The rhetoric and the stylistics – the choice of text style, genre, and rhetorical devices – of Soviet bad news discourse is analysed in this paper. This discourse is represented by 193 reports regarding disasters, crimes, and violation of socialistic moral which were published in the daily paper Komjaunimo tiesa (eng. The Truth of the Komsomol) in 1970–1973. It was found that the bad news in the selection of official texts of this period distinguishes by a much lower register of Newspeak – unlike as in the articles of first pages, there is almost no pathos here, the militaristic metaphors are used in the text of the article only, but they cannot be seen in the headings. One of the main rhetorical devices is an irony, which is created by using phraseology, jargon, famous quotes, dialogues, etc., – everything, which looks like a daily colloquial language. The choice of text form which is more related to fiction than to journalism (essay, satire) may be treated as one of the pretexts which justify in the eyes of the readers an idea of an author to write in a different language than it was ordinary in the context of ideologized press language of that period. By using the corresponding rhetoric, they believed to accomplish the propagandistic aim of these texts more efficiently – to suggest an image of more safe, democratic, successful, and self-critical country than it really was.
The author analyses the introduction of the Soviet civil ceremony of "Red" weddings in postwar Bashkiria in order to eliminate religious beliefs, ethnic customs, and territorial differences by means of uniting youth for the purpose of solving existing social problems. The author refers to Bashkir periodicals of the 1920s, field materials, funds of the national archive of the Republic of Bashkortostan, and publications on the ethnography of the peoples of the republic. Red weddings in Bashkiria were first mentioned on 2 October 1923. In 1924, they were organised in towns, canton centres, and factory settlements among Komsomol members, non-party people, and clerks. In rural areas, attempts to impose new rituals on the public failed. As was explained by Bashkir newspapers, Komsomol leaders in the countryside were economically dependent on their parents and had to agree to their conditions. Additionally, this failure to introduce new practices was explained by the fact that it proved impossible to "develop" and "bring up" one of the spouses, usually a non-Komsomol member. According to field and archival materials, rural areas continued observing their old traditions in the 1920s, keeping patriarchal customs, and conservative worldview. This was particularly true about the Bashkir Trans-Urals, which still preserved a nomadic lifestyle, polygamy, and bride price. In Priuralye Bashkir settlements, there were rare cases of so-called demonstration Red weddings. Overall, the author finds data about Red wedding practices among Russians, Bashkirs, Tatars, Ukrainians, Chuvash, and Estonians. By the late 1920s, Red weddings had stopped as they were discredited in the public's opinion and there had been a change in the political course of the country. ; Представлен анализ опыта Башкирии по внедрению в послереволюционные годы советского гражданского обряда «красная свадьба» с целью искоренения религиозных верований, этнических обычаев и территориальных различий через единение молодежи в деле решения актуальных социальных проблем. В качестве источников использованы периодика Башкирии 1920-х гг., полевые материалы автора последних лет, фонды Национального архива Республики Башкортостан, опубликованные работы по этнографии народов республики. Первое упоминание «красной свадьбы» в Башкирии датируется 2 октября 1923 г. В 1924 г. она проводилась в городах, кантонных центрах и заводских поселках среди комсомольцев, беспартийных рабочих и служащих. В сельской местности попытки навязать новый обряд взамен традиционных ритуалов оказались безуспешными. Газеты Башкирии этот факт объясняли тем, что даже комсомольские лидеры на селе имели экономическую зависимость от родителей и вынужденно соглашались на их условия. Оправданием считалось и то, что одного из супругов-некомсомольцев не удалось «развить» и «воспитать». По полевым и архивным материалам, в 1920-е гг. село в основном продолжало жить по обычаям предков, сохраняя патриархальные порядки и консервативное мировоззрение. Особенно это касается башкирского Зауралья, где сохранялись кочевой образ жизни, многоженство и калым. В приуральских башкирских селах имелись редкие случаи проведения показательной «красной» свадьбы. В целом выявлены сведения о «красной» свадьбе в быту русских, башкир, татар, украинцев, чувашей и эстонцев. К концу 1920-х гг. «красные» обряды перестали проводиться в связи с дискредитацией их в сознании населения и сменой политического курса страны.
