Suchergebnisse

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Artykuł zarysowuje kwestię bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Unii Europejskiej oraz państw członkowskich. Nakreślony w nim został przebieg prac w Komisji Europejskiej oraz w Parlamencie Europejskim nad dokumentami unijnymi "trzeciego pakietu energetycznego" oraz nad rozporządzeniem w sprawie środków zapewniających bezpieczeństwo dostaw gazu ziemnego. Zarysowana została również postawa RFN i RP wobec budowy Gazociągu Północnego, Południowego oraz Nabucco. Poruszone kwestie rozpatrzone zostały pod kątem ich wpływu na stosunki polsko- niemieckie, zarówno bilateralne, jak i na arenie europejskiej. ; This article outlines the issue of energy security of the European Union and its Member States. It outlines the course of work in the European Commission and the European Parliament on EU documents "third energy package" and the regulation concerning measures to safeguard security of gas supply. It also outlines the German and Polish attitude to the construction of the pipelines like Nord Stream, South Stream and Nabucco. Issues raised were considered for their impact on the Polish-German relations, on the basis of bilateral and European level.

The article discusses critical opinions addressed at present to the UNO by the States and scholars. It was already during the San Francisco conference that the States raised objections to the adopted solutions. After 43 years of its existence, the UNO is still far from fulfilling the hopes which were fostered at the time of its foundation. The causes of shortcomings may be found in structural and managerial deficiencies. The complexity of the UNO structure influences the dissipation of efforts and makes the coordination more difficult. The waste of means on countless programmes, sub-programmes and projects has often been subject to criticism. The efforts to increase efficiency through establishing organs which were to improve the system failed (eg. Administrative Commitee on Co-ordination, Commitee on Programme and Co-ordination, Joint Inspection Unit). However, those organs helped to record and disclose shortcoming and their sources by way of Publishing critical reports. Managerial problems consist mostly in difficulties with poor professional qualifications of the UNO staff. The view that the professional level decreases constantly is shared by 69% of diplomats employed in the UNO-affiliated missions. Critical opinions are voiced also with respect to the unreality of projects, declarativity and mere talk present in the UN system. Particular organizations established on regional and political grounds, the number of which grows constantly and at present is close to 330, are far more efficient. The UNO documents indicate that the member-States most often call for the amendments of provisions on the Security Council, and in the first place on its composition and voting system. The author shares the view that multiplying agencies and organs, or abortive attempts to limit the role of superpowers in the Security Council will not bring adequate effects. Little efficiency of the UNO in maintaining the world peace may be eliminated not through a direct structure reform of the system but indirectly through activities aimed at improving the economic situation of the South. The UNO should work out a worldwide welfare programme which would influence indirectly the consolidation of the world peace through increasing the economic level of conflict-generating regions. Such a programme would have to adopt a system of preferences, for the existing free-market rules the disproportions between the North and the South. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The aim of the article is an in-depth analysis of the events related to the flood that affected the south-western part of Poland in 1997. It is worth noting that the entire undertaking was a phenomenon of special importance. The presented natural disaster showed a wide impact, especially on the social and institutional level. Although the discussed issue concerns an event that took place more than 20 years ago, the Millennium Flood significantly contributed to the process of shaping the internal security of the country. The material base is rich literature and numerous accounts of witnesses of those events. ; Celem artykułu jest pogłębiona analiza wydarzeń związanych z powodzią, która w 1997 roku dotknęła południowo-zachodnią część Polski. Warto zaznaczyć, że całość zdarzenia była zjawiskiem o szczególnym znaczeniu. Przedstawiona klęska naturalna wykazywała szerokie oddziaływania, szczególnie na płaszczyźnie społecznej oraz instytucjonalnej. Choć omawiane zagadnienie dotyczy wydarzenia, które miało miejsce ponad 20 lat temu, to jednak Powódź Tysiąclecia w znaczący sposób przyczyniła się do procesu kształtowania bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego kraju. Bazę materiałową stanowi bogata literatura oraz liczne przekazy świadków tamtych zdarzeń.

