Suchergebnisse

Der Aufsatz behandelt die Weltraumforschung und deren rechtliche Rahmen­be­din­gun­gen in Japan. Gegenwärtig gehört Japan zu den diesbezüglich aktivsten Nationen. Seit Be­ginn der Forschungstätigkeit im Jahre 1955 arbeitet eine Reihe von japanischen Insti­tu­tionen an verschiedenen Projekten, und auch inter­nationale Kooperationen sind viel­fältig. Mit der Weltraumforschung verbinde Japan auch ins­besondere wirt­schaft­liche und industrielle Interessen. Dabei sei es eines der Länder, das den Welt­raum­touri­smus besonders fördern möchte. Derzeit werde ver­sucht, staatliche und wirt­schaft­liche Pro­jekte stärker in eine Kooperation einzu­binden. Japan habe die wesentlichen mul­ti­lateralen völkerrechtlichen Verträge über die Nutzung des Weltraums ratifiziert. Darüber hinaus gebe es ein Gesetz für die Errich­tung und Aufgaben der National Space Development Agen­cy (NASDA). Ein spezielles Gesetz, das private Welt­raum­for­schung von japanischen Institu­tionen reguliert, habe Japan der­zeit noch nicht. Es solle aber wie auch Deutsch­land darüber nachdenken, ein solches zu schaffen, da die Über­wachung privater Aktivitäten nach dem Völkerrecht den Staaten über­lassen sei, von denen sie ausgehen. Ferner existiere noch das Grund­gesetz über Wissen­schaft und Tech­nologie, das die staat­liche Beteiligung im Rahmen allgemeiner wis­sen­schaftlicher und tech­ni­scher For­schungs­projekte regele sowie ver­schiedene zwi­schen­staatliche Ab­kom­men zur Koope­ra­tion bei der Weltraumforschung, ein­schließ­lich des Betriebes der Inter­na­tional Space Station (ISS). (die Red.) ; Der Aufsatz behandelt die Weltraumforschung und deren rechtliche Rahmen­be­din­gun­gen in Japan. Gegenwärtig gehört Japan zu den diesbezüglich aktivsten Nationen. Seit Be­ginn der Forschungstätigkeit im Jahre 1955 arbeitet eine Reihe von japanischen Insti­tu­tionen an verschiedenen Projekten, und auch inter­nationale Kooperationen sind viel­fältig. Mit der Weltraumforschung verbinde Japan auch ins­besondere wirt­schaft­liche und industrielle Interessen. Dabei sei es eines der Länder, das den Welt­raum­touri­smus besonders fördern möchte. Derzeit werde ver­sucht, staatliche und wirt­schaft­liche Pro­jekte stärker in eine Kooperation einzu­binden. Japan habe die wesentlichen mul­ti­lateralen völkerrechtlichen Verträge über die Nutzung des Weltraums ratifiziert. Darüber hinaus gebe es ein Gesetz für die Errich­tung und Aufgaben der National Space Development Agen­cy (NASDA). Ein spezielles Gesetz, das private Welt­raum­for­schung von japanischen Institu­tionen reguliert, habe Japan der­zeit noch nicht. Es solle aber wie auch Deutsch­land darüber nachdenken, ein solches zu schaffen, da die Über­wachung privater Aktivitäten nach dem Völkerrecht den Staaten über­lassen sei, von denen sie ausgehen. Ferner existiere noch das Grund­gesetz über Wissen­schaft und Tech­nologie, das die staat­liche Beteiligung im Rahmen allgemeiner wis­sen­schaftlicher und tech­ni­scher For­schungs­projekte regele sowie ver­schiedene zwi­schen­staatliche Ab­kom­men zur Koope­ra­tion bei der Weltraumforschung, ein­schließ­lich des Betriebes der Inter­na­tional Space Station (ISS). (die Red.)

