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The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as South Africa's first democratic president on 10 May 1994 became a symbol of the end of apartheid and the beginning of a new chapter in the country's history. As South African society was deeply divided, the 1993 Interim Constitution expressed the need for reconciliation between the people of South Africa and the reconstruction of its society. The legacy of apartheid was to be addressed based on 'a need for understanding but not for vengeance, a need for reparation but not for retaliation, a need for ubuntu but not for victimization'. Due to its introduction into the Constitution, ubuntu – a philosophy of unity, cooperation, compassion and respect for human dignity, which originated in small African communities – became a source of values for the whole legal system. The goal of the text is to present the ubuntu philosophy and to describe its role in the South African transitional justice process and in selected areas of South African law (criminal law, evictions and defamation). On the whole, South Africapresents a unique case in which both the political transformation and the legal system were strongly shaped by the said philosophical and ethical concepts, which bear close resemblance to the idea of restorative justice. ; Zaprzysiężenie 10 maja 1994 r. Nelsona Mandeli na pierwszego demokratycznie wybranego prezydenta Republiki Południowej Afryki stało się symbolem końca apartheidu i otwarcia nowego etapu w historii tego państwa. Wobec istniejących w społeczeństwie głębokich podziałów przejściowa Konstytucja RPA z 1993 r. wyrażała potrzebę pojednania pomiędzy obywatelami RPA, a także rekonstrukcji wspólnoty. Przezwyciężenie spuścizny apartheidu miało być oparte na potrzebie "zrozumienia, a nie zemsty", "rekompensaty, a nie odwetu" oraz "ubuntu, a nie wiktymizacji". Filozofia ubuntu (wywodząca się z małych afrykańskich wspólnot filozofia jedności, kooperacji, współczucia i respektu dla ludzkiej godności), do której odwołanie zamieszczono w Konstytucji – stała się rezerwuarem wartości dla całego systemu prawa. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie filozofii ubuntu oraz omówienie jej roli w rozliczeniach z przeszłością w Republice Południowej Afryki i w wybranych obszarach południowoafrykańskiego prawa: w prawie karnym, regulacjach dotyczących eksmisji z nielegalnie zajmowanego gruntu oraz w regulacjach przewidujących odpowiedzialność deliktową za zniesławienie. RPA jawi się przy tym jako wyjątkowy kazus, w którym zarówno polityczna transformacja, jak i system prawny kształtowały się pod istotnym wpływem omawianych koncepcji filozoficznych i etycznych, silnie nawiązujących do idei sprawiedliwości naprawczej.

The article studies cross-border cooperation of local self-governments as an instrument of local public policies. The article is based on an analysis of all identified cases of real cooperation projects of communes and poviats of Małopolska, Podkarpacie and the eastern part of Silesia from the period of 2004-2015. The research suggests that an intensive cross-border cooperation correlates with a strategic approach to international cooperation on the part of communes and those local governments that are able to use international projects to achieve their policy goals have more projects, versatile partners, and different areas of cooperation. Other local governments perceive international cooperation as beneficial but marginal to their core activities which presses them to focus on projects from the area of culture and to choose geographically close partners. Human and institutional resources seem to be crucial for the cross-border cooperation and, as a consequence, urban local governments are much more eager to cooperate than rural communes. ; Artykuł jest próbą spojrzenia na współpracę międzynarodową samorządów lokalnych jako na narzędzie realizacji lokalnych polityk publicznych. Analiza wszystkich zidentyfikowanych przypadków realnej współpracy gmin i powiatów Małopolski, Podkarpacia i wschodnich powiatów Śląska z okresu 2004-2015 dowodzi, że intensywną współpracę transgraniczną prowadzą te gminy, które potrafią używać projektów międzynarodowych strategicznie, jako narzędzia osiągania celów politycznych. Poza tą grupą samorządów postrzeganie współpracy międzynarodowej jako aktywności przynoszącej korzyści, ale całkowicie marginalnej w stosunku do codziennej pracy gmin i powiatów popycha w kierunku skupienia się na współpracy w dziedzinie kultury. Ograniczone zasoby własne samorządów powodują, że podstawowym kryterium atrakcyjności partnera jest bliskość geograficzna. Kluczowe znaczenie w prowadzeniu współpracy międzynarodowej mają zasoby instytucjonalne i kadrowe, co powoduje, że miasta dużo chętniej podejmują współpracę niż gminy wiejskie.

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in state foreignpolicy. Interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimensionof contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations.Energy security is becoming a key issue for the European Union (EU). TheUnion is one of the world's fastest-growing energy markets and the biggestimporter of energy resources. For the foreseeable future, Europe's energydependence will probably increase. Facing a shortage of energy, Europe isdependent on imports and the EU member states need to diversify their energysupplies. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undevelopedoil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, thenewly independent Caspian states became open to foreign investment. Thegrowing energy needs have given the EU a strong interest in developing tieswith energy-producing states in the Caspian region to build the necessarypipeline infrastructure. In this analysis, the pipeline infrastructure that exists orwill be built in the near future will be presented. The analysis will concentrateon routes transporting gas from the Caspian region and the most importantproblems and solutions in designing the midstream energy system in the region.The key aim of the article is to analyse the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC)infrastructure project, which will inevitably contribute to the EU's energy securityinterest.