The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization.In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population.The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis. ; The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization.In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population.The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization.In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population.The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis. ; The political regime, which was rebuilt in the Western Ukraine at the final stage of world war II and can be defined as a kind of Soviet subtype of totalitarianism – Stalinism, has been characterized. It has been revealed the essential characteristics of the political activity of the population of the Western regions of the USSR in conditions of liberation from Nazi occupation, and stands of Stalin totalitarian regime, which was aimed at prevention of any manifestations of negative political mobilization.In the article it has been analyzed the political, legal, institutional and procedural mechanisms of the formation of structures of the Stalinist totalitarian regime in Western Ukraine, in the period after the liberation of the region from the fascist occupation, that were in the restoration and consolidation of the dominant role of the party committees and the formation of a controlled their range workers Soviet, Komsomol, economic organizations, organs of the NKVD and KGB, as an organized force to control political mobility of the local population.The violent nature of the political mobilization of the population in the Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in support of the new political regime in countering departments of the UPA and OUN underground has been shown. It has been revealed the communicative manipulating-raising mechanisms of the formation among the population of the Western region of positive political mobilization against the new government. The negative consequences of the spread and dominance among the population liberated from the Nazi occupation of Western Ukraine controversial type of political mobilization of the contemporary socio-political conditions and present are under the analysis.
"Through interviews with leading participants on both sides, prominent Russian journalist Galina Sapozhnikova captures the political and human dimensions of betrayal and disillusionment that led to the collapse of the 20th century's greatest experiment in social engineering, and what happened to the men and women who struggled to destroy or save it. Termed "color" revolutions by the worldwide media, these various movements developed in several societies in the former Soviet Union and the Baltic states during the early 2000s. In reality, they were US intelligence operations which covertly instigated, supported and infiltrated protest movements with a view to triggering "regime change" under the banner of a pro-democracy uprising. The objective was to manipulate elections, initiate violence, foment social unrest and use the resulting protest movement to topple an existing government in order to install a compliant pro-US government. What were the many tactics deployed in Lithuania, only now recognized as one of the first, to galvanize the popular uprising? Was Gorbachev's role duplicitous and anti-USSR? What was the role of Eugene Sharp in this grand show of historic transformation? Is nationalism a force to be welcomed or feared? How did the political shape-shifters act - the former Komsomol and Communist Party executives, who took high posts in the new "democratic" governments? What happened to the pro-democracy forces and to those they defeated in the aftermath? How has all this worked out for Lithuania? This book not only exposes the process, but sheds light on how these events play out, post regime-change. It is key to grasping the template that today underlies similar events in Syria, Ukraine, Venezuela, Iran and likely elsewhere, going forward"--
The personnel matter in the physical culture movement from 1918 through 1930 has not yet practically become the object of special study, despite the fact that the success of this movement which was given an important role in education of "new man" and mobilization of labor resources in Soviet state depended to a large extent on solving the staffing problem. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of this problem in the above-mentioned period. The author examines patterns in the qualitative and quantitative changes in the cadre of instructors, as well as identifies the factors that influenced this process. An acute shortage of instructors (coaches) was a characteristic phenomenon in these years. Since physical education was to become one of the most important tools of education in the spirit of communist ideals and at the same time a method of restoring the health of the population, it was necessary to make the physical culture movement a mass movement, and therefore it required a large instructor staff. According to the materials reviewed, there were a number of problems on the way to achieve large-scale participation. The principal one was financial, so the number of educational institutions and courses grew extremely slowly, and the instructors were often not interested in high quality work. Another problem was the social composition of the instructor cadres, since physical education, according to Soviet ideologists, could not be apolitical and exist for the sake of sports achievements. The situation was aggravated by the inconsistency of the work of various departments and organizations. All these facts taken together led the Soviet leadership to the conviction that the problem could not be solved without strict regulation and control of personnel training, as well as large-scale financial support. The system of management of the physical culture movement was radically rebuilt, and the shortage of personnel was comprehensively solved due to the decisions of the Party and the Soviet government, Komsomol and trade unions in 1929 and 1930.
