατά καιρούς αφενός συμβάλλουν στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου, ωστόσο δεν αποτελούν τις ιδανικότερες λύσεις για κάθε περίπτωση. Συνεπώς, μέσα από αυτήν την εργασία επιχειρούμε να διακρίνουμε τις διαφορές ανάμεσα στις κυριότερες δομές αναπαράστασης γνώσης και να εντοπίσουμε αυτή που ανταποκρίνεται ικανοποιητικότερα στην μοντελοποίηση ενός γνωστικού πεδίου με τρόπο μηχανικά αναγνώσιμο. Σε αυτή την πρώτη προσπάθεια, εφαρμόζουμε στην πράξη το σύστημα οργάνωσης γνώσης που κρίναμε ότι υπερτερεί έναντι των υπολοίπων, ώστε να διαπιστώσουμε τη δυναμική του. Απώτερο στόχο μας αποτελεί η αξιοποίηση αυτής της τεχνικής σε όλες ...

Published in print by Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2906-5 ; Thanks to its vitality, the art scene in Athens, faced with the economic and political crisis, is met with an increased attention by media and specialist publishers. The Catalogue and the accompanying exhibition in Berlin and Athens – running parallel to documenta 2017 in Kassel and Athens – pose crucial questions regarding the relation of economic crisis, art production and new forms of political art. A social research undertaken in 2016, interviewed and photographed Greek and international artists working in Athens in various art forms, ranging from street art, painting, sculpture and installations to photographic art. The seriousness and passion, with which the artists follow their visions under adverse life conditions, is impressive. The biographical photographic portraits of 14 artists reflect their artistic and political positions, and are in dialogue with the presented works, which results in a vivid insight into the relation of art, biography, and political crisis. The accompanying essays discuss the sociological and aesthetic conception of the "artists' exhibition", the social impact of the economic crisis in Greece, contemporary art and crisis, the importance of street art in Athens, and the art scene in the crisis. The appendix gives a description of ATLAS.ti, a software developed at Technische Universität Berlin, and its use by professionals in the field of culture. ; Die Athener Kunstszene erfährt durch ihre Lebendigkeit angesichts der ökonomischen und politischen Krise Griechenlands gegenwärtig in Medien und Fachpresse eine gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit. Der Katalog und das begleitende Ausstellungsprojekt in Berlin und Athen stellen - begleitend zur documenta 2017 in Athen und Kassel - aktuelle Fragen zum Zusammenhang zwischen ökonomischer Krise, künstlerischer Produktion und neuen Formen politischer Kunst in Griechenland. In einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Recherche im Jahr 2016 wurden in Athen tätige Künstlerinnen und Künstler interviewt und fotografiert, von der Street Art über Malerei, Bildhauerei, Installationen bis zur Fotokunst. Beeindruckend ist die Ernsthaftigkeit und Leidenschaft, mit der die Kunstschaffenden, zum Teil unter großen Entbehrungen, ihre Visionen verfolgen. 14 biografisch-fotografische Künstlerporträts reflektieren die jeweilige künstlerisch-politische Position und treten in einen Dialog mit den ausgestellten Werken, so dass sich ein lebendiger Einblick in das Verhältnis von Kunst, Biografie und politischer Krise ergibt. In den begleitenden Essays werden die sozialwissenschaftlich-ästhetische Konzeption der "Künstler-Ausstellung", die sozialen Folgen der Krise in Griechenland, die griechische Gegenwartskunst und die besondere Bedeutung der Street Art in Athen diskutiert. Im Anhang wird ATLAS.ti, eine an der TU Berlin entwickelte Software, in ihrer Bedeutung für Kulturschaffende vorgestellt. ; Χάρις στη ζωτικότητά της, η καλλιτεχνική σκηνή στην Αθήνα, εν καιρώ οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης, κινεί το ενδιαφέρον τόσο των ΜΜΕ όσο και των εκδοτών του είδους. Ο Κατάλογος μαζί με την συνοδευτική έκθεση σε Αθήνα και Βερολίνο -η οποία θα γίνει παράλληλα με την έκθεση "documenta 2017", που θα παρουσιαστεί στο Κάσσελ της Γερμανίας και στην Αθήνα- εγείρουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα γύρω από τη σχέση οικονομικής κρίσης, καλλιτεχνικής παραγωγής και νέων μορφών πολιτικής τέχνης. Μια κοινωνιολογική έρευνα, που πραγματοποιήθηκε το 2016, φωτογράφησε και πήρε συνεντεύξεις από διάφορους καλλιτέχνες, Έλληνες και μη, που δουλεύουν στην Αθήνα με ποικίλες μορφές τέχνης, από street art, εικαστικά, γλυπτική και εγκαταστάσεις μέχρι και φωτογραφία. Η σοβαρότητα και το πάθος με τα οποία οι καλλιτέχνες ακολουθούν το όραμά τους υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες, προκαλεί αίσθηση. Τα φωτογραφικά πορτρέτα των 14 καλλιτεχνών αντανακλούν τις καλλιτεχνικές και πολιτικές αντιλήψεις τους, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συνδιαλέγονται με τα παρουσιαζόμενα έργα, προσφέροντας έτσι μια διεισδυτική ματιά στη σχέση τέχνης, βιογραφίας και πολιτική κρίσης. Τα συνοδευτικά άρθρα, πραγματεύονται την κοινωνιολογική και αισθητική σύλληψη της "έκθεσης των καλλιτεχνών", τις κοινωνικές επιδράσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, τη σχέση σύγχρονης τέχνης και κρίσης, τη σημασία της τέχνης του δρόμου στην Αθήνα και την καλλιτεχνική σκηνή εν καιρώ κρίσης. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζεται το λογισμικό "ATLAS.ti", που δημιουργήθηκε στο Technische Universität του Βερολίνου, καθώς και η χρήση του από επαγγελματίες στον χώρο του πολιτισμού.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.