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The rapid development of the Internet has had an unprecedented impact on the improvement of the sociological method. At the turn of the millennium, this has led to the search for a new methodology and a gradual loss of interest to use of quantitative methods, which was perceived by specialists as a "crisis of empirical sociology". In the last decade, it turned out that almost all social processes of any level find their reflection in the virtual space, leave and accumulate so-called "digital footprints", which opens to researchers the widest perspectives for study of social reality. This article considers the features of digital primary information and generalized approaches to its use in terms of quantitative methodology. The author emphasizes that the classical sociological methods, which are based on mathematical statistics, are suitable for the analysis of digital reality and getting adequate research results. At the same time, as noted by most authors, who have studied this subject, there are perspectives for improving traditional sociological methods through: 1) a combination of representativeness of quantitative and depth of qualitative approaches to information analysis; 2) in-depth collection of paradata; 3) opportunities to study hard-to-reach social groups; 4) opportunities to fully implement the "principle of freedom from evaluation" due to the "non-reactivity" of digital data; 5) the ordering of digital footprints in space and time by clearly fixing the hosting. The post-demographic model of the social actor opens new ways to build samples of quantitative sociological research, which may be representative in terms of the classical sociological approach. The examples of research from this article show that the classical sociological method easily to adapt for the new digital reality and can be the basis for sociological consulting, development of social technologies in various spheres of social life.

The article deals with the essence of Ukrainian ethnic, national and ethnocultural processes and their influence on the development of the Ukrainian ethnocultural space as an object of Ukrainian studies. Ethnic processes have been found to be sequential changes that have occurred and will occur with the Ukrainian people throughout their development and existence as a self-sufficient ethnic community, and are directly related to the ethnogenesis of Ukrainians. It is proved that nation-building processes are complex transformations that occur both in a regular order (evolutionary) and abrupt (revolutionary) and contribute to the formation of a nation, the highest form of political structuring of the ethnic group and its further development and self-organization, which eventually lead to political emergence. nation, and the creation of Ukrainian civil society. It is shown, that the Ukrainian ethno-cultural processes is a process of a long-term historical development, in which Ukrainians created on the territories of their existence an ethno-cultural space based on the common origin and territories of Ukrainians, the existence of traditional Ukrainian culture, the intriduction of the Christian faith. It was pointed out that the Ukrainian ethnocultural space includes a peculiar and unique complex of material and spiritual culture of the Ukrainian people created during a long time, and acquired originality and perfection. Eight "conflicting points" in Ukrainian ethnocultural development have been determined. The synergistic interaction of ethnic, state-forming, nation-forming and ethno-cultural processes contributed to the long-time consistent development of the Ukrainians from a small ethnic community lived in the Middle Dnieper as their core trerritiry to the modern nation whose representatves are living on different continents.

The article's analysis focuses on the ontological aspects of social existence harmonious. Ethical principles of good are the main de-confliction mechanisms, factors that are reproduced and responsible for solving the problem of social and individual order. Universal ethical values - freedom, love, responsibility, creativity is a preexisting knowledge that produces, translates and reproduces the coherence practices of co-existence at both individual and social levels. It is revealed that the functionality of the latter is reproduced in the space of productive communication experience, which acquires personality in the social interaction context. The "threat" to ethical knowledge, which is the ontological basis of the social being organization, is the problem of ethics relativity. This problem arises and spreads as a result of the ethical knowledge objectification, its transformation into a thing. In other words, it is the transformation of universal values, the goals of ethics as spiritual phenomena, into the means of
achieving individual desire, personal well-being, the tools of satisfying my selfish desires, that transforms a person into a conformal consumer. From ancient hedonism to modern versions of transhumanism, ethical relativism theories continue to actively raise questions about the relevance of the ethical absolutism principles. It is noted that the dissonance that arises in connection with the actualization of the ethics relativism question indicates an aggravation of the formalization problem of spiritual knowledge. Consequently, ethical conformity is required to conform to the ontology of social being. This correspondence is based on the absoluteness of ethics as a condition for the functioning of harmonious social relations - on the one hand, and human development - on the other. Thus, the analysis of the consolidation mechanisms of human being, its integrity, harmony, should focus on the actualization of the ethical absolutism issue, which is particularly acute in today's conflict world. It is this perspective that explores the problems of integrating social and individual order and provides tools and solutions.