The biography of a first Soviet researcher of the history of the Volyn Germans, Samuel Nickel, is presented and analyzed on the basis of the materials of the archives and judicial investigation. The main focus is made on the circumstances of his arrest, his "crime" investigation and Nickel's long struggle for his justification, including against the blame about the content of his book «Germans in Volyn».
Samuel Nickel came from background of the German colonists of Eastern Volyn. In the early 1920s he joined the Komsomol, that helped him get higher education at the Zhytomyr Institute of Public Education. It was the basis of his rapid career development in the field of education and in the local bodies of Soviet power. In 1927 he became a member of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks of Ukraine.
In 1931–1935 S. Nickel worked in Kharkiv at the important positions in the editions of the German speaking Soviet journals. In 1935 he finished his book about the history of the Volyn Germans and it was published under the title «Die deutschen in Wolhynien» («Germans in Volyn»).
In October 1935 he was arrested by NKVD. He was accused of anti-Soviet propaganda and campaigning. A separate point of accusation was against his book «Germans in Volyn». The investigation was not fair, and there was lack of evidences against the author. S. Nickel bravely fought for himself, but in 1936 he was convicted by the court. He was trying to defend his book and his honest name for many years. He was exonerated in 1960.
One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum. ; One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum.
[abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] The rhetoric and the stylistics – the choice of text style, genre, and rhetorical devices – of Soviet badnews discourse is analysed in this paper. This discourse is represented by 193 reports regarding disasters,crimes, and violation of socialistic moral which were published in the daily paper Komjaunimo tiesa (eng.The Truth of the Komsomol) in 1970–1973. It was found that the bad news in the selection of official textsof this period distinguishes by a much lower register of Newspeak – unlike as in the articles of first pages,there is almost no pathos here, the militaristic metaphors are used in the text of the article only, but theycannot be seen in the headings. One of the main rhetorical devices is an irony, which is created by usingphraseology, jargon, famous quotes, dialogues, etc., – everything, which looks like a daily colloquiallanguage. The choice of text form which is more related to fiction than to journalism (essay, satire) maybe treated as one of the pretexts which justify in the eyes of the readers an idea of an author to write ina different language than it was ordinary in the context of ideologized press language of that period. Byusing the corresponding rhetoric, they believed to accomplish the propagandistic aim of these texts moreefficiently – to suggest an image of more safe, democratic, successful, and self-critical country than itreally was. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje tiriama sovietmečio blogųjų naujienų diskurso, kurį tyrime reprezentuoja 1970–1972 m. dienraštyje "Komjaunimo tiesa" paskelbti 193 pranešimai apie nelaimes, nusikaltimus ir socialistinės moralės pražangas, stilistika ir retorika – tekstų stiliaus, žanrų ir retorinių priemonių pasirinkimas. Nustatyta, kad to laikotarpio oficialių tekstų masyve blogosios naujienos išsiskiria kur kas žemesniu naujakalbės registru – skirtingai nei pirmųjų puslapių straipsniuose, čia beveik nėra patoso, militaristinės metaforos vartojamos tik straipsnio tekste, bet jų nematyti antraštėse. Viena pagrindinių retorinių priemonių – ironija, kuri kuriama pasitelkiant frazeologiją, žargoną, žinomas citatas, dialogus ir pan. – visa tai, kas primenakasdienę šnekamąją kalbą. Beletristikai nei publicistikai artimesnės tekstų formos (apybraižos, satyros) pasirinkimą galima traktuoti kaip vieną iš pretekstų, skaitytojo akyse pateisinusių autoriaus sumanymą rašyti kitokia kalba to meto ideologizuotos spaudos kalbos kontekste. Manytina, kad atitinkama retorika tikėtasi efektyviau įgyvendinti propagandinį šių tekstų tikslą – įteigti saugesnės, demokratiškesnės, sėkmingesnės, nei yra, ir savikritiškos šalies įvaizdį.
