In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 6, S. 33-46
In this paper, we analyze the role and functions of the socialist enterprise, a place in which the interaction between power and society is strongly emphasized. Focusing on the last decade of communist rule, we have chosen as a case study an enterprise created in the late 70's: the Călăraşi Integrated Iron and Steel Works. We were interested in how the Romanian Communist Party was organized inside the enterprise and the duties of party organizations. Recruiting new party members, mobilizing workers were only two of the party organizations tasks within enterprises. These topics were, in many occasions, the focus points of the Party organizations reports. An important part of this study was devoted to activities organized within the socialist enterprise. Socialist emulation, cultural and artistic activities, sports occupied a central place in everyday life of the industrial workers. Especially in the last decade of communist domination, any event is a cause for celebration, this phenomenon being in contrast to the austerity imposed by the regime. In communist Romania, the socialist enterprise was, above all, one of the most important places of propaganda, domination and control.
At the end of the Second World War, on the Romanian Communist Party's agenda two major points were highlighted: massive industrialization and the recruitment of party members. The article explores the role and functions of the socialist enterprise in communist Romania, a place where the interaction between party and society was strongly emphasized. Focusing on the first two decades of communist rule, I have chosen as a case study an enterprise with an old tradition, created at the end of the XIXth century: The Hunedoara Integrated Iron and Steel Works. In the confined space of the socialist enterprise the political, economical and social objectives of the communist regime were put in practice. In this context, the socialist enterprise became one of the most important places of propaganda, domination and control.
In: Buletinul Științific al Universității de Stat B. P. Hasdeu din Cahul: The scientific journal of Cahul State University B. P. Hasdeu. Științe sociale = Social sciences, Heft 1, S. 4-14
It is important to study the decentralized government's bases for the current period of Moldova's development, to develop its conceptual bases and to create a theoretical model of decentralization which would be most acceptable for existing realities and would produce the expected results following the consistent introduction in daily practice. An issue which decentralization of public power depends very much and should be considered as a priority is the creation of a favourable normative and institutional framework to decentralization process. Although the Parliament of Moldova approved the National Decentralization Strategy, in its practical realization there are still many inconsistencies and shortcomings.
Pierre Manent is viewed as a French thinker that develops in modern times the liberal tradition of political thinking. One of the most important issues of Manent's thinking that was not enough underlined it is the relationship between religion an politics and how this evolved from the beginning of Christianity until the main consequences of modernity. Manent view on religion and politics is the core of this paper analysis. The main contributions of Manent, such as Naissances de la politique moderne. Machiavel, Hobbes, Rousseau (1977), Histoire intellectuelle du lib.ralisme (1987) La cit. de l'homme (1994), Cours familier de philosophie politique (2001), La raison des nations. R.flections sur la d.mocratie en Europe (2006) are analyzed from this perspective. Our conclusion is that in the way Manent deals with the relationship between politics and religion there are some constants that may be found in all his work. These are: the relationship between the Church and the different forms of political organization in Europe (Civitas, Imperium, monarchy); the fact that Christianity is one of the few current relevant concepts for political, due to the failure of totalitarian ideologies; the idea that secularization in Europe is not irreversible; we live in "an age of separations", and Church-State is one of these separations; we witness the religion transformation process and the .tat la.que cannot survive to .tat-nation; the role of Islam in modern societies and his perpetual finding of a political form; the relationship between Judaism, state and nation; the issue of the Christian identity of Europe.
In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 4, S. 11-21
In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 2, S. 117-126
This study aims to answer the question whether Christian Orthodoxy can inspire political movements. In so doing we start from the political theories of modernity where the link between Christianity and democracy is central. Our result sounds unexpected: interaction between Orthodoxy and democracy seems to not have a perspective. It is too late for it since most political movements in post-communism do not have the religious identity of their members as criterion. The situation was not different before. As an example the effort of the orthodox theologians and laymen in Romania before the outbreak of the Second World War is quoted here. Almost without an exception all focused and restricted their interest on the question of the nation. Therein we see the principal reason for the above postulated perspective of an orthodox political doctrine until now. On the European level the situation looks also no better. Even the parties, which attribute themselves the Christian values, have at present large difficulties to convey their message. It remains only to hope that the political actors rediscover the social and actively support the Christian ethics in the public area. Only so can democracy be regarded as one of the most important binding forces also under the Christians.
The development of international online commerce has led to the shift of disputes arising mainly from electronic contracts in the online environment (Online Dispute Resolution, ODR).International commercial arbitration could not be an exception to this development.The digital foreign arbitral award rendered following an online arbitration (e-arbitration) may be enforced in case of voluntary non-enforcement on the territory of a foreign state, following the recognition and enforcement procedure. One of the reasons that the party opposed to the digital arbitral award may invoke to block this procedure is the lack of formal validity of the arbitration agreement concluded by electronic means. This article aims to examine the regulatory framework within which a state court will examine the formal validity of the digital arbitration agreement and the extent to which this ground for refusal of recognition can be found to be well-founded.
The energy security as a component part of national security was and remains to be a permanent concern for the Republic of Moldova for the whole period of its independence. This will determine the sustainable development of the national economy, the social equity, and the sovereignty of the state. This article highlights both the problems regarding the energy security at the contemporary stage and its perspectives in the European context.
A common argument for the nomination of the Romanian city of Sibiu as European Capital of Culture 2007 by the European Commission is the actual local multiculturalism, which makes the city seem somehow different when regarding the more general ethnic background in Romania. The aim of this article is therefore to map the local multiculturalism and identify its limits. The conclusion is that the local context is multicultural in fact, yet some ethnic tensions are to be taken into account. These tensions are rather symbolic and still weak, and are related to the way one might conceive local public space. The findings not only confirm the initial supposition, but they could become a starting point for a future comparative analysis of ethnic contexts in Romania.