The article analyzes the conflict between the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) and the totalitarian government and its projection on the contemporary ethno-religious processes in Ukraine. It is shown that the UAOC as a kind of modern ecclesiastical structure created under the heavy influence of the stormy events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, was Ukrainian in spirit and form, and brought up respect for national history and culture among Ukrainians and became an object of prosecution during the the Great Terror. It was revealed that the UAOC continued to be a Ukrainian religious organization and professed love for Ukraine, and its hierarchs and priests in their sermons called on believers to be Ukrainians, to respect their mother tongue, cultural history, customs and traditions also during the second half of the 1920th half of the 1930es. The UAOC was consistently persecuted and exterminated by the repressive structures of the USSR. It is shown that the Soviet authorities decided to destroy the UAOC finally, and ordered the repressive authorities to end the so-called «Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists» in the ranks once and for all, so that the «Clergy» case concerning the activities of the Ukrainian counter-revolutionary national organization was fabricated. It has been revealed that the totalitarian regime accused the arrested believing Ukrainians of counter-revolutionary actions, the revival of church and religious life in Ukraine, the promotion of their own candidates in the upcoming elections to the Local Councils in order to incorporate their people into important state bodies in order to use foreign powers in the case of foreign intervention. It is established that as a result of the complex and purposeful repression of the totalitarian regime in Ukraine, the UAOC ceased its Ukrainian-centric activity and its remnants were finally destroyed. It is proved that only from the late 1980es, when the decline of communist ideology began, the Christians of Ukraine were able to restore Ukrainian church organizations, including the UAOC. It is revealed that the heavy post-colonial and post-totalitarian legacy and the subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of the Russian Orthodox Church and the former KGB agents have contributed to the escalation of conflicts in Ukraine.

The research is aimed at disclosing the threats to national security in the humanitarian sphere related to the need of outlining value- and sense-bearing contents in terms of social shifts, military actions, and an axiological crisis, as the actualization of historical and cultural heritage and ethnonational processes overlaps with the axiologically inhomogeneous and fragmentary modern sociocultural space. The complexity of national security policy formation is due to the fact that it must encompass social, economic, political, and cultural features of unity; create national space without denying the right to represent other identities. Thus, it is crucial to form the common sociocultural space as horizontal solidarity of the society based on the national identity's dominant values. The notion of national values must serve as a conceptual basis for such an approach as, along with the notion of national interests, it most fully depicts the specifics of the humanitarian sphere. The legacy of substance and spirit, as well as traditional ethnonational dimensions, which are fundamental for the national being of Ukraine and allow feeling a constant connection with the Motherland, form an essential foundation for the further representation of Ukrainians and their culture in Ukraine and abroad. The article draws attention to the insufficient depiction of humanitarian problems, the role of national values in the formation of national interests and goals in the strategic security documents of Ukraine. The fact of constructing fake identities and nourishing separatist tendencies in the regions of Ukraine as an element of hybrid warfare requires the state's reaction. Consideration of dominant meanings and values when working on legal documents in the educational field, language issue, and ethnocultural processes will allow the prognosis of conflict situations, security threats, and elaboration of tools to avoid the crisis.

The article focuses on the main trends in the revival of religion in the modern world, its active presence in global politics and international relations. It is substantiated that the religious revival at the turn of 1980-1990 in Ukraine, sharp Orthodox-Greek-Catholic and inter-Orthodox conflicts were the result of significant distortions of its institutional and confessional space caused by the party-Soviet religious policy. Special and specific signs of "return of religion" in Ukraine in the context of global religious changes, in particular, the dynamism, complexity and to this day the incompleteness of this process. The content and essential characteristics of the mutual influences of socio-cultural transformations and dynamics of changes in the religious complex of modern Ukraine, the influence of events related to the Revolution of Dignity and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war in the East of the country are analyzed. Peculiarities of life and social positioning of the main actors of the Ukrainian religious landscape, in particular, institutions of the Orthodox complex, UGCC, Protestant denominations, Islamic community, new religious movements are revealed. A number of difficult challenges facing the newly formed Orthodox Church of Ukraine are substantiated - ensuring internal unity, minimizing conflicts, creating their own landmark projects, finding a dialogical model of church reconciliation to overcome the religious frontier of the division of Ukrainian society. The dynamics of public ideas, clear ambivalence and controversy of public consciousness in the religious aspect - from the traditionally high level of trust in religion and the church, to a steady decline in assessments of their importance in the lives of citizens and socio-political processes. Conclusions and proposals on the intensification of the state policy of nationalcivil consolidation and active involvement of religion and religious organizations in this process have been formulated.

