Suchergebnisse

Belonging is an issue that affects us all, but for those who have been displaced, unsettled or made 'homeless' by the increased movements associated with the contemporary globalising era, belonging is under constant challenge. Migration throws into question not only the belongings of those who physically migrate, but also, particularly in a postcolonial context, the belongings of those who are indigenous to and 'settlers' in countries of migration, subsequent generations born to migrants, and those who are left behind in countries of origin. Negotiating Belongings utilises narrative, ethnographic and autoethnographic approaches to explore the negotiations for belonging for six women from Dinka communities originating in southern Sudan. It explores belonging, particularly in relation to migration, through a consideration of belonging to nation-states, ethnic groups, community, family and kin. In exploring how the journeys towards desired belongings are haunted by various social processes such as colonisation, power, 'race' and gender, the author argues that negotiating belonging is a continual movement between being and becoming. The research utilises and demands different ways of listening to and really hearing the narratives of the women as embedded within non-Western epistemologies and ontologies. Through this it develops an understanding of the relational ontology, cieng , that governs the ways in which the women exist in the world. The women's narratives alongside the author's experience within the Dinka community provide particular ways to interrogate the intersections of being and becoming on the haunted journey to belonging. The relational ontology of cieng provides an additional way of understanding belonging, becoming and being as always relational

CRITICISMS HAVE BEEN MADE OF THE BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY IN THE SUDAN WHICH DIVIDED THE ARAB NORTH FROM THE AFRICAN SOUTH OF THE COUNTRY BY ERECTING ARTIFICIAL BARRIERS. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES POLICY QUESTIONS & EXAMINES THE ANGLOEGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM POLICY IN A NEW LIGHT.

Tutkimukseni tavoitteena on tarkastella eteläsudanilaisten kansalaisjärjestötoimijoiden näkemyksiä rauhasta itsenäistymisen jälkeisessä Etelä-Sudanissa. Tutkimuksen tehtävänä on selvittää, kuinka "conflict transformation" ajattelu on vaikuttanut paikallisten rauhan narratiivien muodostumiseen ja tämän analyysin kautta pohtia paikallisen ja kansainvälisten toimijoiden suhdetta Etelä-Sudanin rauhanrakentamisessa. Aineistona tutkimuksessa toimii Crisis Management Initiativen (CMI) keräämä haastatteluaineisto eteläsudanilaisten nuorisojärjestötoimijoiden parissa. Kriittisen narratiivisen analyysin kautta tutkimus pyrkii tuomaan esiin paikallisten näkemysten ja kansainvälisten rauhanrakennusdiskurssien välistä suhdetta ja siihen sisältyviä valtarakenteita. Tutkimus osallistuu kriittisen rauhantutkimuksen keskeisiin keskusteluihin ja avaa näkemyksiä myös Etelä-Sudanin tämän hetkisen sisällissodan taustoihin. Analyysissa haastatteluja jäsenneltiin rauhan narratiivien kautta. Haastattelujen esiin nostamat narratiivit tuovat esiin vahvan paikallisen toimijuuden haastateltavien keskuudessa ja narratiivit myötäilevät monin paikoin "conflict transformation" ajattelun keskeisiä painopisteitä, kuten ajatusta positiivisesta rauhasta ja pitkäjänteisestä työstä. Narratiivit poikkesivat kuitenkin paikoin "conflict transformation" ajattelun näkemyksistä ja eteläsudanilaisten toimijoiden näkemykset tuntuvat nostavan esiin laajempia vaikutteita kehitysyhteistyön keskeisistä diskursseista. Nämä vaikutteet linjaavat kansalaisjärjestöjen käsitystä omasta toimijuudestaan kohti maltillisempia järjestötoiminnan muotoja kohtaan. Jättäen "conflict transformation" ajatteluun kuuluvan ajatuksen (väkivallattomasta) konfliktista ja rakentavasta kriittisyydestä muutoksen mahdollistajana marginaaliseen asemaan. Samanaikaisesti narratiivit linjaavat nuorisotoimijoiden intressit pääasiallisesti omien yhteisöjensä toimintaan kansallisen tason sijaan. Tutkielma tuloksista voidaan päätellä, että itsenäisyyden ensi askeleet Etelä-Sudanissa toteutuivat vielä varsin epävarmassa ja räjähdysalttiissa ilmapiirissä. Pitkän väkivallan historian arvet olivat vielä tuoreena narratiiveissa ja kenties juuri tästä syystä kansalaisjärjestöjen rooliksi identifioitiin yhteisöjen hyvinvoinnin tukeminen ja rauhallisten suhteiden luominen. Narratiivit nostivat myös esiin nuoriso toimijoiden oman toimijuuden ja yritykset oman asiantuntijuuden vahvistamisesta. Nämä osoittavat vahvaa paikallista aloitteellisuutta, joka voi tulevaisuudessa tukea "conflict transformation" ajattelun mukaista kehityskulkua kohti toimivaa ja tasa-arvoista yhteiskuntaa, jossa kansalaisjärjestöillä on myös kriittinen rooli kansallisen poliittisen tason haastajana. ; This research seeks to analyse the informal processes of peace in post-independence South Sudan. Through using conflict transformation and the local turn in peacebuilding as theoretical frameworks, this research seeks to engage with the local narratives of peace. Furthermore, it seeks to investigate the relationship between local agency and international involvement in building sustainable peace processes. With interview data collected from South Sudanese youth activists by Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) in cooperation with local partners, this research hopes to contribute both to the emerging literature on critical peace studies and to the understanding of contemporary conflict dynamics in South Sudan. In the analysis, the empirical data was conceptualised through narratives of peace. These narratives of peace bring forth a strong local agency and are in line with many of the central ideas of conflict transformation. These ideas include the idea of positive peace (in opposition to peace as absence of violence) and the understanding of the long time-span of the work. These narratives seem to also parallel some other central discourses of international development, which posit the civil society in a moderate form of associational cooperation. As a result, the narratives depart from conflict transformation precicely in terms of the transformation. South Sudanese youth civil society actors do not acknowledge the central idea of (non-violent) conflict and constructive criticism as enablers of societal development. Simultaneously the narratives line the local agency mainly in terms of local communities creating an image of a civil society vacuum in the national scope. Based on the findings, it can be argued that the first months of independence in South Sudan witnessed an unstable and volatile society. The long history of violence and insecurity was still strongly embedded in the narratives and this led the interviewees to identify their role as bringers of peace and negotiators of more peaceful relationships between different groups in their communities. The narratives also highlighted the strong agency of the local youth as well as their attempts to improve their own expertise. If supported, this agency could support future attempts at conflict transformation towards a sustainable and peaceful society, where civil society functions also as a critical actor challenging national public debate and politics.

