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"Since the municipal elections of 1946 (and before in the period 1935-1939), the Communist party had held an absolute majority of seats in the city council of Finsterwolde, a small municipality in the north of the Netherlands. In 1951, the Dutch parliament adopted a custom bill to dismiss this 'Little Moscow'. This article reconstructs the decision-making process that preceded the bill in order to analyze the way the communist threat was framed and securitized. For the administration, legitimizing this rather unique move in Dutch history was essential in order to uphold their democratic standards. The focus of this article is therefore twofold. Both the methods the administration used to invest the communists in Finsterwolde with an aura of imminent threat and the communist reactions to these allegations are discussed." (author's abstract)

"This article introduces the Knappschaft statistics as a basic source for quantitative data on a very important topic in historical social research, namely the rise of the welfare state. Scholars who seek to embark upon historical social research in that direction require both qualitative and quantitative data. Exploring data sources and making data available for general use thus is crucial to systematic research and scholarly discourse. For the period 1861 to 1920, the Knappschaft statistics document the operation of the various German Knappschaftsvereine as the carriers of miners' occupational social insurance at the time. Data on the various Knappschaften are quite rich enabling us to use them as a 'historical laboratory' not merely to study the welfare positions of and social relations in a particular societal class in a particular period, but to explore more general questions related to the roots of modern welfare states, their functioning, and the challenges they face. To stress this point, the author combines the concise overview of the Knappschaft statistics with a straightforward application to the question of the consequences of aging in a pay-as-you-go pension system." (author's abstract)

"Two developments in computational text analysis may change the way qualitative data analysis in social sciences is performed: 1. the availability of digital text worth to investigate is growing rapidly, and 2. the improvement of algorithmic information extraction approaches, also called text mining, allows for further bridging the gap between qualitative and quantitative text analysis. The key factor hereby is the inclusion of context into computational linguistic models which extends conventional computational content analysis towards the extraction of meaning. To clarify methodological differences of various computer-assisted text analysis approaches the article suggests a typology from the perspective of a qualitative researcher. This typology shows compatibilities between manual qualitative data analysis methods and computational, rather quantitative approaches for large scale mixed method text analysis designs." (author's abstract)

"Eine der Lücken in der Forschung über internationale Normen ist der Prozess, über den diese Normen auf der jeweiligen nationalen Ebene institutionalisiert und angenommen werden. Eine internationale Norm, die auf ihrem Weg durch unterschiedliche nationale (und sogar grassroots-)Ebenen navigieren muss, benötigt inländische Norm-Unternehmer, um vor Ort etabliert zu werden. Der Beitrag zeichnet die lokale Verankerung der UN-Norm zu Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit in den Philippinen nach, die von einem Netzwerk von Frauen-Friedensorganisationen mit transnationalen Verbindungen - dem Netzwerk Women Engaged in Action on UNSCR 1325 (WE Act 1325) - vorangetrieben worden ist. Er geht den Anfängen dieses Netzwerks und seiner kollektiven Arbeit an der Formulierung des philippinischen Nationalen Aktionsplans zu Resolution 1325 wie auch den verschiedenen Initiativen zur Ausgestaltung der Norm auf lokaler Ebene nach. Auch widmet er sich der Arbeit der Mitglieder des Netzwerks, die letztlich ein aktiver Teil des Friedensprozesses im Land geworden sind. Da die auf Frauenbelange bezogenen Gesetze in den Philippinen das Bekenntnis des Landes zu seinen internationalen Verpflichtungen widerspiegeln, zeigt die Fallstudie auch, wie Frauenrechtsthemen und -belange institutionalisiert worden sind. Diese Institutionalisierung bereite den Weg dafür, dass ein Gender-Bewusstsein Teil der normativen Einstellung von Schlüsselakteuren des gesellschaftlichen Wandels geworden ist." (Autorenreferat)

Britain's integration model is recurrently held up as the epitome of the multiculturalist model in Europe. Moreover, it tends to be presented as though it was intrinsic to British society and had always existed. This is not the case. In reality the model has passed through successive phases of an ongoing evolution and was constructed through the interaction between British society and the ethnic minorities of immigrant origin who settled in Britain after the Second World War. After a brief period of assimilationism, a race relations paradigm was formulated, followed by the establishment of a multicultural policy. It is often assumed that multicultural policy is a simple continuation of a race relations approach under another name. But this paper argues that this is inaccurate and that each corresponds to distinct policy parameters and to different stages. Moreover, this was not the end of the line. The multiculturalist model has come under a barrage of criticism emanating from various sources and different viewpoints. Nevertheless, this paper maintains that it has not been eliminated but has metamorphosed into a Muslim paradigm. It explores the different stages of integration policies directed at immigrants and how those were constructed. The paradigms were developed through the categorisation of immigrants by majority society and the mobilisation of immigrants as a result of their interaction with British society. The paper draws the contours of each of these stages, examines the fault lines and areas of tension, and explores the underpinnings of the evolution. It argues that policies were forged through and beyond discourses largely by the immigrants themselves. In the main it can be posited that the process started with action that began at local level at the initiative of the immigrants and through immigrants/ethnic minority agency; it subsequently progressed to the national level. This prompted responses and funding programmes from central government. Nonetheless the artisans of those policies in their ...