Agribusiness is one of the critical sectors of Ukraine's economy, but the war has created a challenging environment for developing this industry. The war has resulted in the destruction and destruction of many agricultural enterprises, decreased production and sales, and increased risks for investors. On the other hand, expanding the financial space for agribusiness is critical to ensuring the stable development of the industry and increasing its competitiveness.The article aims to assess the current state and identify possible areas for expanding the financial space in the agribusiness sector. Research hypothesis: the conditions of war in Ukraine create difficulties for the development of agribusiness, but there are opportunities to expand the financial space of agribusiness through the use of the latest technologies, increase production efficiency and open new markets.The article studies the essence of financial resources of agricultural enterprises. The factors that influence the financial provision of farming enterprises are determined. The features of the formation of financial resources for agricultural enterprises of Ukraine are considered. The State programmes of financial support of agricultural enterprises are analysed. The main directions for further developing agribusiness's economic space in Ukraine are proposed.The practical implementation of the research results will ensure the following positive changes in the economy of the agro-industrial complex: improving the efficiency of business entities; creating a favourable investment climate, increasing investment attractiveness and investment growth; intensifying structural changes in the agro-industrial complex; transforming the State support for agriculture in line with international trends and requirements; increasing the profitability of production and sales of agricultural products; improving the external.

The article highlights changes in communication in "civil landscapes" of Ukrainian cities, as the parameters of temporality and spatial phenomenology. It is noted that the public space of a city is a special social and cultural form of being under conditions of Ukrainian's conflict. The methodological basis of the study is the concept of national identity, the theory of communicative action, as well as a cultural approach to the analysis of the temporal-spatial phenomenon of the city. The need for research practices focused on comprehending urban identity from the point of view of a "civic approach", establishing national values, and taking into account the communitarian principles of the formation of such an identity is articulated. Civil urban sites are analyzed through the prism of lighting of nationally sensitive time-space. Differences in communicative-spatial transformations of Ukrainian cities, character of presentation of their national-cultural identity in communicative space are described. The pro-active practices of the locals re-vitalizing the Ukrainian space, through the prospect of designing a "national-cultural reality" – of Ukrainian citizenship are outlined. The violation of the cordial eye of the majority of national identities, as if they were based on the front line of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the coveted national-cultural frontiers of Ukraine, move forward. There is a shift in worldview boundaries along the national identity of communities that find themselves on the front lines of the Russian-Ukrainian war and become defensive national-cultural frontiers of Eastern Ukraine. It is noted that the spatial connections of Ukrainian cities and communities require a more powerful national-cultural articulation of the symbolic structure of urban politics and topos' mnemonics.

The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called "Revolutions of Dignity". The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.

The article analyzes the possibilities of applying the methodology of poststructuralism in modern sociology, in particular in relation to the problems of space production and the exploitation of attention. The heuristic potential of poststructuralism for sociology is investigated, where the methodology of deconstruction is especially studied. The problem of space production by means of attention exploitation is analyzed in the context of Gilles Deleuze's concepts. It is emphasized that the central Deleuzean concept of difference in correlation with a number of concepts (in particular, representation and repetition) provides important tools for understanding the nature of production and reproduction of space, on the one hand, and the procedurality of attention as an object of exploitation, on the other. Poststructuralist metaphors of systematicity (tree and rhizome) are being rethought from the sociological perspective not as mutually exclusive, but as typologically compatible. Deleuze's distinction between nomadic and structural modes of perception is analyzed. The attention is focused on the phenomenon of a dividuum («divided») from the point of view of the production of acts of perception and acts of attention. In addition, an important aspect is the problem of production of chronological as structurally comparable with production of spatial. The preconceptions isolated from the Deleuzean theoretical rhizome are used by the authors in relation to the problems of mass culture in the explications of Gilles Lipovetsky and Paul Virilio. Attention is investigated as a fundamental substratum for the production of space(s) in a society of communicative / cognitive capitalism, which is revealed through examples of problems of visual perception, practices of cultural consumption, language, etc. A conclusion is made about the possibilities and limitations of studying the processes of space production and the role of attention in this process of exploitation in sociology from the standpoint of post-structuralist theory.

