Suchergebnisse

In the article author discuss about prerequisites of proclamations and conditions of the early existence Baltic countries and Ukraine during WWI and in 1918. By this title I mean the permanent residence of the peoples of Baltic and Ukraine, and then corresponding states of these peoples between the German empire that was at the peak of its possibilities, thеn was in decline in result of the defeat in the World War I and the Russian/Soviet empire that was too in decline, but was in reconstructing in different type. In this connection I touch lately past by these peoples shortly. The main attention is directed toward the Baltic states, partly - to Ukraine. I think it is worth to point on the some common problems existing in these peoples during this and previous periods of time, particularly – level of modernization, tragedy and suffering brought by theWWI. Peace and the land question were the most wanted aspirations of the masses. I write about the ways of gaining of independence in these countries in 1918 and reactions of both empires on it. In article I find out processes that led to formation of the national governments and the Soviet republics in these countries, their wars supported by the Soviet Russia or Germany.It may be note that in Estonia the social preconditions for independence was more favorable then in Latvia and Lithuania, Ukraine. In Ukraine idea of the own state was proclaimed both in its Western part, under Austria-Hungarian rule and in its bigger East in Russia empire earlier thаn in Baltic nations. It seems that Ukraine was in better position to gain independence then Baltic peoples in 1918. Ukrainians concluded peaceful treaty with Germany. The former' troops helped put off the Bolsheviks out the country. For the Baltic peoples and national movements the Germans were social oppressors and politically dominated for centuries, during WWI Germany was occupant majority of their territories. But level of national conscious here was higher than in Ukraine. The principal difference in Baltic and Ukrainian affairs was the importance for Russian Bolsheviks and the Whites of Ukraine in economic, political, cultural meaning. ; В статті мова йде про передумови проголошення і обставини існування балтійських держав і України незадовго до 1918 і саме в цей рік. Маю на увазі перебування народів Прибалтики і України, а згодом і відповідних держав цих народів між Німецькою імперією, на піку можливостей, а згодом швидкого занепаду через поразку у І Світовій війні, і Російською/Совєтською імперією, яка тежзанепала і відновлювалась вже в іншому вигляді. В зв'язку з чим оглядаємо недавнє минуле цих народів. Основну увагу звертаю на країни Балтії, менше − на Україну. Вважаю також за потрібне вказати на деякі спільні проблеми, які існували у цих народів протягом цього і попереднього періодів, зокрема рівень модернізації, біди і страждання, що принесла І Світова війна. Земельне питання і мирбули найбажанішими прагненнями мас в той час. Розглянуто шлях до проголошення незалежності в цих країнах в 1918 р. і реакцію на це обох імперій.

У статті розглядаються питання становлення адміністративної юстиції в Україні у дорадянську добу. Описуються історичні періоди запровадження адміністративної юстиції, які пов'язуються із загарбанням українських земель Росією, Польщею, Австро-Угорщиною. Розглядається також і становлення адміністративної юстиції під час відродження української державності в період з 1917 по 1921 рр. ; The article deals with the issues of the administrative justice formation in Ukraine during the pre-Soviet era. The historical periods of the administrative justice introduction are described, which are associated with the Ukrainian land seizure by Russia, Poland, Austria-Hungary. It is also considered the administrative justice formation during the Ukrainian statehood revival from 1917 to 1921.The administrative justice existence on the territory of Ukraine is divided into four periods according to the author of the article, which, due to various historical factors, can not be distinguished in a strict chronological sequence, but their definition is important for epistemological purposes. Consequently, by examining historical legal sources and literature on the history of both Ukraine state and law, the following periods of the administrative justice existence can be called: 1) Ukraine's stay under the protectorate of the Russian Empire; 2) the presence of Western Ukraine in the Austrian and Austro-Hungarian Empire; 3) Ukraine's stay in the Commonwealth of Poland; 4) the revival of Ukrainian independence. A profound analysis of AI Elistratov's work, legislative acts regulating administrative justice in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Poland, with the establishment of Ukraine's independence in the early twentieth century.The author concludes the introduction of administrative justice in Ukraine has a long history. The formation of administrative courts system was significantly influenced by the European approach to administrative legal proceedings. In the western part of our country, right after the judicial reform of the end of the nineteenth century, administrative law spread to the then-legal Western European legal system. In that part of Ukraine, which was part of the Russian Empire, administrative justice appeared much later, being in imperfect form.