The political landscape of Sudan, the former largest country of Africa in terms of territory, has witnessed a dramatic change with the January 2011 referendum in South Sudan followed by the official division of the country into two separate independent entities on July 9, 2011, thereby sealing the fate of North and South Sudan. Such a situation presents crucial challenges not only to warring forces in war-driven Darfur but also to major foreign investors such as China; hence the relevance of this paper that seeks to first provide an in-depth analysis of the role of Sudan in Beijing s foreign policy prior to South Sudan s secession before examining the implications that South Sudan s secession might have on the one hand, on the Darfurian political stance towards the Al-Bashir regime and, on the other hand, on Chinese strategic policy options vis-à-vis the region. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) is endemic in South Sudan. Approaches to end VAWG are barely making a dent in prevalence figures. Global evidence tells us that ending VAWG in conflict-ridden contexts is challenging on many levels. Our research points to the need for social and gender norm change approaches to be better contextualised within the political economy and through applying a nuanced critique of the role of culture in normalising many forms of VAWG. In addition, greater involvement of young people is critical as a behavioural tipping point is beginning to emerge in this group. At national level, a lack of political commitment emerges as a key challenge in ending VAWG. Drawing on the findings from 20 qualitative interviews with national civil society organisation (CSO) and non-governmental organisation's (NGO) stakeholders, the article argues that current approaches to ending VAWG in South Sudan (and arguably elsewhere) must be reframed along a continuum of change. Activities must be supported at all levels from national through to the grassroots and be founded in a complex picture of the values and beliefs that sustain VAWG.