The Crimean Tatar problem holds a leading position in the system of ethnocultural relations with the AR of Crimea. It is caused by a number of factors inherited from the past, as well as by the imperfection of the legislative basis of Ukraine, its ethnonational policy. Political and legal foundation, built during the years of independence, made it possible to combine the interests of all components of the Ukrainian political nation; however, it didn't provide equal conditions for the ethnonational development and active participation in state-building processes of Crimean Tatars and national minorities. According to the All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, the ethnic composition of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea is as follows: Ukrainians constitute 24.3%, Russians – 58.3%, Crimean Tatars – 12.0%, other nationalities – 5.4% (Belarusians – 1.4%, Tatars – 0,5%, etc.). Separate statistics regarding the city of Sevastopol indicated the prevalence of Russians (71.6%); almost the statistically average percentage of Ukrainians in Crimea (22.4%); and a small Crimean Tatar community (0.5%). During the years of independence, the national and cultural need of Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars to study in their mother tongues was extremely poor. So, out of 583 schools that functioned in Crimea in 2014, only 7 were Ukrainian, and from 23.4% of ethnically Ukrainian schoolchildren only 0.7% were taught in the state language. In the 2013–14 academic year, 5551 Crimean Tatar children were educated in their native language; the national-cultural needs of the Crimean Tatars were not completelythis situation was the lack of qualified pedagogical staff, lack of textbooks, etc. After the annexation of Crimea, the Ukrainian language, which the occupation government had recognized as one of the state languages, almost completely disappeared from the educational space of Crimea, with only 1 of 7 schools retaining Ukrainian-language instruction. Today, 15 general education establishments of the Republic of Crimea continue to provide their instruction in the Crimean Tatar language (201 classes, 3651 students). Long before the onset of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, challenges in the humanitarian field, in particular the tragedy of the Ukrainian language in the cultural and educational continuum of the peninsula, were in the sight of the Ukrainian humanities: lead scientists observed negative ethnocultural tendencies caused by the inaction of state authorities that reinforced the threat of disintegration and loss of state sovereignty. During the years of Ukrainian independence, Crimea hasn't formed strong pro-Ukrainian electorate capable of defending state sovereignty. Taking into account the constant support of Russia by the Russian community of the peninsula, lobbying for the idea of the "Russian World" and "the originally Russian Crimea", as well as the lame state support of Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar communities, which would be able to withstand the separatist threats, the ideological war in Crimea had been lost even before 2014, which became one of the reasons for the annexation of the peninsula.

The article deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of the problem of conflictization of the cultural and historical space of Ukrainianness under conditions of modern threats. The essence of conflicts is revealed in the article, the interpretation on the conflict as an attribute of social life is done, its influence on the processes of social transformations is traced. The causes and conditions of the emergence, escalation and resolution of conflicts on various levels are analyzed, the possibility and necessity of managing them is substantiated. The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological analysis of contemporary studies in conflictology. It is proved that it is reasonable to apply an integrative approach to classification of social conflicts. An integrative approach to the analysis of conflicts is the methodological basis of research, which involves its consideration not only as a source of destruction and death, but also as the initial place of development of society. The autor comes to conclusion that the term of conflictization processes has considerable scientific potential for study of social conflicts. The analysis of the essence of conflictization's processes, their specific character and sources of emergence is done on the base of conflictological theories. The article analyzes special features of contemporary conflicts in the context of global processes. The specificity of conflictization in interstate relations in the era of globalization raise this phenomenon to transnational and even planetary scale. Under conditions of militarization of conflict interaction, the level of conflict potential also increases. The escalation of tension and the use of violence through militarization of conflict interactions leads to armed confrontation. Contemporary armed conflicts pose a significant threat to humanity as they may expand in the context of globalization. The formulating of a row of measures (of humanitarian, socio-economic and politico-military nature) is aimed to prevent challenges, dangers and threats to the national interests of Ukraine. It is also necessary to maintain a balance of forces, values, resources, political, legal and socio-economic problems in the society and the state. The importance of a comprehensive strategy of counter the destructive actions of foreign mercenaries in Ukraine has been substantiated. The focus is on the use of political and diplomatic means through the active participation of the international community and the strengthening of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. «Smart power» is interpreted as the ability to combine the resources of «hard» and «soft» power in order to strengthen the position of Ukraine on the international scene. The importance of the strategy of «smart power» as a basis for overcoming the armed conflict on the territory of Ukraine and the reintegration of the occupied territories was substantiated. We have made an attempt to interpret conflictization processes in the framework of an integrative approach. The proneness to conflict is now playing a distinctive role in the social and political life of the Ukraine. The discursive-consensus and assertive strategies for successful solution of a social conflict is considered to be an optimal one.