The article is concerned with the latest strategies of Polish development policy in the light of shifting global economic and political power structures, when North-South relationships are fundamentally changing, and so the conditions that frame European and polish development aid policy. Key documents define Polish development aid activities as the important field of foreign policy. The first part of the article analyses the determinants and experience of polish development cooperation. The second part examines the legal basis for development cooperation (Act on Development cooperation approved on 16th of September 2011 by the Polish Parliament) and the medium term vision for Poland's development cooperation (Multiannual development cooperation programme 2012–2015, development cooperation plan for 2012 and 2013). The last part of the analysis characterizes geographical and thematic areas of polish aid. The article presents strengths and weaknesses of Poland's official development assistance (ODA). The author intends to describe basic principles of the organization of the Polish development policy under Development Cooperation Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and so their implementation.

Main goal of the article was to analyze European Union policy towards "Arab Spring", that started in 2011. Although EU is strongly involved in the Mediterranean region its reaction on situation in North Africa was rather cautious and unclear. It seems that policy-makers of European institutions and its member states did not understand what was really going on. However slowly they took a side of opposition and European Union has undertaken a wide range instruments: political, economic, humanitarian and social. Several initiatives was implemented, such as: Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Mediterranean – PDSP, Support for Partnership, Reform and Inclusive Growth – SPRING, Deauville Initiative. EU policy towards "Arab Spring" is generally called "3 M" – Money, Mobility, Markets. There were also such support undertakings as: bilateral financial aid for South and East Mediterranean states, establishing task forces and observatory teams for elections in Arab countries and sanctions. Despite this actions EU policy towards "Arab Spring" has been evaluated as limited and too slow. It showed clearly what was known for several years: European Union needs to elaborate new and complex strategy towards the Mediterranean region.

The Gagauz people are an interesting example of a modern micro-nation. They came into being on the Balkan Peninsula. Yet their ethnogenesis is a mystery since direct written sources are missing. There are many theories about their origin. The Gagauz are most frequently perceived as a people of the Turkic origin. Bulgarian scholars view them as Turkified Bulgarians. In the very Bulgaria there remained only very few Gagauzians. This state of affairs is caused by the fact that the majority of Gagauzians emigrated and the remaining ones underwent assimilation. Nowadays they mainly inhabit Bessarabia (in southern Moldova or the western part of the Odessa district in Ukraine). In Moldova their autonomy is recognized by the state. The Gagauzian identity looks different in those three countries. In Bulgaria Gagauzians still have a double identity. They feel both Gagauzians and Bulgarians. In Moldova and Ukraine, in turn, they consider themselves as a separate nation. As far as the Gagauzian faith is concerned, they are everywhere mainly connected with the Orthodox faith. In regard to the Gagauzian-Bulgarian antagonisms one can state that these are the echo of times gone by. These days cooperation and neighborly relations prevail. In their attitudes to Russia, Bessarabian Gagauzians are predominantly Russophiles. Nostalgia for communism and the USSR is widespread. Gagauzians in Bulgaria are not anti-Russian but their view of Russia is not solely idealistic. ; The Gagauz people are an interesting example of a modern micro-nation. They came into being on the Balkan Peninsula. Yet their ethnogenesis is a mystery since direct written sources are missing. There are many theories about their origin. The Gagauz are most frequently perceived as a people of the Turkic origin. Bulgarian scholars view them as Turkified Bulgarians. In the very Bulgaria there remained only very few Gagauzians. This state of affairs is caused by the fact that the majority of Gagauzians emigrated and the remaining ones underwent assimilation. Nowadays they mainly inhabit Bessarabia (in southern Moldova or the western part of the Odessa district in Ukraine). In Moldova their autonomy is recognized by the state. The Gagauzian identity looks different in those three countries. In Bulgaria Gagauzians still have a double identity. They feel both Gagauzians and Bulgarians. In Moldova and Ukraine, in turn, they consider themselves as a separate nation. As far as the Gagauzian faith is concerned, they are everywhere mainly connected with the Orthodox faith. In regard to the Gagauzian-Bulgarian antagonisms one can state that these are the echo of times gone by. These days cooperation and neighborly relations prevail. In their attitudes to Russia, Bessarabian Gagauzians are predominantly Russophiles. Nostalgia for communism and the USSR is widespread. Gagauzians in Bulgaria are not anti-Russian but their view of Russia is not solely idealistic.