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes. ; The author describes several social and peace-making initiatives which were undertaken in the last decades by the Catholic organizations active within the diocese of Mendi in Papua New Guinea. The country gained independence in 1975, but remained culturally diversified. The basic identity for most of the citizens is still related to the tribal level. Political conflicts, corruption, abuse of alcohol and narcotics resulted in the past decades in several outbursts of violence among tribes of the Southern Highlands Province. Since the central government was unable to answer this challenge, the Catholic organizations of the Mendi diocese became very much involved in the peace-making process and other social initiatives. Activities of two Catholic organizations are described in more detail, namely the Diocesan Development Secretariat and the Justice and Peace Group, which have succeeded in mediations among several tribes.

The Author analyses the infl uence of confl ict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described confl ict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the infl uence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in confl ict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

W niniejszym artykule autor analizuje procesy kształtowania się politycznych systemów w państwach Kaukazu Południowego. Wskazuje przy tym na patologiczne zjawiska funkcjonujące w elitach władzy oraz w systemach politycznych tych państw. Analizie poddane zostały także konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej, które nadal dominują w życiu politycznym Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji. Są podstawą ideologii i programów politycznych elit walczących o władzę, a także znacząco wpływają na styl przywództwa. W politycznej walce znaczącą rolę odgrywały elity wojskowe, które szybko awansowały na szczyt władzy. Autor próbuje wyjaśnić, jak konflikty w Górskim Karabachu, Abchazji i Osetii Południowej wpływają na proces transformacji ustrojowej państw regionu. Kolejnym aspektem analizy jest odpowiedź na pytanie, jak tradycja, kultura, psychologia, styl życia i interesy politycznych elit Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji wpływają na rezultaty pokojowego uregulowania konfliktów. ; The Author analyses proces of the formation of political regimes in Southern Caucasus. He points to the pathological phenomena in the functioning of power elites and political regimes of those states. The Author analyses the influence of conflict in Nagorno Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the domestic and foreign policy of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. He proves that the described conflict for many years dominated in the political life of this country and was a basis of the ideology and the programs of elites struggling for power. In the struggle of the elites, the military elites played the main role, while being an important path to advancement to the peaks of power. The author tries to explain the influence of the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia question on political transformation of the states in conflict. Another important thread of the analysis is to search answers to the question, how tradition, culture, psychology, life styles and political interests of elites in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia affect the course and the effects of a peacemaking process aimed solving the Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU. ; Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw.

Unia Europejska boryka się z licznymi kryzysami o charakterze wewnętrznym i zewnętrznym, które mogą wpłynąć na jej funkcjonowanie w przyszłości. Ich skutki mogą podważyć obecny model integracji i doprowadzić nawet do znaczącej transformacji UE oraz wpłynąć na jej międzynarodową pozycję. U podstaw obecnych kryzysów leżą poważne różnice zdań pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi co do radzenia sobie z wyzwaniami tak wewnętrznymi, jak i zewnętrznymi stojącymi przed Unią Europejską. Do najważniejszych można zaliczyć kryzys w strefie euro, stosunek do uchodźców i migrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki oraz zróżnicowane podejście do Rosji w związku z aneksją Krymu i konfliktem we wschodniej Ukrainie. Wszystkie one są ilustracją głębokich podziałów nie tylko pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi, ale również w ramach poszczególnych państw. ; The European Union is facing numerous internal and external crises which may affect its future operations. The crises may undermine the present integration model. They may even result in the EU's considerable transformation and exert impact upon its international position. The crises stem from member states' vast differences of opinion on methods for dealing with the internal and external challenges. The most critical of the challenges include the Eurozone crisis, attitude towards refugees and migrants from the Near East and Africa, and diverse approaches towards Russia in connection with the annexation of Crimea and with the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. They all illustrate a deep rift not only among member states but also within individual countries of the EU.

Individual and group transborder cooperation of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is in line with a pan-European trend of regional authorities becoming independent and participating in international relations as independent entities. This 'paradiplomacy' is undoubtedly a factor that contributes to the relativization of the state as a traditional arena of political activity. Simultaneously, as the subsidiarity principle, which is the foundation of EU regional policy, is becoming increasingly popular, it seems unavoidable and irreversible that regional structures will be vested with increasing powers in the realm of foreign policy (that used to be reserved for national organs exclusively). In this context the collaboration of the Western Pomeranian Province with other South Baltic regions is only at the beginning of a potential process to form its own 'paradiplomacy' as it remains constricted in the formula of state limitation and supervision. Therefore, at present it is unfeasible for Polish regional authorities, including the self-government of Western Pomerania, to conduct independent 'paradiplomacy.'

The chain of revolts in Maghreb and Mashriq countries has compelled the European Union to redefine the assumptions of its policy towards the region in question. The sluggish reaction of European states to the developments known as "the Arab Spring" has shown that they see those events as a sourceof threat to European interests. This paper attempts to indicate the erroneousness of this conviction and submit arguments supporting the thesis that the aforementioned changes should be understood as a chance for resuming the EU's dialogue with its southern neighbors, a dialogue that Brussels is currently not able to continue as a result of the EU's current paralysis in the Mediterranean area. ; Seria przewrotów politycznych w państwach Maghrebu i Maszreku postawiła Unię Europejską przed koniecznością zredefiniowania założeń polityki wobec państw wspomnianego regionu. Opieszała reakcja największych stolic europejskich na wydarzenia Arabskiej Wiosny świadczyła o upatrywaniu w nich źródła zagrożeń dla interesów Europy. W swoim tekście chciałbym wykazać mylność tego przekonania i przedstawić argumenty na poparcie tezy, że wspomniane przemiany stanowią szansę na wznowienie dialogu UE z południowym sąsiedztwem, którego Bruksela nie jest w stanie kontynuować w ramach sparaliżowanej Unii na rzecz Regionu Morza Śródziemnego.