У статті розглядаються питання становлення адміністративної юстиції в Україні у дорадянську добу. Описуються історичні періоди запровадження адміністративної юстиції, які пов'язуються із загарбанням українських земель Росією, Польщею, Австро-Угорщиною. Розглядається також і становлення адміністративної юстиції під час відродження української державності в період з 1917 по 1921 рр. ; The article deals with the issues of the administrative justice formation in Ukraine during the pre-Soviet era. The historical periods of the administrative justice introduction are described, which are associated with the Ukrainian land seizure by Russia, Poland, Austria-Hungary. It is also considered the administrative justice formation during the Ukrainian statehood revival from 1917 to 1921.The administrative justice existence on the territory of Ukraine is divided into four periods according to the author of the article, which, due to various historical factors, can not be distinguished in a strict chronological sequence, but their definition is important for epistemological purposes. Consequently, by examining historical legal sources and literature on the history of both Ukraine state and law, the following periods of the administrative justice existence can be called: 1) Ukraine's stay under the protectorate of the Russian Empire; 2) the presence of Western Ukraine in the Austrian and Austro-Hungarian Empire; 3) Ukraine's stay in the Commonwealth of Poland; 4) the revival of Ukrainian independence. A profound analysis of AI Elistratov's work, legislative acts regulating administrative justice in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Poland, with the establishment of Ukraine's independence in the early twentieth century.The author concludes the introduction of administrative justice in Ukraine has a long history. The formation of administrative courts system was significantly influenced by the European approach to administrative legal proceedings. In the western part of our country, right after the judicial reform of the end of the nineteenth century, administrative law spread to the then-legal Western European legal system. In that part of Ukraine, which was part of the Russian Empire, administrative justice appeared much later, being in imperfect form.

Problem statement. The category of so-called «state children» in modern Ukraine has not been experiencing the best times. Although the childcare institution reform is being happened directed towards the increase in child adoption rate it should be noticed that only 120 underage citizens managed to find new families. A significant percentage of childcare institutions is currently in economic hardships. The features are outdated equipment, the importance of repairing the premises etc. However, today's democratic transformations do not try to hide the scale of the problems. All difficulties are discussed in society and, as possible, any help is provided. Such a situation is typical in the system of contemporary moral values. Additionally, for a long time Ukrainian territory used to remain under the totalitarian Soviet pressure for too long — when the cult of the leader retreated to all needs. We seek to recreate the historical retrospective of social and everyday life conditions in state institutions of childcare during the 1920's and 1930's. We are determined to clarify whether present-day troubles are rooted in history or it exclusively problems of a contemporary nature. The relevance of the research.In contemporary European space, the policy of child-centrism is supported. Due to different circumstances, the category of children who have lost the opportunity of parental care is systematically replenished. Such children frequently go into the care of the state. Furthermore, it is the state institutions that must create all the conditions for a harmonious upbringing of every child. That is the concept of childhood care in developed European countries which methods had been shaped in the first quarter of the last century. Unfortunately, the lives of Ukrainian citizens under the totalitarian system of the Soviet empire excluded the possibility of decent and full-fledged education and development of children, especially the children who lost the opportunity of family education. In this article, we tend to analyse the ...

ROLE OF ADMINISTRATIVE LAW RELATIONS STATE AND CITIZENS IN THE SOVIET UNIONPiliai А.М., PhD studentNational University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine The article examines the theoretical side of Administrative Law of the Soviet Union in terms of his contemporaries in terms of the role of administrative law in the system of relations between the state and the citizen.Science Soviet administrative law developed as the establishment of public administration in the Soviet Union and the establishment of administrative law as a legal industry. Despite crucial that gave the Marxist-Leninist doctrine administration in a socialist society, science administrative law developed quite controversial.At the initial stage of the Soviet state administrative science institutes were still not very active and methodical attack on scientists which helped lay the foundations of administrative law administrative scientists former Empire and as a result of the creation of the first Soviet administrative code 1927. However, as soon as Thus, at the end of the 30s of the twentieth century, a situation in which administrative law as a whole and all other areas of law could move only in the direction of creating a system built on the principles of "class struggle" and actually create a system rigid centralization of power at all levels.With regard to legislative activity, it should be noted that the adoption of the Constitution of the USSR in 1936 led to a clearer separation of subject Administrative Law based on the formation of executive and administrative bodies as independent governance structures. War and postwar period led to further opportunities fetish controls in political and economic governance.Even in the postwar years in the Soviet legal literature formed different views on the scope of public administration. Yes, there are two main points of view. Some scientists identified it with the system of government and regarded as the executive and administrative activities only those bodies. Others have argued that executive and administrative activities make all public authorities, but to varying degrees and varying quality.Based on the above analysis of the categories of public relations should pay attention to how little space they occupied an ordinary citizen, despite the fact that it really is and keeps the whole state apparatus and the official goal of the Soviet Union as a state built to unite all citizens in uniform socialist family.As a result of the opposition of the people of the Soviet Union administrative bureaucracy at the time of independent Ukraine in our country did not exist, even the idea of cooperation on equal terms between the state and its citizens, which led to no significant changes in the structure of the relationship between man and the state for the first twenty years of independent Ukraine. We are still feeling the remnants of Soviet-style administration, in which the state exists primarily for themselves.