The formation of post-colonial states in Africa, and the Middle East gave birth to prolonged separatist wars. Exploring the evolution of these separatist wars, Yaniv Voller examines the strategies that both governments and insurgents employed, how these strategies were shaped by the previous struggle against European colonialism and the practices and roles that emerged in the subsequent period, which moulded the identities, aims and strategies of post-colonial governments and separatist rebels. Based on a wealth of primary sources, Voller focuses on two post-colonial separatist wars; In Iraqi Kurdistan, between Kurdish separatists and the government in Baghdad, and Southern Sudan, between black African insurgents and the government in Khartoum. By providing an account of both conflicts, he offers a new understanding of colonialism, decolonisation and the international politics of the post-colonial world.

Joint programming (JP) is the latest effort to improve the coordination of EU and member state development policy at headquarters level, and to better streamline aid delivery at the country level. JP aims to improve the effective and efficient delivery of European aid by reducing fragmentation among EU donor aid programmes and projects. At the same time, the EU promises to increase partner country ownership by basing its JP documents on national development strategies. Momentum and interest have picked up: the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the Commission's DG DevCo are pushing for wider use of joint programming under the 2014-2020 EU Budget. The preparation of joint country strategies is currently at various stages for around 20 countries where the EEAS and DevCo plan to have JP operational by the end of 2014. There may be as many as 50 JP exercises underway by 2020 (see Table 1). Although joint programming is an EU exercise, non-EU donors such as the United States, Norway, Japan, the World Bank or UNDP, are welcome to join and several have expressed interest in taking part on a case-by-case basis. From the partner-country perspective, JP offers to reduce the burden of having to deal with several EU actors and agencies. The JP exercise was piloted in two of the world's most fragile countries, Haiti and South Sudan. Theoretically, South Sudan offered promising conditions for JP: although the world's newest country was hardly a 'blank canvas' following independence from Khartoum in July 2011, most donors were recent arrivals. Synchronisation and fragmentation problems were not as acute as in countries where larger numbers of donors with established programmes stymie coordination efforts. An EU Single Country Strategy paper, aligned with South Sudan's 2011-2013 Development Plan, was published in January 2012. Its implementation cannot be considered an unqualified success. While South Sudan's extreme political, economic and security challenges impacted on the JP exercise, the experience also has implications for JP in other settings. As JP is applied in more countries, the South Sudan experience suggests three priorities for future exercises: Be flexible: Circumstances can change quickly, especially in fragile states. Programmes that cannot adapt and demonstrate added value at the country level risk losing legitimacy. Ensure commitment: Member state buy-in is essential if JP is to go beyond a strategy paper. While EU member states have formally committed to the JP framework, this does not mean that they love it. Steps to synchronise project cycles could be a first indicator of greater commitment. Programmes backed by joint financing and implementation are likely to be more robust. JP is no magic bullet: There are limits to what the EU can achieve on its own. The partner country government's political will to make JP work for them, and the capacity of their systems, are key variables.

This article argues that military integration served a critical purpose in 2006, arguably preventing large-scale conflict within South Sudan and ensuring a level of stability prior to the CPA-mandated referendum on self-determination in 2011. Nonetheless, integration was poorly-conceived and implemented, and received limited support from third party actors that were more focused on rightsizing the SPLA and transforming it into a conventional, professional military. The de facto open-door nature of South Sudan's integration process created incentives for armed rebellion, while failed rightsizing initiatives increased pressure on the military integration process as the most expedient way of mitigating the threat these groups posed to stability. Integration thus became an end in and of itself rather than a transitional measure to contain former combatants while the government worked out a more long-term solution for South Sudan's security sector. Consequently, the SPLA was in a state of arrested development, preventing efforts to transform the military from gaining traction, and making the force more likely to fragment along factional lines during periods of heightened political competition.

The article examines the case of Japan's peacebuilding in South Sudan from 2011 to 2017 and asks how Japan's shift towards a more proactive defence posture affects the place of human security in its foreign policy agenda. Using the framework of neoclassical realism, the article argues that human security remains a critical element of Japanese foreign policy despite changes in its strategic orientation because, international predicaments notwithstanding, Japan's foreign policy decision making is still significantly constrained by domestic variables such as state–society relations, elite perceptions, elite consensus, and domestic institutional arrangements. Changes in Japan's overall foreign and security policies do not diminish the importance of human security. Despite the shift to a more assertive foreign policy, Japan still retains the essential features of its diplomacy. External variables influence policymakers' decision making, but domestic variables constrain policy choices and outcomes.