Са политичким преокретом 2000. године у Србији отпочео је истовемено и процес идеолошког преобликовања јавних простора. Међу најпроминентнијим видовима оваквог деловања је именовање или преименовање урбаног простора, првенствено улица и тргова, те бављење постојећим споменицима и меморијалима, као и градња и планирање нових. Овакви су случајеви посебно били уочљиви у Београду. Њима су се у неколико наврата супротставиле одређене политичке партије, те неполитичке групе које су организовале уличне акције 'против-именовања' београдских улица, те кампање против новопланираних јавних споменика. Односи моћи и идентитетске политике у овим случајевима биће коментарисани у овом раду. Пропратиће се праксе неколико уметничких и политичких скупина које су спровеле акције и перформансе незваничног преименовања улица, или су пак дискутовале и противиле се подизању новопредложених споменика. (Пре)именовањем одређених градских простора, хегемонске политичке коалиције покушавају да конституишу сигнификантна симболичка места, док, са друге стране, опозиционе противакције покушавају да преузму та иста места и да их реинтерпретирају. У овом ће се раду покушати да прикажу и анализирају поједине идеолошке политике и званични дискурси сећања, те поједине уметничке и политичке контраполитике и опозиционе праксе алтернативне комеморације ; With the onset of political overturn in Serbia in 2000, the process of the ideological reconfiguration of public places was simultaneously being put in motion. One of the most promi- nent means of this endeavor was naming and renaming of urban space, primarily of streets and squares, but also treatment of existing memorial sites and monuments and commissioning and erection of new ones. These undertakings were especially prominent in Serbia's capital Belgrade. Such processes were opposed several times by certain political parties and groups which organized street-actions of counter-naming of Belgrade's thoroughfares and campaigns against newly designated public monuments, and power-play and identity politics of such proceedings will be commented on here. This paper will discuss practices of several artistic and political groups which carried out unofficial street-renaming actions and performances, or discussed and opposed proposed new memorials. By (re)naming certain urban spaces, hegemonic political coalitions are trying to construct significant symbolic places, while oppositional counter-actions are seeking to overtake those same places and reinterpret them. This paper will attempt to sum up and inquire into the ideological politics of official memory discourses and artistic and political counter-politics and actions of opposition or alternative commemoration.
The information technology is increasingly shaping human life. Thanks to it, the quantity of publicly accessible information has been extremely enlarged. There is also a greater number of people who use these information actively, which should make more space for the development of communication culture. However, there are certain problems. The information technology deprives man of many natural ways of communication. In spite of everything, man needs it. Then again, when using the information technology, he should not let himself to be a mere slave, but he should aspire to become the subject - an active agent of the process with all characteristics that make him human. (SOI : PM: S. 243)
From an extensive comparative study conducted in 27 European countries about the attitude of young people towards history, the winnowed variables show the attitude towards history and the causes of historical changes as well as the attitude towards nation and religion. The results (obtained from a sample including 1,025 Croatian high-school first-graders) show that the attitudes of young people towards history do not significantly differ from those in other European countries. However, the interest of young people for national problems, national communities and religion has increased. The attitude towards history is shaped by the factors that homogenize the living space of young people. (SOI : PM: S. 128)
This paper presents an overview of the latest experiences in ethnomusicological research based on the texts incorporated in this collection of works. These experiences emanate primarily from the local researchers' works on music of the Balkans, with a heightened theoretical and methodological dimension. The distinctive Balkan musical practices, created through the amalgamation of elements from different cultures, ethnicities, and religions, made this geo-cultural space intriguing not only to researchers from this very region but also to those from other cultural communities. A theoretical framework for interpreting these practices together with the contemporary research methods stem from interactions of local scientific communities' experiences, sources and practices they deal with, circumstances, ideologies and politics, including the influences of the world's dominant ethnomusicological communities as well as researchers' individual affinities and choices. A comparison with the research strategies applied in similar, transitory geo-cultural spaces contributes to a more complex exploration of the Balkan ethnomusicologists' experiences. ; Рад доноси преглед новијих искустава у етномузиколошким истраживањима музика Балкана, првенствено на основу радова који чине овај зборник. Пажња је кључно усмерена на теоријско-методолошку димензију. Специфичне музичке праксе Балкана, формиране амалгамисањем елемената различитих култура, етницитета и религија, учиниле су овај гео- културни простор интригантним не само за истраживаче из самог региона, већ и за оне из других културних средина. Теоријски оквири у којима се оне интерпретирају и методе које се данас користе у истраживањима резултат су интеракција искустава локалних научних заједница, извора и пракси којима се баве, околности, идеологија и политика, укључујући и утицаје доминантних светских етномузиколошких заједница и индивидуалних афинитета истраживача. Комплексније разматрање искустава етномузиколога са Балкана остварено је поређењима са истраживачким стратегијама примењиваним на сличним, транзиторним геокултурним просторима.
An examination of the concept of community from theoretical & political perspectives emphasizes the centrality of the question in contemporary societies. The impossibility of community, as one of the radical theses of political theory, is defined against the background of the real limitations of a global world that does not allow for the existence of community. The effectiveness of the thesis of the impossibility of community is tested using H. Kelsen's analysis of the parliamentary concept of democracy. In treating community as a political space where political & judicial systems & cultures meet, Kelsen's definition of community avoids the real manifestations of the world. Kelsen defines revolutions as political catastrophes that evoke the framework of the Other where freedom appears as the destruction of social integration. Adapted from the source document.
After the failure of the European constitutional process, the question of creating the European identity has become in the center of attention of the academic public again. According to the scientific literature about Europe it is mostly discussed as the set of institutional solutions, but not as the collective cultural space, the dominant paradigm discussing the European identity is the one that sees it as entirely political, indeed. The goal of this work is to show that insisting on creating of purely political European identity has its basic neither in theory nor in practice. In order to document the claim, in this work the author critically investigates different theoretical approaches studying the European identity and analyzing the results of available empirical researches tries to determine a role of cultural, civil and instrumental components in its creation.
The Republic of Slovenia, having obtained independence and sovereignty in the June-July war of 1991, launched the intensive buildup of the system of nationa security. As guidelines it used the experiences of other states, its own historical experience and the attitudes of the public and the political parties. The analysis of Slovenian national security shows that the threats to it come in the forms of military threats, internal threats and the threat to the living space. This was the reason that the system of national security was outlined as including the defense system, the security system, and the system of protection and preservation. Though encountering momentous problems in the build-up of the system of national security (particularly its military aspect), Slovenia has made remarkable shifts in order to embrace the NATO standards. However, it was not enough and Slovenia was not among the countries that were admitted to this organisation in the first wave - Poland, Czech Republic and Hungary. (SOI : PM: S. 102)