Осуществлена попытка обобщить основные факты, касающиеся советского пространства в американских учебниках по истории. Выявлены основные подходы относительно освещения СССР в годы «холодной войны», и упоминания про Украину того периода. ; The main purpose of this article is to make some generalizations about the image of the Soviet space during the «Cold War» on the pages of American history books.In American history textbooks, which were written and published during the global confrontation, many pages were devoted to the coverage of the Soviet Union and its relations with the United States. It was a period of struggle between the two superpowers for the spheres of influence in the world for global domination. Coverage of the history of the «enemy» country was subordinate to major purposes of state propaganda. Of course, this led to one-sided view on the opposite superpower.On the pages of American textbooks Soviet Union was described as the main opponent of the American nation and the capitalist countries, such definitions as «enemy», «aggressor», «stranger», «invader» were mostly used. Soviet Union and its leaders were accused of inciting the «Cold war», in a breakaway from allied relations after the Second World War, because of Soviet leaders' suspicion and distrust to the West. The inflaming of the global confrontation was associated especially with Stalin – «Soviet despot». The different dates of the beginning of the Cold war are stated in American history textbooks. But all their variants are connected with the actions of the Soviet Union such as the division of Germany and the Berlin blockade, the expansion of Soviet influence towards the Central and South-Eastern Europe and the establishment of the national-democratic governments, testing the atomic bomb. The image of the Soviet Union as a country with imperial aspirations was formed in the minds of Americans who was taught by these books. Such definitions as «Soviet empire», «totalitarian dictatorship» were wide spread in the textbooks.The Soviet Union was mostly seen as the one country and its parts – Soviet republics were not mentioned in the most cases. However there are few textbooks in which attention was paid to the problems of the concrete republics, including Belarus, Uzbekistan and Ukraine. For example, Ukraine was mentioned more often – if to compare with other republics because it was the largest in terms of population after Russia, and was one of the largest by area. The main problems highlighted in this case were connected with a problem of Ukrainian national identity, aspirations for independence, Ukraine's participation in the UN.Thus, we can conclude that reviewed American textbooks had a lot of information about the Soviet Union, its foreign policy and about the US-SU relations. Further investigations in this field require more deep analysis of the American History educational books according to the level of education (school and university), as well as the comparison of modern and old textbooks. ; Здійснено спробу узагальнити основні факти, що стосуються радянського простору в американських підручниках з історії. Виявлені основні підходи щодо висвітлення СРСР в роки «холодної війни», та згадки про Україну того періоду.

The article traces the overcoming of the modern Ukrainian historiography of the bias of the Soviet researchers on the coverage of the figure of M.G. Repnin. It is established that, for ideological reasons, Soviet scholars wrote little about representatives of the ruling elite of the imperial era. The governor-general form of government was only highlighted as a reactionary, brute force of autocracy and serfdom in the regions. The position of military governors was considered in the same context. The individual traits of the military governors were not taken into account, materials that revealed their worldview, socio-political beliefs were not examined. Their vision of the prospects for the development of a trusted region were considered solely from prejudiced class positions. It has been proved that the positive moment of the recent Ukrainian historiography was that when it came to new source information, it overcame the Soviet approach to treating governors-general as tsarist satraps who tried only to preserve autocracy in the remote regions of the Russian Empire. The appeal to the chief figures of the Governor-General, their individual traits, has enabled modern scholars to break the tradition of Soviet historiography in this matter. The governor-general is a form of government, and government officials themselves are seen as intermediaries in establishing constructive relations between the center and the regions. Thus, the main activity of Governors-General, including M. G. Repnin, convinced researchers, was directed to the benefit of the regions. An important achievement of modern Ukrainian historiography was the fact that the works specifically dedicated to the figure of the Governor-General of Little Russia M.G. Repnin came out. Modern researchers are convinced that M. G. Repnin was an outstanding personality not only for his time, but also to a great extent ahead of him. His worldview and realities did not fit into the generally accepted imperial canons at that time, and the effort to Europeanize his entrusted region became the factor that ultimately led to his resignation and accusation of striving for autonomy.

