Suchergebnisse

Created in 1934, the Union of Soviet Writers facilitated the instrumentalisation of literature by the Soviet authorities: it was its main goal, explicitly proclaimed at the first Congress of this Union, and repeated until the 1980s. The Union of Soviet Writers was supposed to create and educate a "New Person" who would build and embody communism. Furthermore, the Union of Soviet Writers was the model of other creative unions in the USSR and in the Soviet bloc. For more than fifty years, it selected, guided and controlled writers; it participated to the censorship process, as well as to the purges and repression of dissidents. In exchange, the Union of Soviet Writers received very important material rewards, of which its leaders were the main beneficiaries. The Union of Writers developed as a pyramidal structure: it had organizations in every Soviet republic (in Russia, only since 1958) and in many towns, and they collaborated at all levels with the corresponding CPSU structures. During the Stagnation, it also reactivated functional links with the army, the Ministry of the Interior and the Komsomol, with kolkhozes and factories. The Union of Soviet Writers was infiltrated by the KGB, which contributed to spreading fear and sterilizing an official literature of which few works are still read nowadays.

Even before the victory in 1945, the "Great Patriotic War" gave a new dimension to the architectural practice in the USSR: hitherto for interior use, it became an exportable article. Reconstructions of cities such as Stalingrad, Kiev and Minsk served as models proposed to the capitals of countries now under the orbit of the USSR. In 1944, Aleksei Shchusev was sent with Karo Alabian and Arkady Mordvinov in Bulgaria to intervene on the reorganization of Sofia. Mordvinov was again in 1949 the Soviet voice in the Bucharest "Casa Scânteii" competition - which resulted in a Romanian variant of the Moscow Lomonosov University formal principles. Similarly, Aleksandr Vlassov was sent to Berlin to examine the plans of the German team in charge of the Stalin-Allee. Similar missions were entrusted to Lev Roudnev and Viatcheslav Oltarjevski in Riga in 1951, while Rudnev realized the Warsaw Palace of Culture. These Russian architects had a significant influence during the Stalin Era, reorienting and deeply transforming the projects of their colleagues in the Eastern Bloc republics. In fact, their intervention was less that of a big brother than that of a paternalist godfather who put back in trails the lost sons...

Impact and consequences of the transformations in the former Soviet bloc, the reunification of Germany, and institutionalization of elements of pan-European economic and political unity; 7 articles. Includes discussion of trade between the EEC and Eastern European countries.

The amusing anecdote that a Soviet string quartet is a symphony orchestra coming back from a tour is emblematic of the diplomatic and political impact of touring musicians. The periodicity and range of musical tours during the Cold War reflects the alternating periods of tension or detente in the relations between the two blocs. The itinerary of top musicians - musicians from the West who took advantage of their presence within the Soviet bloc to support dissidents, musicians taking advantage of tours to 'choose freedom', or musicians seemingly exploited by Soviet propaganda - is proof of a form of society capable of insubordination. The organization of tours by Soviet musicians at the time of the Cold War, and the almost concomitant passage of Western virtuosos or conductors through the Soviet bloc, marked a very particular moment in international relations at the beginning of the 1960s. The coincidence is enough to prove that there was a certain autonomy in cultural history in relation to diplomatic history. Virtually at the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the construction of the Berlin Wall, the Soviet authorities managed to orchestrate a vast noria of musicians destined to show their desire for peace and for nations to be brought closer together through culture. Far from bowing to this image of propaganda, the musicians tried to make the most of stretches of freedom, even the smallest. Adapted from the source document.

Neglected by the Socialist Internationale (SI) for the sake of peace, the exiled socialist parties of eastern Europe had to wait till the Soviet Union's collapse and the end of the Cold War before joining the SI. Among these organizations, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) stood out owing to its worldwide network and its long past as an organized party. The old but ambiguous relations between the ARF and the SI revolved around the architecture of international relations, the evolution of democratic socialism and the development of the Armenian question. The SI was always wary of the sort of socialism advocated by the ARF, which it saw less as a socialist movement than as a nationalistic party. For the ARF, the SI was mainly a forum where it could advance the Armenian question and where international socialism could shine. Changes in the turbulent relations between these two organizations is analyzed from 1951, when the SI was created, till our times.

Although Czechoslovakia found itself in a particular situation of autonomy between 1945 and 1948, its foreign policy was until 1989 distinguished by a noticeable alignment with Moscow, with the exception of 1968. This contribution firstly endeavours to recall the main features of this specificity. Secondly, it analyses the structural factors which prevented the exercise of sovereignty; then the economic and cultural elements which on the contrary were able to favour the satisfaction of "national interests". Finally, if there was a common model of the foreign policies of the countries of median Europe and the periods of forced unity by Moscow, the specificities of each of the countries of the Soviet bloc, linked notably to political events and to the very different reactions of societies, must not be neglected. Adapted from the source document.