In the context of decentralisation, local and regional authorities must respond to the need to better control their wage bill by means of a more efficient human resources management policy. To this end, they put in place forward management of jobs and skills. The local civil service is becoming more professional. Gradually, competency frameworks and job directories replace job structures and managers, demonstrating a shift from an administrative logic to a forward-looking job management logic. Ultimately, our intention is to show that the local and regional civil service is undergoing unprecedented managerial change. This development clearly shows its capacity to address the challenges of decentralisation. ; International audience ; In the context of decentralisation, local and regional authorities must respond to the need to better control their wage bill by means of a more efficient human resources management policy. To this end, they put in place forward management of jobs and skills. The local civil service is becoming more professional. Gradually, competency frameworks and job directories replace job structures and managers, demonstrating a shift from an administrative logic to a forward-looking job management logic. Ultimately, our intention is to show that the local and regional civil service is undergoing unprecedented managerial change. This development clearly shows its capacity to address the challenges of decentralisation. ; Sous fond de décentralisation, les collectivités territoriales doivent répondre à la nécessité de mieux contrôler leur masse salariale par une politique de gestion des ressources humaines plus performante. Pour cela, elles mettent en place une gestion prévisionnelle des emplois et des compétences. La fonction publique territoriale se professionnalise. Progressivement, les référentiels de compétences et les répertoires des métiers se substituent aux corps et cadres d'emplois, attestant du passage d'une logique d'administration à une logique de gestion prévisionnelle des métiers. ...

International audience In the recent literature on proof theory, there seems to be a new raising topic which consists in identifying those properties that characterise a good sequent calculus. The property that has received by far the most attention is the analyticity property. In this paper we propose a new argument in support of the analyticity property. We will do it by means of the example of the logic of proofs, a logic recently introduced by Artemov [1]. Indeed a detailed proof analysis of this logic sheds new light on the logic itself and perfectly exemplifies our argument in favour of the analiticity.

International audience It is often argued that development aid can and should compensate the restrictions on migration. Such compensation, Shachar has recently argued, should be levied as a tax on citizenship to further the global equality of opportunity. Since citizenship is essentially a "birthirght lottery", that is, a way of legalizing privileges obtained by birth, it would be fair to compensate the resulting gap in opportunities available to children born in rich versus poor countries by a "birthright privilege levy", as Shachar called it. This article sets out a defence of three theses. The first states that equality of opportunity is incompatible with, and cannot be achieved in, segregated territories. The second posits that to believe that material equality compensates the injustice of restrictions on movement is to commit a "sedentarist mistake". The third affirms that any citizenship levy, including the egalitarian and non-sedentarist formula I'm proposing, would be better understood as a penalty rather than a tax.

Can federal-state relations affect popular protests? Using an extensive dataset measuring local protests in the Argentine provinces (2002-2006), I assess the effects of the president's and governors' tactical allocations on the persistence of contentious events. I analyze how the delivery of federal resources, to both provincial governments and local social organizations, affects the chances of protests occurrence and the nature of its demands. Results show that federal spending increases the frequency of protests in the Argentine provinces, particularly when provincial governments are not involved in its delivery. In addition, protest demands are sensitive to president's discretional expenditure, suggesting a different dynamics in which protests became a legitimate channel to obtain federal monies. (GIGA)

"In this paper the author argues that markup and writing belong to related systems for storing information and/ or speech and that there is no clear border between the two. In addition he argues that marking up text done as more or less separate from ordinary writing has been used in Western scholarly work at least since the times of the library in the Museum in Alexandria and up until today. Markup means that some part of a document is identified and some statement is made about the linguistic and/ or textual status and interpretative frame of that part or it is extracted for some scholarly purpose. The ways and means by which this is done may vary. It will depend both on the aim: why exactly do we wish to identify this part of the text? And on the technology available: papyrus scrolls and reed pens make for different markup than what is done with computer stored texts. In this paper selected uses for digital text and markup are discussed with examples mainly taken from the electronic edition of Henrik Ibsen's Writings." (author's abstract)