The article deals with the formation, development and branching of the Ukrainian press that was published on the outskirts of the Russian Empire outside Ukraine, also author focuses on her role in the consolidation of the Ukrainian nation, debunked the anti-Ukrainian policy of Russian government circles – both autocracy and Soviet power – against national self-assertion of Ukrainianness. The role of the Ukrainian press in counteracting Moscow's manipulative propaganda and in raising the national consciousness of the people is noted.Using general scientific and interdisciplinary methods, including historical and comparative methods, also content analysis and other means of research, the author proved that both the tsarist autocracy and the Soviet regime were trying to prevent Ukrainian journalism from developing. For this purpose, printing shops were prohibited from printing newspapers and magazines in Ukrainian, and in official policy was promoted the thesis about the common origin of Ukrainians and Russians, according to which the Ukrainian language was considered not as an independent language, but a dialect of the "Russian language". At the same time, newspaper and magazine publications testified that Ukrainians, even far away from their homeland, communicated in their mother tongue, despite various oppressions. They did not know Russian and even did not understand it at elementary level.The Ukrainian press, which was organized at the expense of the people, was the factor that promoted the consolidation of the nation, defended its interests even far from Ukraine.Key words: Ukrainian press outside Ukraine, role of the press in propaganda of the Ukrainian language, national idea, Russian propaganda. ; У статті досліджується розгалуження української преси, що видавалася за межами України на окраїнах Російської імперії, акцентується увага на її ролі в консолідації української нації, розвінчується антиукраїнська політика російських урядових кіл – і самодержавства, і радянської влади – супроти національного самоствердження українства, відзначається роль української преси у протидії московській маніпулятивній пропаганді.Ключові слова: українська преса за межами України, роль преси у пропаганді української мови, національна ідея, російська пропаганда.

Cinematography is one of those unique cultural phenomena, whose history has always attracted historians' interest. In the 20th century, this phenomenon did not only determine the direction of cultural transformations development but also impacted the formation of ideologies and political regimes. Today this topic is especially relevant considering the fact that the propaganda methods, intrinsic of dictatorship systems, namely the Soviet totalitarian regime, are actively used by the antidemocratic Russian power for achieving its political goals. The special interest in the context of the "hybrid warfare" which is currently going on between Russia and Ukraine, causes the construction in the Soviet period cinematography of the image of a "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" as the instrumental technologies of ideological manipulations used in such movies proved their effectiveness for shaping the outlook of a "new Russian citizen". Such phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian one) are now actively applied by the undemocratic Russian regime to achieve political goals. The construction of the image of the "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" in the Soviet cinema constitutes special interest in the context of today's Russia's "hybrid warfare" against Ukraine. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the "new Soviet man." Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film "Kiev Citizen", studied in the article, was created in 1958 by Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. This film is a classic example of ideologically biased film production. Using this movie, we can observe technological principles and constructive models of falsification of the 20th–century history of Ukraine by the Soviet regime, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film "Kiev Citizen", the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were falsified in order to illustrate the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events connected with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Soviet propaganda tried to form in this way the audience loyal to the "Soviet empire" type of psychological perception of reality. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks' attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic and Germany were falsified. ; Кіно постає одним із тих унікальних культурологічних феноменів, історія яких постійно привертає увагу дослідників. У XX ст. цей феномен визначав не лише напрям естетичних трансформацій культурного розвитку, але й справив вплив на формування ідео­логій та зміцнення політичних режимів. Сьогодні ця тема постає особливо актуальною з огляду на те, що методи пропаганди, характерні для диктаторських систем (зокрема, для радянського тоталітарного режиму), активно використовуються антидемократичною російською владою для досягнення своїх політичних цілей.Особливий інтерес у контексті гібридної війни Росії проти України, яка триває сьогодні, викликає конструювання в кінематографі періоду СРСР образу «українського буржуазного націоналіста», адже інструментальні технології ідеологічного маніпулювання, які застосовувалися під час створення такого кшталту кінострічок, показали свою ефективність для формування світогляду «нової радянської людини». Форми такого типу свідомості і нині продовжують впливати на політичний вибір значної частини громадян нашої держави.Фільм «Киевлянка», який аналізується у статті, був знятий 1958 р. українським радянським режисером Т. Левчуком на Київській кіностудії ім. О. Довженка. Стрічка є класичним прикладом ідеологічно заангажованої кінопродукції, тому на її прикладі доречно простежити технологічні принципи та конструктивні моделі, які застосовував радянський режим для фальсифікації історії України у XX ст., і особливо – подій, пов'язаних із Українською революцією 1917–1921 рр. У фільмі «Киевлянка» реалії Української революції зазнають системного спотворення, мета яких полягала у нав'язуванні глядачеві радянської версії того, як більшовикам в Україні вдалося встановити свою диктатуру. Зокрема, тотально сфальсифіковано факти, пов'язані зі спробою більшовиків захопити владу у Києві у жовтні 1917 р., боями за завод «Арсенал» у січні 1918 р., укладанням мирного договору між УНР та Німеччиною. Радянська пропаганда у такий спосіб намагалася сформувати у глядача лояльний до «радянської імперії» тип психологічного сприйняття реальності.