Shipping list no.: 2005-0032-P. ; "July 2003." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "In 2001, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) began undertaking a new effort--the Space Launch Initiative (SLI)--to develop a new generation of space transportation vehicles. SLI is expected to result in development of the second generation of reusable launch vehicles, the space shuttle being the first generation. NASA plans to define basic requirements for its second-generation reusable launch vehicle--that is, what the crew size will be, what the payload capacity will be, and what designs or architectures are worth pursuing--by November 2002. However, considerable challenges must be addressed before NASA can accomplish this. First, NASA has to complete a reassessment of its overall space transportation plans. Second, NASA is currently reassessing the future of the International Space Station. The decisions it will make as part of this evaluation, such as how many crew will operate the station, will have a dramatic impact on NASA's requirements for a second-generation vehicle. Third, NASA needs to decide whether the SLI program will be developed jointly with the Department of Defense (DOD) and, if so, how can it accommodate DOD's requirements for a reusable launch vehicle. Until NASA finalizes its basic requirements for SLI, it cannot implement management controls that are essential to predicting what the total costs of the program will be and to minimizing the risks with NASA's planned initial investment of $4.8 billion. It is important for NASA to implement management controls for SLI as soon as possible, so that it can provide its managers and Congress with the information needed to ensure that the program is on track and able to meet expectations."

The 20th century brought the most horrific weapons and most devastating wars in the history of human civilization. It also gave us the most breathtaking discoveries and technological breakthroughs, including the opening up of outer space to human reach. The commercialization of outer space is one of the most significant developments of our time, giving us an opportunity to put the richness of this medium to the betterment of human conditions on Earth on an increasingly widening scale. Technological advances have also made space more important militarily. A puzzle now is whether the commercialization of outer space facilitates international cooperation in the security realm or makes interstate relations more competitive in the fourth medium. This study tries to address the issue of outer space security by placing it within the realist-liberal debate on economic interdependence and international conflict and cooperation. It shows that as the post-Cold War transition era drew to its close, security interests of the United States, on the one hand, and Russia and China, on the other, continued to diverge with regard to space security. The sole international intergovernmental organization charged with the negotiations on space security issues failed to bridge the differences and bring about compromises among the major space players. As a result, a new space security regime regulating expanding military uses of space has not emerged. Liberal expectations fail on two important accounts. Firstly, the cost-benefit analysis that lies in the heart of the argument of liberal pacification consists of the costs of fighting a war as well as the opportunity costs of war and the former has not necessarily increased with technological progress and, even with greater commercialization of outer space, the latter may not necessarily offset the trend in the former. Secondly, the liberal expectation that expanding commercial relations between states would gradually lead to progressive de-legitimization of the use force has so far failed to materialize with respect to outer space.

Where it divides Arizona and Sonora, the international boundary between Mexico and the United States is both a political reality, literally expressed by a fence, and, to a considerable degree, a cultural illusion. Mexican, Anglo, and Native American cultures straddle the fence; people of various ethnic backgrounds move back and forth across the artificial divide, despite increasing obstacles to free movement. On either side is found a complex cultural mix of ethnic, religious, and occupational groups. In A Shared Space James Griffith examines many of the distinctive folk expressions of this varied cultural region. ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/usupress_pubs/1067/thumbnail.jpg

"NAVEDTRA 14168A." ; Appendix and index missing. ; "January 2002." ; Shipping list no.: 2003-0208-P. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This report gives an overview of China's Space program and the contents include launch activities, principles, funding, military space activities, international cooperation

"Dictionary of basic military terms, USSR, 1965." ; "November 1987"--P. iv. ; Shipping list no.: 87-684-P. ; "Mastery of space is an important prerequisite for achieving victory in war." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Fighter Pilots students undertake an intense 120-day training program. New classes of students enter the training program at regular interval. Students endured rigorous academic, simulator, and aircraft training throughout the program. Squadron schedulers ensure the multiple classes and students are scheduled for the activities. Simulator and aircraft training are scheduled individual for each student. Academic training are taught to the class. Aircraft utilization must also be considered. Aircraft Sortie training are also constrained by daylight hours. Additionally, students are limited to a maximum of three training events in a given day. Squadron schedulers must balance these requirements to ensure students meet their training requirements and successfully graduate. The dynamic training environment requires advanced robust schedules with flexibility to accommodate changes. A Visual Interactive Modeling approach is used to generate schedules. Current schedules are being generated manually with an Excel spreadsheet. Taking advantage of Excel's Visual Basic Programming language, the Excel tool is modified in several ways. Scheduling Dispatch rules are implemented to automatically generate feasible schedules. Graphical User Interfaces are used to create a user-friendly environment. Schedulers guide the schedule building process to produce a robust schedule. An attrition environment is created to simulate attrition probabilities of aircraft sortie training due to operations, maintenance, weather, and other cancellations. Analysis of dispatch rules are analyzed.