Wir stellen in diesem Text mehrere Sozialforschungsprojekte vor, die von fünf Nachwuchsforscher/innen und 17 11-13-jährigen Schüler/innen einer Kooperativen Mittelschule in Wien durchgeführt wurden. Dabei beschreiben wir Aushandlungsprozesse zwischen Forscher/innen, Schüler/innen und der Lehrerin, in denen es um Rahmenbedingungen, Zeit, Daten, Methoden, Räume, Aufmerksamkeit, Engagement und Finanzen ging, also um zentrale Aspekte jedes Forschungsprozesses. In den Diskussionen und Verhandlungen zeigte sich, dass die Schüler/innen kompetente Beobachter/innen und Anwender/innen sozialwissenschaftlichen Wissens waren. Eine sorgfältige Reflexion unserer eigenen Positionen in diesen Begegnungen lässt uns auf zwei problematische Aspekte von partizipativer Sozialforschung (Participatory Action Research [PAR]) in der Schule schließen: Die Vermischung von unterschiedlichen Rollen, Aufgaben und Erwartungen, die in der Arbeit mit Kindern im Schulkontext auftreten, können zu Enttäuschung aufseiten der Schüler/innen sowie Schwierigkeiten und allzu großen Anforderungen aufseiten der ausgebildeten Forscher/innen und Lehrer/innen führen. Ein zweites Problem ist, dass das Wissen, das in solchen Kooperationen gemeinsam produziert wird, nur selten anerkannt und geschätzt wird – in der Schule wie in der Wissenschaft. Wir schließen mit unserer eigenen Definition von Partizipation, Aktion und Forschung, die im Zuge der Zusammenarbeit entstanden ist und diskutieren, dass ein "gemeinsames" Verständnis von Zielen und Ergebnissen in partizipativen Sozialforschungsprojekten vielleicht nicht erreicht werden kann. Wir halten PAR dennoch für eine interessante Form der Forschung, denn wir sehen die Aushandlungen und die darin erfolgten Annäherungen sowie Denk- und Lernprozesse bei allen Beteiligten als wichtigen Gewinn für die Schüler/innen, die Lehrerin und für die ausgebildeten Forscher/innen.

This essay calls for a more nuanced analysis of the evolution of party systems in Latin America. First, I contend that the general impression that party systems are collapsing in Latin America and that processes of partisan and electoral dealignment are affecting most countries in the region is incorrect. Second, I argue that the changes in the party systems (e.g. strategic moderation) often facilitated the processes of democratic consolidation in many Latin American countries. Finally, I discuss the positive impact the recent transformations of Latin American party systems have on political representation in the region, by showing that formerly excluded groups - especially indigenous groups - have been integrated into the political system. (GIGA)

This article provides an explanation of major civil upheaval and violent political turmoil - hereinafter referred to as "active political factionalism" - that take place in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. More specifically, this work identifies the main causes of extra-institutional protest politics or uncivil modes of political action that seriously affect political stability and undermine democratic advancement. The analysis focuses on the effects of two groups of explanatory factors: i) deteriorated socioeconomic conditions (such as poverty and inequality), and ii) institutional limitations (corruption, electoral exclusion, a weak rule of law, among others) in a context of "subnational authoritarianism." The study also examines some of the mechanisms through which these variables operate and interact with other factors (resources, opportunities, government actions, etc.) to generate political factionalism. This work finally assesses the relative importance of these two groups of explanatory factors. Evidence presented here shows that institutional factors are the primary sources of political factionalism in Oaxaca, while socioeconomic factors are quite significant but not predominant. (GIGA)

For the last decade, politics in Taiwan have become increasingly polarized over the national identity issue. Yet, the bitter division between the two major parties is not really reflected in the electorate. We seek to explain this paradox by examining the changing nature of political parties, in particular the growing role of ideological activists in campaigns, the rise of cultural and identity issues, the difficulty for new parties to emerge, the decline of catch-all parties, and the tendency for major parties to engage in cartel activities. (JCCA/GIGA)

"Confidence in political and social institutions is of basic importance for democratic rule. The topic here is the patterns of elite and mass confidence in parliament, police, private business, and the church, in three Baltic States following the collapse of communism. The main finding is that elite's confidence in new institutions is considerably more affirmative than among the mass public, indicating their leading role in the consolidation process. I argue that this finding is more in line with the theory of democratic elitism than liberal democratic theory and underscore the vital role of elites in the process of democratic consolidation. However, gaps and trends over time vary between the countries, which also accentuate the importance of national contexts as explanations." (author's abstract)