Cinematography is one of those unique cultural phenomena, whose history has always attracted historians' interest. In the 20th century, this phenomenon did not only determine the direction of cultural transformations development but also impacted the formation of ideologies and political regimes. Today this topic is especially relevant considering the fact that the propaganda methods, intrinsic of dictatorship systems, namely the Soviet totalitarian regime, are actively used by the antidemocratic Russian power for achieving its political goals. The special interest in the context of the "hybrid warfare" which is currently going on between Russia and Ukraine, causes the construction in the Soviet period cinematography of the image of a "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" as the instrumental technologies of ideological manipulations used in such movies proved their effectiveness for shaping the outlook of a "new Russian citizen". Such phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian one) are now actively applied by the undemocratic Russian regime to achieve political goals. The construction of the image of the "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" in the Soviet cinema constitutes special interest in the context of today's Russia's "hybrid warfare" against Ukraine. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the "new Soviet man." Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film "Kiev Citizen", studied in the article, was created in 1958 by Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. This film is a classic example of ideologically biased film production. Using this movie, we can observe technological principles and constructive models of falsification of the 20th–century history of Ukraine by the Soviet regime, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film "Kiev Citizen", the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were falsified in order to illustrate the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events connected with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Soviet propaganda tried to form in this way the audience loyal to the "Soviet empire" type of psychological perception of reality. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks' attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic and Germany were falsified. ; Кіно постає одним із тих унікальних культурологічних феноменів, історія яких постійно привертає увагу дослідників. У XX ст. цей феномен визначав не лише напрям естетичних трансформацій культурного розвитку, але й справив вплив на формування ідео­логій та зміцнення політичних режимів. Сьогодні ця тема постає особливо актуальною з огляду на те, що методи пропаганди, характерні для диктаторських систем (зокрема, для радянського тоталітарного режиму), активно використовуються антидемократичною російською владою для досягнення своїх політичних цілей.Особливий інтерес у контексті гібридної війни Росії проти України, яка триває сьогодні, викликає конструювання в кінематографі періоду СРСР образу «українського буржуазного націоналіста», адже інструментальні технології ідеологічного маніпулювання, які застосовувалися під час створення такого кшталту кінострічок, показали свою ефективність для формування світогляду «нової радянської людини». Форми такого типу свідомості і нині продовжують впливати на політичний вибір значної частини громадян нашої держави.Фільм «Киевлянка», який аналізується у статті, був знятий 1958 р. українським радянським режисером Т. Левчуком на Київській кіностудії ім. О. Довженка. Стрічка є класичним прикладом ідеологічно заангажованої кінопродукції, тому на її прикладі доречно простежити технологічні принципи та конструктивні моделі, які застосовував радянський режим для фальсифікації історії України у XX ст., і особливо – подій, пов'язаних із Українською революцією 1917–1921 рр. У фільмі «Киевлянка» реалії Української революції зазнають системного спотворення, мета яких полягала у нав'язуванні глядачеві радянської версії того, як більшовикам в Україні вдалося встановити свою диктатуру. Зокрема, тотально сфальсифіковано факти, пов'язані зі спробою більшовиків захопити владу у Києві у жовтні 1917 р., боями за завод «Арсенал» у січні 1918 р., укладанням мирного договору між УНР та Німеччиною. Радянська пропаганда у такий спосіб намагалася сформувати у глядача лояльний до «радянської імперії» тип психологічного сприйняття реальності.