"April 1990." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "The United States is increasingly dependent on space for its security and well being. The Department of Defense's (DOD) space systems collect information on capabilities and intentions of potential adversaries. They enable military forces to be warned of a missile attack and to communicate and navigate while avoiding hostile action. DOD's efforts to strengthen space control are targeted at seeking to promote better coordination among DOD components, prioritization of projects, visibility and accountability over funding, and interoperability among systems. Among other things, DOD is drafting a space control strategy that is to outline objectives, tasks, and capabilities for the next 20 years. It has also aggregated funding for space programs so that it can compare space funding, including space control funding, to its total budget, make decisions about priorities, and conduct future-trend analyses. In addition, DOD has changed its acquisition policy to include separating technology development from product development and encouraging an evolutionary, or phased, approach to development. There are, however, substantial challenges to making DOD's space control efforts successful. One challenge is putting needed plans in place to provide direction and hold the services accountable for implementing departmentwide priorities for space control. Further, DOD's draft space control strategy has been completed and does not yet define roles and responsibilities among the services, departmentwide priorities and end states, and concrete milestones. Finally DOD's aggregation of space funding is not a plan that targets investments at priority areas for DOD overall."

International audience ; Introduction Geography and politics'', Gottmann wrote in 1980, ``have long been in search of each other'' (page 11). Debates in the literature suggest not only that they have found each other, but also that the encounter has instigated, notably in the last decade or so, a body of literature seeking to think space politically, and to think politics spatially. This is not to suggest that previous work on space was apolitical, nor to suggest that previous work on politicsöat least in geography and urban studies öwas aspatial. (1) This is to suggest, however, that the issue of geography and politics has since become a significant issue orienting research and informing theoretical endeavors. More so, perhaps, in geography and urban studies as exemplified by the works, among many others,. Although the response of political theorists to this encounter has been less marked, (2) some of the recent work suggests that its effects have not been one-sided (Bickford, 2000; Kohn, 2003; for an earlier example see Shapiro and Neubauer, 1989). In this paper, which also is a product of this encounter, I engage with the issue of space and politics' through a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's theorization of politics. `Politics' is qualified, for, as we will see, different understandings of politicsöand of the political'öhave different implications for the links between space and politics. Politics is commonly indicated by the presence of power or by the multiplicity of interests, power, and values. The political, in the first view, is signaled by the presence of any human relations organized by power'', whereas in the second it is signaled by the distinct problematic of negotiating the powers and values of enduring collectivities'' (Brown, 2002, page 569). The problem these understandings of the political pose for political Abstract. In this paper I offer a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's conceptualization of politics, and consider its implications for the links between space, politics, and the political. I provide an overview of Rancie© re's conceptualizations of the police', politics, and the political, and try to recover the spatiality of these notions. Based on this overview, the argument pursued in the paper is that space does not become political just by virtue of being full of power or competing interests. It becomes political by becoming the place where a wrong can be addressed and equality can be demonstrated. This definition makes space not only an integral element of the defining moment of the political, but an integral element of the disruption of the normalized order of domination as well.