OIL RESERCHES ON THE SOUTHERN BALTIC AREA AND PROTECTION OF NATURAL ENVIRONMENT Summary The paper deals with prospects of search for hydrocarbons in the South Baltic Sea and measures taken against possibility of natural environment pollution. Up to date, on the East European Platform, the best results have been achieved in the Soviet Baltic Republics where 25 oil deposits have been discovered. The main productive horizons belong to Middle Cambrian, only few are of Ordovician origin and none has been found neither in the Silurian nor in the Upper Palaeozoic and Mesozoic which are considered non productive. The are few small oil deposits discovered in Gotland, and a Middle Cambrian oil deposit of Dembki – Żarnowiec located in the Łeba (Uplift) in Poland. On the Epicaledonian Central European Platform, there are many onshore oil and gas deposits in Poland, GDR and FRG. The gas deposits were discovered in Lower and Upper Carboniferous and Rotliegendes when oil deposits were found in Zechstein Main Dolomite. Since 1975 "Petrobaltic" has been searching for oil and gas in the Polish, GDR and Soviet sectors of the Baltic Sea. The search resulted in discoveries of a few oil and gas deposits in the Middle Cambrian sediments. The reserves of those deposits are estimated as over 20 million tons. There is no success yet in searching for oil and gas in the western part of the Baltic Sea on the Epicaledonian Platform. According to the recent seismic and geologic results, the majority of prospective structures in the Baltic Sea is explored already, and in Author's opinion, the remaining ones are of similar or even inferior quality. Therefore, before the next step of exploration will be taken, it is necessary to comprehensive analysis of all economic, geologic and naturalistic factors. According to the resolution of the International Convention held in Helsinki (1974), the natural environment of the Baltic Sea should be strictly protected by all Baltic States. This resolution imposes compulsory ventures to the offshore exploration, especially against possibility of sea, bottom and shore pollution when drilling and testing wells on discovered deposits. The regulations valid for the offshore exploration are met by construction of the "Petrobaltic" drilling platform. The well is protected by cemented pipe columns with special high pressure valves and anti-explosion preventers; mud circulation and wastes are hermetically closed in special system consisting of pipes, filters, separators and tanks. Those devices despite of its high quality, do not exclude the possibility of uncontrolled eruption and spilling of oil and gas. This was the reason why the Soviet Union government in 1986 gave up the exploitation of offshore oil deposit discovered near Kuronian Sand-Bar with its unique Natural Park.

The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries. ; The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

ill., 24 cm ; A cemetery of more than 100 barrows is located at Świelubie, near the 9th c. stronghold of Bardy lying south of Kołobrzeg in Western Pomerania. In six of the 36 graves that were explored, containing both male and female burials, the grave goods consisted of typically Scandinavian objects. For a long time the discovery posed a problem that was also political in its nature. Author revisits the Scandinavian finds from Świelubie and discusses their cultural attribution and chronology. A close study of the artifacts identified the burials as of Swedes with ties to the trade emporium of Birka on Mälaren lake in central Sweden; the dating of the finds points to the 2nd half of the 9th c. ; il., 24 cm ; W pobliżu dziewiątowiecznego grodu w Bardach, na południe od Kołobrzegu, na Pomorzu Zachodnim, w miejscowości Świelubie, znajduje się cmentarzysko składające się z ponad stu kurhanów, spośród których zbadano trzydzieści sześć. W sześciu z nich, kobiecych i męskich, były przedmioty typowe dla Skandynawów. Znaleziska te przez długi czas stanowiły problem nie tylko badawczy, ale i polityczny. Artykuł jest poświęcony skandynawskim przedmiotom ze Świelubia, ich przynależności kulturowej i chronologii. Studium pozwoliło ustalić, że pochowani byli Szwedami, mającymi związek z handlowym emporium Birka na jeziorze Mälaren w środkowej Szwecji; datowanie grobów wskazuje na 2 poł. IX w.