The practice of conducting general army calls has been initiated since 1921 on the territory of former Russian empire and since 1922 in the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. That caused the rise in the number of servicemen from the national minorities, particularly, Ukrainians.The regulation of life in the army, insufficient material support (lack of uniform, malnutrition, unequipped barracks), commanders' abuse of office (beating of privates, using the punishments and methods that were not provided in military statutes), problems at home or in the private life, illnesses, and also other factors promoted privates to desertion. Regarding Ukrainians, to continue the list above it is worth mentioning the fresh memories about the events of Polish-Ukrainian war 1918–1919, political agitation before the army call and during the service.Much of the deserters were trying to escape abroad. One of such countries was the USSR, particularly the Soviet Ukraine, in the 1920's the choice of which was largely due to NEP policy, communist's agitation in Poland, correspondence with relatives or friends who lived in the USSR and due to illusive dreams of better life. According to the analysis of personal data of the deserters, the commander office stated that mainly the representatives of rural poor residents, unskilled workers from cities who didn't see any perspectives in life after demobilization were among those who deserted to the USSR. They were mainly the natives of Eastern voivodeships, particularly of Eastern Galicia, and also of coal mining regions, as Silesia. There were some rare cases of escape for personal reasons, for example the desire to get married to the citizen of the USSR.Having got to the USSR, the former privates were thoroughly examined by the Soviet state security authorities, who were trying to collect mostly military information during the questioning process. The further fate of the deserters were different: some were adapted to the life in the Soviet country, sometimes even trying to make a career, others, having looked at Bolshevism, wanted to return to Poland despite the punishment waiting for them. During the 1930's the number of deserters' escapes to the USSR decreased that crediblywas due to the information about repressions, famine, collectivization, and most importantly, the deportation of many of them back to Poland ; Дезертирство стало важливою проблемою польської армії у міжвоєнний період, особливо у перші повоєнні роки. Регламентованість життя у війську, недостатнє матеріальне забезпечення, зловживання з боку командирів, особисті проблеми спонукали рядовиків дезертирувати. У випадку українців додатковою причиною дезертирства були свіжі спогади про події польсько-української війни 1918–1919 рр., політична агітація напередодні призову і під час служби. Однією з країн, до якої прямували дезертири, став СРСР, зокрема радянська Україна. Потрапивши до СРСР, колишні рядовики проходили перевірку радянськими органами держбезпеки, їх реєстрували з правом тимчасового проживання і перспективою отримати громадянство. Подальша доля дезертирів була різною: одні пристосовувались до життя в країні Рад, інколи навіть намагаючись зробити кар'єру, інші, придивившись, до більшовизму прагнули повернутися до Польщі, незважаючи навіть на те, що їх очікувало покарання.

The article analyzes the works of the Soviet period researchers of late 1960s – early 1980s related to the topics of nobles. The author analyzes works that cover the issues of feudal landownership, the nobles' relations with the peasantry and the absolutist government. Particularly, the author characterizes the topics related to the thematics of nobility. It is shown that Soviet historiography was filled with guidelines on ideology, constant intrusions of the ruling party into the matters of history as a discipline. The researchers were forced to work in the boundaries framed by Marxist-Leninist concepts and theories. The article reveals that, according to the reviewed authors, all activities of the nobility during the post-reform period in the Russian Empire were connected to the crisis of absolute monarchy, which could only be resolved by a revolution. The reviewed works were based on a great mass of archived sources, the historians tried to search for new sources and expand the methodology. The results of the research can be used in the development of research on historiography, the history of Ukraine in the second half of the 19th – the early 20th century, the history of Russia in the second half of the 19th – the early 20th century, the teaching of special courses on the specified topic. ; У статті проаналізовано доробок дослідників радянського періоду другої половини 1960-х – першої половини 1980-х рр., присвячених дворянству. Автор аналізує роботи, які висвітлюють проблеми поміщицького землеволодіння, відносин дворян із самодержавством і селянством. Окреслено напрями, в яких фігурувала дворянська тематика. Показано, що радянська історіографія була насичена ідеологічними настановами, постійним втручанням партії в історичну науку. Дослідники були змушені працювати в рамках марксистсько-ленінських концепцій та теорій. Виявлено, що уся діяльність пореформеного дворянства, на думку авторів, зводилася до кризи самодержавства, яку могла вирішити лише революція. Дослідження базувалися на значному масиві архівних джерел, історики намагалися розширити джерельну базу та методологію. Результати роботи можуть бути використані при створенні досліджень з історіографії, історії України другої половини XIX – початку XX ст., історії Росії другої половини XIX – початку XX ст., викладанні спецкурсів з обраної теми.