International audience ; Introduction Geography and politics'', Gottmann wrote in 1980, ``have long been in search of each other'' (page 11). Debates in the literature suggest not only that they have found each other, but also that the encounter has instigated, notably in the last decade or so, a body of literature seeking to think space politically, and to think politics spatially. This is not to suggest that previous work on space was apolitical, nor to suggest that previous work on politicsöat least in geography and urban studies öwas aspatial. (1) This is to suggest, however, that the issue of geography and politics has since become a significant issue orienting research and informing theoretical endeavors. More so, perhaps, in geography and urban studies as exemplified by the works, among many others,. Although the response of political theorists to this encounter has been less marked, (2) some of the recent work suggests that its effects have not been one-sided (Bickford, 2000; Kohn, 2003; for an earlier example see Shapiro and Neubauer, 1989). In this paper, which also is a product of this encounter, I engage with the issue of space and politics' through a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's theorization of politics. `Politics' is qualified, for, as we will see, different understandings of politicsöand of the political'öhave different implications for the links between space and politics. Politics is commonly indicated by the presence of power or by the multiplicity of interests, power, and values. The political, in the first view, is signaled by the presence of any human relations organized by power'', whereas in the second it is signaled by the distinct problematic of negotiating the powers and values of enduring collectivities'' (Brown, 2002, page 569). The problem these understandings of the political pose for political Abstract. In this paper I offer a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's conceptualization of politics, and consider its implications for the links between space, politics, and the political. I provide an overview of Rancie© re's conceptualizations of the police', politics, and the political, and try to recover the spatiality of these notions. Based on this overview, the argument pursued in the paper is that space does not become political just by virtue of being full of power or competing interests. It becomes political by becoming the place where a wrong can be addressed and equality can be demonstrated. This definition makes space not only an integral element of the defining moment of the political, but an integral element of the disruption of the normalized order of domination as well.

This document examines the public spaces created by the built environment of the city and asks: How is it that the apparently benign and benevolent activity of designing public space can in fact reinforce values that effectively marginalise and exclude significant groups of people? It contrasts the consequences of design decisions that are based on a value system of 'either/or' with the possibility for designs based on 'both/and'. The perception of boundaries, the desire to dwell, the need to belong and the relationship of these phenomena to an understanding of 'self', is proposed as the key means for analysing how public space is experienced by the user. The document uses the language of barriers and boundaries to interrogate how the value systems of those with the control over resources is manifest in the built environment of the city, and examines the impact such environments have on the user's desire to 'dwell' and need to belong. The potential for an alternate paradigm based on a system that recognises 'both/and' to produce beneficial outcomes is then proposed, with a focus on an ethic of care to complement the ethic of justice that currently guides design decisions for public space. Personal interviews with architects, town planners, representatives from relevant government agencies, and users of public space, participation in public meetings and systematic observation of specific sites have been used to inform the argument and assess the validity of claims. The document is extended by a body of visual work that further interrogates the need to belong and broader issues of the primal significance of 'sanctuary' to the ability to 'dwell'. The making and maintaining of boundaries, necessary to form a sanctuary, is portrayed as a process fraught with insecurities and vulnerabilities necessitating, in circumstances where personal power or the ability to influence one's environment is diminished, the use of subversive tactics in order to create a space in which one can belong.

International audience ; Introduction Geography and politics'', Gottmann wrote in 1980, ``have long been in search of each other'' (page 11). Debates in the literature suggest not only that they have found each other, but also that the encounter has instigated, notably in the last decade or so, a body of literature seeking to think space politically, and to think politics spatially. This is not to suggest that previous work on space was apolitical, nor to suggest that previous work on politicsöat least in geography and urban studies öwas aspatial. (1) This is to suggest, however, that the issue of geography and politics has since become a significant issue orienting research and informing theoretical endeavors. More so, perhaps, in geography and urban studies as exemplified by the works, among many others,. Although the response of political theorists to this encounter has been less marked, (2) some of the recent work suggests that its effects have not been one-sided (Bickford, 2000; Kohn, 2003; for an earlier example see Shapiro and Neubauer, 1989). In this paper, which also is a product of this encounter, I engage with the issue of space and politics' through a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's theorization of politics. `Politics' is qualified, for, as we will see, different understandings of politicsöand of the political'öhave different implications for the links between space and politics. Politics is commonly indicated by the presence of power or by the multiplicity of interests, power, and values. The political, in the first view, is signaled by the presence of any human relations organized by power'', whereas in the second it is signaled by the distinct problematic of negotiating the powers and values of enduring collectivities'' (Brown, 2002, page 569). The problem these understandings of the political pose for political Abstract. In this paper I offer a reading of Jacques Rancie© re's conceptualization of politics, and consider its implications for the links between space, politics, and the political. I ...