В данной статье автор рассматривает комсомол как объект политического контроля. В то же время учитывается, что антирелигиозные действия самого комсомола были составной частью политического контроля над повседневной жизнью советского человека, оказывали существенное влияние на формирование правил и запретов советского общества. Показано, что повседневная жизнь молодежи, в том числе самих комсомольцев, все шире и настойчивее вовлекалась в сферу влияния политического контроля. Определена зависимость модификаций повседневной жизни от общекультурного уровня партийных и комсомольских лидеров. ; The author considers Komsomol as an object of political control, at the same time takes into account that Komsomol anti-religious activity was a part of political control over the daily life of the soviet people, had a significant influence on the formation of the rules and prohibitions of the soviet society, shows that the daily life of young people, including Komsomol members, was increasingly and insistently becoming involved in the sphere of political control influence, and determines the dependence of daily life modifications on the party and Komsomol leaders' general cultural level.
Публикуемый фрагмент воспоминаний профессора А.И. Авруса посвящен периоду комсомольской юности мемуариста, роли и месте комсомольской организации в жизни советской школы и Саратовского университета в 1940-1950 годах. Основываясь на личных впечатлениях, автор рассказывает об участии комсомольцев в различных сферах университетской жизни: партийной, спортивной, культурной и хозяйственной. ; Published a fragment of Professor A.I. Avrus memories dedicated period of Komsomol youth memoirist, the role and place of the Komsomol organization in the life of the Soviet school and Saratov University in 1940-1950 years. Based on personal impressions, the author talks about the participation of members of the Komsomol in various areas of university life: political, sports, cultural and economic.
The paper is devoted to the civic (communist) education of Soviet citizens in Soviet Ukraine of the second half of the 20th century. The process of formation of social and political values and aims system providing the legitimacy of the Party and Soviet regime is analyzed in the paper.Civic education took place during the process of socialization of the individual through the system of social relations and education. Political socialization was directed by the Party and state bodies, had a communist-oriented outlook and was practically reduced to ideological education. Formation of communist consciousness began in kindergarten, continued in the first classes of «Little Octobrists», pioneer detachments, Komsomol camps.The main task of the Soviet school was to impart the sense of civic duty of the communism builder to the students. Forming of ideological conviction and communism morality was an integral part of the educational process and was combined with atheistic and internationalist education. Much attention was paid to the training of the feelings of Soviet patriotism based on the heroic history of the Party, its leaders, the heroic deeds of pioneers, Komsomol members, and red commanders during the Civil and World War II.In the Party, in its middle and upper ranks, the cycle of political socialization completed. The «moral code of the communism builder» included a class assessment, political approach, and formation of communist ideology values – democracy, equality, public ownership, internationalism. Communitarianism, high awareness of civic duty, and an inseparability of personal interests with a state need were cultivated.Officially approved holidays with mass demonstrations, the media, literature and the arts, films and television were widely used for political propaganda, the formation of communist ideology and political identity. The party education system contributed significantly to the formation of communist worldviews and values of Soviet workers.Despite the generally deceitful aims, the membership in mass children and youth organizations, together with other types of education and training, contributed to the identification of workers with the existing socialism social order, the development of collectivism feelings, national solidarity, and pride in the greatness of Soviet State. ; Представлена общая модель организации гражданского (коммунистического) воспитание в советской Украине второй половины ХХ в. Анализируется процесс формирования у советских граждан системы социально-политических ценностей, установок, обеспечивающих легитимность партийно-советской системы. Внимание акцентировано на процессе политической социализации, происходившей на протяжении всей жизни. Доказано, что политическая социализация была направлена партией и государственными органами, имела коммунистически ориентированную мировоззренческую направленность и практически была сведена к идеологическому воспитанию. ; Представлено загальну модель організації громадянського (комуністичного) виховання у радянській Україні другої половини ХХ ст. Аналізується процес формування у радянських громадян системи соціально-політичних цінностей, установок, що забезпечували легітимність партійно-радянської системи. Увагу акцентовано на процесі політичної соціалізації, що відбувалася впродовж всього життя. Доведено, що політична соціалізація була скерована партією та державними органами, мала комуністично-орієнтовану світоглядну спрямованість і практично була зведена до ідеологічного виховання.