The retrospective of establishment of historical and book science researches in Ukraine and Ukrainian exile from the time of the first bibliological publications in the nineteenth century to the period of research bibliological institutions formation is considered. Also activity of Ukrainian bibliological periodicals and scientists in this field in the XX–XXI centuries is investigated. The main stages of Ukrainian bibliology formation are marked.The first stage (the XIX–early XX century) was characterized by episodic appearance of the first papers on bibliological topics.The second stage took place in the interwar period. Professional periodicals and bibliological institutions began to appear at the beginning of this stage. Both in Western andEastern Ukraineand among Ukrainian emigration bibliological research centers were formed.However, bibliological studios were minimized for political reasons at the beginning of the 1930s in Eastern Ukraine under Russian Bolsheviks control, and also inWestern Ukrainesince 1939. Papers on bibliological topics continued to be published only among Ukrainian emigration.Bibliological Studies in Ukrainian lands began to revive only since the end of the 1950s. However, the Ukrainian book science in the Soviet empire could be developed only within the strict ideological control. The Russian historical myths, including the ones about the beginnings of book printing inUkrainewere dominated in the field of humanities.Domestic researchers had got the opportunity to freely express their views on the taboo by Soviet imperial regime issues of Ukrainian book science only when Ukraine gained independence in 1991. ; Рассмотрена ретроспектива становления историко-книговедческих исследований в Украине и украинской эмиграции со времени появления первых книговедческих публикаций в ХІХ в. до периода формирования исследовательских книговедческих институций, деятельности украинских книговедческих периодических изданий и отдельных персоналий книговедов в ХІХ–ХХІ вв. Выделено основные этапы ...