The accession of ten countries in 2004, followed by Romania and Bulgaria in 2007, has brought the EU closer to fragile regions in the east and south. There was a need to strengthen relations (including commercial ones) with neighbors. The European Union's Eastern neighbors have always played a very important role in its foreign policy. The EU's eastern policy covers not only economic but also political and security issues. Due to similar historical experience, similar problems and strong economic interconnections, partner countries are treated as one region. The purpose of the article is to show the assumptions, essence and main dimensions of the Eastern Partnership in the context of strengthening relations with the eastern neighbors of the European Union. ; Przystąpienie dziesięciu państw do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 r., a następnie Rumunii i Bułgarii w 2007 r., zbliżyło Wspólnotę do niestabilnych regionów na wschodzie i południu. Pojawiła się ko nieczność wzmocnienia relacji (w tym handlowych) z sąsiadami. Wschodni sąsiedzi Unii Europejskiej zawsze odgrywali bardzo ważną rolę w kształtowaniu jej polityki zagranicznej. Unijna polityka wschodnia obejmuje nie tylko kwestie gospodarcze, ale również polityczne i bezpieczeństwa. Ze względu na zbliżone doświadczenia historyczne, podobne problemy oraz silne wzajemne powiązania gospodarcze, państwa partnerskie traktowane są jako jeden region. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie założeń, istoty i głównych wymiarów Partnerstwa Wschodniego w kontekście wzmocnienia stosunków ze wschodnimi sąsiadami Unii Europejskiej.

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an analysis of the geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, with special consideration given to its determinants as well as a diagnosis of the geopolitical implicationsof its geographical extent. To explore this problem, the following hypotheses are offered. First, the inauguration of the second branch of the TurkStream pipeline in the beginning of 2020 will strengthen the monopolistic positionof Russia as a supplier of natural gas to the countries of the European Union.This will increase the dependency of the EU on Russia and severely hamper itsability to formulate a unified, cohesive energy policy. Second, two factors that underlie the geopolitical importance of the TurkStream pipeline are Turkey's and Southern Europe's natural gas needs on the one hand and the political and economic interests of Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine on the other. Third, theTurkStream project should be seen as an instrument that serves to build a tactical partnership between Turkey and Russia – a partnership underpinned by the strategic interests of both countries in the Middle East. Fourth and finally, Russia's gradual withdrawal from directing its natural gas through Ukraine will generate serious economic problems and potential energy shortages in that country. In the long term, this pressure is geared toward forcing Ukraine to re-evaluate the pro-Western trajectory of its foreign policy.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante . Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post . ; The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante. Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post. ; The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable.

The relationship between institutional structure and economic development is an extremely important from international competitiveness of economies point of view. The paper analyses this relationship and issues related to it from European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of European concept of universalism as a base for international ratings of institutional competitiveness. Modernisation and westernisation is usually a desirable model of institutional change in contemporary world economy. Taking in to the consider path dependency of China, Japan, South Korea and other countries is necessary to ask a question: do economics offer today an universal model of institutional changes from the rate of economic growth point of view? There is a strong link between idea of universalism and promoting by international organisations and economists institutional order desirable model but it does not mean that it is really desirable. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wpływu i logicznych konsekwencji efektów dyskursu na temat związków między uniwersalizmem, modernizacją i westernizacją na promowane przez różne międzynarodowe organizacje i agencje ratingowe standardy pożądanych wzorców ładu instytucjonalnego sprzyjającego wzrostowi międzynarodowej instytucjonalnej konkurencyjności gospodarek. Problematyka ta mieści się również w obszarze badań współczesnej teorii modernizacji. Bez względu na fakt ogromnego dorobku badawczego w tym zakresie, ciągle trudno ocenić konkurencyjność ładu instytucjonalnego ex ante. Dominują zdecydowanie oceny ex post.