Mythes politiques et identités sociales
In: Mythos in Medien und Politik, S. 73-81
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In: Mythos in Medien und Politik, S. 73-81
In: Das Fremde in der Gesellschaft: Migration, Ethnizität und Staat, S. 411-426
In: Raison(s) d'Etat(s) en Europe: traditions, usages, recompositions, S. 173-195
In: Raison(s) d'Etat(s) en Europe: traditions, usages, recompositions, S. 35-52
In: Die Rückkehr des Politischen: Demokratietheorien heute, S. 19-42
In: Konflikt, Entwicklung, Frieden: emanzipatorische Perspektiven in einer zerrissenen Welt ; eine Festschrift für Werner Ruf, S. 44-54
In: Arbeiter und Bürger im 19. Jahrhundert: Varianten ihres Verhältnisses im europäischen Vergleich, S. 75-78
In: On cruelty, S. 211-230
"Cruelty is a specific kind of human behaviour and has a clearly cultural dimension. It is often the result of passions and drives, accompanied by the breaking of taboos and a crossing of boundaries that cultures have raised to prevent the moral regression of mankind. Cruelty is also a "rational" way to acquire and stabilize political power. Both the atrocities themselves and the accusations of cruelty are instruments of power. The political efficiency of cruelty depends on the fear and awe, which it produces. Seneca regarded cruelty as the main attribute of tyranny. Through its imagery (like the bull of Phalaris) it breaks possible resistance and establishes despotism permanently. In the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times cruelty was considered a necessary evil in order to realize superior positive goals. So did the inquisitors, and so did Machiavelli who regarded cruelty not only as a means to the acquisition and preservation of power. The prince should also use cruelty to unify Italy and to build a stable and peaceful political order. Later, the understanding that cruelties are necessary to achieve good ends did not fall into oblivion, in spite of all criticism of Machiavelli's thought. In totalitarianism the aim of cruelty was not primarily the infliction of pain, but the abolition of individualism and the enforcement of the belief in a general law, which rules mankind. This could be either the law of history like during the French Revolution and in socialist states, or the 'natural law' of social Darwinism in the National Socialist and Fascist regimes. After the breakdown of totalitarianism and the triumph of liberal democracy the question arises, if cruelties are necessary components of all politics. Although we can still find cruel policies in liberal democracies (see Guantanamo Bay), at the same time the struggle against cruelty is vital in these systems and explains the dominance of the discourse on human rights." (author's abstract)
In: Mythos in Medien und Politik, S. 156-164
In: edited volume
Chartism is considered as one of the first radical social movement of massive character in the nineteenth century Europe. Despite the fact that the movement lasted only several years it had a great influence on the political history of Great Britain, not only in the nineteenth century. The aim of this article is to present the history of the Chartist movement from the point of view of the social transformations observed in Great Britain during thirties and forties of the 19th century.
In: Verhandlungen des 9. Deutschen Soziologentages vom 9. bis 12. August 1948 in Worms: Vorträge und Diskussionen in der Hauptversammlung und in den Sitzungen der Untergruppen, S. 11-24