Problem statement. The category of so-called «state children» in modern Ukraine has not been experiencing the best times. Although the childcare institution reform is being happened directed towards the increase in child adoption rate it should be noticed that only 120 underage citizens managed to find new families. A significant percentage of childcare institutions is currently in economic hardships. The features are outdated equipment, the importance of repairing the premises etc. However, today's democratic transformations do not try to hide the scale of the problems. All difficulties are discussed in society and, as possible, any help is provided. Such a situation is typical in the system of contemporary moral values. Additionally, for a long time Ukrainian territory used to remain under the totalitarian Soviet pressure for too long — when the cult of the leader retreated to all needs. We seek to recreate the historical retrospective of social and everyday life conditions in state institutions of childcare during the 1920's and 1930's. We are determined to clarify whether present-day troubles are rooted in history or it exclusively problems of a contemporary nature. The relevance of the research.In contemporary European space, the policy of child-centrism is supported. Due to different circumstances, the category of children who have lost the opportunity of parental care is systematically replenished. Such children frequently go into the care of the state. Furthermore, it is the state institutions that must create all the conditions for a harmonious upbringing of every child. That is the concept of childhood care in developed European countries which methods had been shaped in the first quarter of the last century. Unfortunately, the lives of Ukrainian citizens under the totalitarian system of the Soviet empire excluded the possibility of decent and full-fledged education and development of children, especially the children who lost the opportunity of family education. In this article, we tend to analyse the conditions created by the Soviet totalitarian system in the juvenile sphere. Applying the methods of historical retrospective, we characterise the social and living conditions which were created for the children of Soviet Ukraine during the 1920's and early 1930's. The scientific novelty. Despite the representative historiographical achievements, there are many poorly researched issues. They include the structure of state childcare institutions and the level of their social and welfare provision, clarification of the causes regarding hidden child homelessness, as well as characterizing the totalitarian state's attitude toward children who lost their ability to bring up family. This article dedicated to the disclosure of these aspects. The purpose and the objectives of the research. In this article, we aim to analyse the complex experience of forming a network of childcare institutions in the Ukrainian SSR. We intend to find out the reasons for the emergence of a large category of orphans, homeless children and fatherless children to characterise the state measures and their results aimed at overcoming the difficult situation, based on archival documents. We tend to analyse the level of social and financial support of state child care institutions and the moods of the dependents themselves and their educators and teachers. The methodological framework of the research is based on a set of principles and methods which application allows to reveal the topic. The basis was a civilizational approach which provides for the consideration of institutions of state custody of children in the system «orphans and homeless children — institutions of state care» taking into account the fact of specific historical, as well as civilizational properties of the era of the so-called «formation of the Soviet command system». Conclusions of the research. As a result of the social and political turmoil of the 1914–1922 period, a large category of children who had been deprived of family care had formed in Ukraine. According to the logic of the development of a civilized country, the government of the state had to take care of disadvantaged infants. However, this order of things is not possible in a totalitarian country where the leader's cult and ideological terror became dominant in public relations. The children had poorly cared. In the conditions of economic collapse, the funds allocated by the state were not enough. Moreover, there was a lack of teaching staff too. The incidence and mortality rate exceeded up to 50% of the total orphans in foster homes. Difficult living conditions, poor nutrition, lack of proper linen and clothing affected the weak children. And under such a situation, due to lack of finances, the state went on reducing the number of child care institutions. At the beginning of the 1930s, the situation in orphanages became even more complicated. As a result of the removal of these institutions from the state supply, the children were as good as doomed. The state was not a protector of children but a powerful conveyor of infant mortality — children suffered unsanitary conditions, hunger and sickness, catastrophic lack of necessary clothing and shoes. However, the totalitarian machine was indifferent as it solemnly celebrated the anniversary of the pioneer, then the launch of the Dniprobud then arranged demonstrative «tours» for foreign tourists. The «state children» in Soviet Ukraine were absolutely unnecessary. This could not but affect their psychological and physical condition. Unfortunately, they could not count on salvation. Keywords: children's homelessness, foster care, orphanages, social and everyday life conditions. ; В статті проаналізовано причини появи численної категорії безпритульних дітей в 1920-хрр., охарактеризовано заходи держави щодо подолання дитячої безпритульності. З'ясовано кроки, які вживали громадські та державні установи для подолання даної ситуації. Визначено причини занедбаного стану дитячих притулків. В умовах господарської розрухи коштів, що виділяла держава, хронічно не вистачало. Бракувало й педагогічних кадрів. У результаті в притулках спостерігалися високий рівень захворювань дітей на інфекційні недуги та дитяча смертність. Тим не менше, в умовах тоталітарної держави всі факти проявів дитячого маргінесу ретельно приховувалися. Було офіційно проголошено про остаточне подолання дитячої безпритульності. На початку 1930-хрр. на державних дітей очікували ще жорстокіші випробовування: в 1931р. дитячі заклади виведено з-під державного постачання, через що там суттєво зросла смертність. Ключові слова: дитяча безпритульність, дитячі притулки, патронат, соціально-побутові умови.

The article explores the problem of the ideology of Putinism. It draws attention to the fact that in modern analytical texts about the phenomenon of Putinism, the dispute between scholars has shifted toward clarifying its ideological foundations. A few years ago, an intense scientific debate about the correctness of usage of the term "Putinism" itself took place. The authors investigate the current analytical publications on the ideological foundations of Putinism. The article points out the divergence of views of researchers on the existence of state ideological doctrine developed in the current Kremlin regime. The purpose of this article is defined as proving the fact that Putinism is not only a practical but also an ideological phenomenon of our age. The authors conclude that the ideology of Putinism exists. It seems convincing to consider Putinism as an ideological doctrine of the hybrid type, the general characteristic of which can be defined as neo-imperialism of the autocratic type with the elements of totalitarianism, "assembled" from a set of different doctrines of the past and present. Among them: Pan-Slavism, Russo-Centrism, Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism, Duginism (ideologically extremely close to the ideology of the Third Reich and the ideologists of the German "conservative revolution" at the same time, according to L. Lux), Messianism, Isolationism, Anti-Westernism and Anti-Americanism, Neo-Stalinism, Orthodox Fundamentalism, the role of the strong leader. Putinism as a neo-imperialist ideology is in line with the Kremlin's practice, beginning with Putin's rise to power when neo-colonial wars began on the perimeter of the former Soviet empire. It is partly orientated to suppress internal separatist movements, as it was in the case of Chechnya and partly to attempts to "gathering lands" as in the case of Georgia and now – of Ukraine.