Purpose: To develop a model for the formation of economic behavior of households in the conditions of a balance of income and expenses, which allows for a qualitative assessment of the impact of innovation activities of a household on sustainable development processes. Findings: The article develops the concept of sustainable development and, on the basis of a model built in the space of states, for the first time proposes a construct, which is called the "active economic dipole". With its help, it is analytically proved that the innovative activity of households has a positive effect on both their sustainable development and the sustainable development of the economic system as a whole. Practical Implications: The proposed approach can be used for a qualitative assessment of the effectiveness of the activities of economic entities in a balanced circulation of resources in the context of sustainable development. Originality / Value: The author's model for assessing the innovation activity of households is original. The model has no analogs in the scientific literature of the studied subject area. Research Limitations / Future Research: The study proposes a generalized model without a complete description of the dimensions of its components and the procedure for determining the input parameters. This description and its application define potential directions for further research. Paper Type: Theoretical.

The article is devoted to the issue on balancing the important interests of a person, a society and the state in cyber space by means of administrative law. The purpose of this article is to determine the legal nature and the role of the correspondence of the important interests of a person, a society and the state in cyber space in the context of administrative and legal provision of cyber security. The paper also deals with a proper balance between the law-enforcement interests of the state and the respect for fundamental human rights. The method of analysis has revealed in clarifying some features of concepts "interest", "need", "right". The method of synthesis has been used to define common concepts, for example "person's interest in cyberspace". Comparative legal method has been used in the process of comparison of the legislation of Ukraine and the international legislation that governs the issue on balancing the important interests of a person, a society and the state in cyber space. The author of this research presents the possible structure of person's cyber security through a set of important person's rights and interests in cyberspace, for example, the right to access to the Internet; the right to protect personal data in cyberspace; the right to be protected from aggressive marketing technologies in cyberspace, the prohibition of monitoring, including through cookies, HTTP, HTML5 markers or other technologies; the right to education, the right to access knowledge through the use of cyberspace etc. Conclusions and proposals of this research can be used for further research and for improving the administrative and information legislation of Ukraine, including the Law of Ukraine "On the Fundamental Principles of Cyber Security of Ukraine". Keywords: the balance of interests of the person, society and state, cyber space usage, public interest, private interest.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the Ukrainian society social cohesion challenges in the pandemic conditions of digitally mediated interactions. Based on the results of qualitative sociological research, as well as a secondary analysis of the results of other sociological studies and statistics data, the author explores the phenomenon of social cohesion in the unity of three social levels of its presence - macro, meso and micro. The study has shown the dialectical nature of social cohesion and the opposite tendencies of its reproduction at different social levels – inner circle, professional communities and society as a whole. In the macro-social perspective, the pandemic has become a «common challenge», intensifying social consolidation at the level of civil society institutions; on the other hand, it has created a new axis of social inequality, deepening local differences and awareness of the different degree of «protection» from crisis conditions. It is concluded that the digitally mediated everyday interactions, characterized by a lack of social actors' co-presence in space and time, contributes to the spread of systemic integration in those social systems for which it was previously uncharacteristic. This, in turn, leads to the «frozen» functioning of social systems. In contemporary digital age, social actors are increasingly beginning to experience «digital loneliness» due to the loss of coexistence in physical time and space and the weakening of binding social capital, making familiar identification patterns less stable and definite. The «shift» of the concentration of interactions from different social circles to the level of the inner circle – the family one sets a double scenario of its reproduction either as a space of cohesive values, the highest level of trust, participation and social security, or as an environment for everyday conflicts. The article emphasizes the urgency of further conceptualization of a new type of capital – digital, which in conditions of systemic integration of social systems «puts into action» the activation of other types of capital.