La République tchèque fait partie des jeunes Etats-nations, constitués après l'effondrement du bloc soviétique en Europe. Traditionnellement pays de départ, elle commence à se profiler également comme pays d'accueil au XXIe siècle et l'enseignement du tchèque fait partie des priorités proclamées en politiques d'émigration et aussi d'immigration. Alors que la scolarisation des enfants nouvellement arrivés, appelés « žák s odlišným mateřským jazykem » (élève de langue maternelle différente), dans le milieu éducatif, se construit autour du concept de langue seconde, la notion du bi-/plurilinguisme est davantage mobilisée dans la diaspora. Cependant, la perspective monolingue domine les deux terrains. ; The Czech Republic is one of the young nation states formed after the collapse of the Soviet bloc in Europe. Traditionally a country of departure, it is also beginning to emerge as a host country in the 21st century and Czech language education is one of the declared priorities in emigration and also immigration policies. While the schooling of newly arrived children, called "žák s odlišným mateřským jazykem" (pupils with a different mother tongue), in the educational environment is built around the concept of a second language, the notion of bi-/plurilingualism is more mobilized in the diaspora. However, the monolingual perspective dominates both fields. ; Peer Reviewed

A few thoughts on the Cuban economy
Following a very brief presentation of the pre-1959 situation in Cuba, an assessment is made of the Cuban revolution's major advances and real shortcomings in the economy up till the recent dedollarization. Emphasis is laid on the economic challenges, as well as on the internal advantages and external opportunities related to them, with which the island has to cope at the start of the 21st century. Proposals are based on several sources of statistics, mainly time series (in particular, GDP growth rates from 1959 to 2005) and period analyses (for comparing economic and social indicators with those in other planned economies in 1988). Close attention is paid to the "Special Period" consecutive to the breakup of the Soviet bloc and to the major factors that have enabled the economy to bounce back since 1994-1995. The effects are compared of the adjustments made to the extremely serious crisis during the 1990s in Russia and Cuba. Questions about the switch to dedollarization and monetary sovereignty are examined.

In Chinese politics privatization has never been fully acknowledged the way it has in Eastern Europe or the countries of the former Soviet bloc. Yet it has been one of the major orientations in the restructuring of Chinese state enterprises since 1994. The results are highly contrasting & depend primarily on the competitive & institutional environments in which these privatizations were carried out. Privatization has produced mediocre results (particularly when shares were sold to employees in companies where skills & internal controls have improved little) when carried out in a non-competitive environment with weak legal, bureaucratic, fiscal & banking institutions to support a market economy. For this reason, in the western, northeastern & inner provinces where the public sector still dominates, the central government must now step in more firmly to accelerate reforms in social welfare, commercial banking & the legal environment so as to improve the efficiency of programs to restructure small- & medium-sized state companies. On the other hand, in the coastal provinces, widespread greenfield investments have been a decisive factor in the rapidity & efficiency of the privatization process of small- & medium-sized state companies. Adapted from the source document.

National audience ; One of the recent characteristics of North Korea is the widening mismatch between a willingness to open the economy and a lack of territorial integration. In a globalised environment, North Korea's combined advantages of cheap, skilled labour, plentiful natural resources, and a strategic location between South Korea, Japan and their immediate continental neighbours, China and Russia, should enable the introduction of reforms to stimulate the economy. Whereas most previous research has looked at external political factors to explain the problems encountered (e.g. isolation after the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the embargo imposed by the USA and Japan), this paper takes an original standpoint by focusing on internal spatial factors. The examination of fundamental spatial structures shows that the increasing disconnection between the provinces – a consequence of steady economic decline – and the deterioration of infrastructure are major obstacles to the country's development projects, beyond purely political aspects ; L'une des caractéristiques récentes de la Corée du Nord est le manque manifeste d'intégration territoriale, en contradiction croissante avec la volonté d'ouverture économique. Dans un environnement mondialisé, le faible coût et la qualité de sa main-d'œuvre, l'abondance des ressources naturelles, et une situation stratégique entre la Corée du Sud, le Japon et leurs voisins continentaux immédiats comme la Chine et la Russie, sont autant d'atouts qui devraient permettre la mise en œuvre des réformes et la relance de l'économie. Tandis que la plupart des travaux précédents se basent sur les facteurs politiques externes pour expliquer les difficultés rencontrées (isolement dû à la disparition du bloc de l'Est, embargo imposé par les États-Unis et le Japon), cet article privilégie les facteurs spatiaux internes. L'examen successif de structures spatiales fondamentales montre que la déconnexion croissante entre les différentes provinces, conséquence d'un long déclin économique et de la dégradation des infrastructures, serait une contrainte majeure avec laquelle les projets de développement du pays sont confrontés, au-delà des aspects purement politiques

National audience. One of North Korea's recent characteristics is the clear lack of territorial integration, which is increasingly at odds with the desire for economic openness. In a globalised world, the low cost and quality of its labour force, the abundance of natural resources, and a strategic situation between South Korea, Japan and their immediate continental neighbours such as China and Russia, are all assets that should enable the implementation of reforms and the recovery of the economy. While most of the previous work is based on external political factors to explain the difficulties encountered (isolation due to the disappearance of the Eastern bloc, embargo imposed by the US and Japan), this article favours internal space factors. The successive examination of fundamental spatial structures shows that the growing disconnection between the different provinces, resulting from a long economic decline and the degradation of infrastructure, would be a major constraint for the country's development projects, beyond purely political aspects. ; One of the recent characteristics of North Korea is the widening mismatch between a willingness to open the economy and a lack of territorial integration. In a globalised environment, North Korea's combined advantages of cheap, skilled labour, plentiful natural resources, and a strategic location between South Korea, Japan and their immediate continental neighbours, China and Russia, should enable the introduction of reforms to stimulate the economy. Whereas most previous research has looked at external political factors to explain the problems encountered (e.g. isolation after the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the embargo imposed by the USA and Japan), this paper takes an original standpoint by focusing on internal spatial factors. The examination of fundamental spatial structures shows that the increasing disconnection between the provinces – a consequence of steady economic decline – and the deterioration of infrastructure are major obstacles to the country's ...