Suchergebnisse

The Panama Canal Watershed has been influenced by different invasive plants, in particular, Sacharum spontaneum, an aggressive grass from Southeast Asia that has colonized forest gaps blocking forest connectivity. To improve these problems, teak trees (Tectona grandis) were planted by ECOFOREST (Panama) S.A., to better utilize grass land spaces and generate essential income for private institutions and the Panamanian government. Due to the fact that these plantations will require removing extended areas with grass and pioneer forest, mammal diversity was studied in four habitats: native forest, teak plantation, mixed-grass and burned grass. In this study, we aim to understand how the mammal community will interact with the four dynamic habitats after this initiative. We monitored mammals by transect line, mist-nets, diurnal and nocturnal observations, tracks and trapping, for a period of six months from April to September 2002. This survey invested a total of 23,425 sampling hours, and found a total of nine Orders of the Mammalia group, being present in the total survey area. In teak plantation, 31 species were observed, 23 species for native forest, 10 species for mixed grass and 16 species reported for burned grass. We found deer, ocelots and peccaries using the teak as a corridor to cross between patches of native forest to another, while grasses were used as a refuge and resting sites for white-tail deer, pacas, and rabbits. Burned grass habitat showed presence of other predators like jaguarondi. Although teak plantation apparently obtained higher mammal diversity, it is highly influenced by the surrounded native forest, which acts as a donor habitat. We found capybaras, deer, agouties, pacas and rabbits were the groups more affected by the process of removing grassland. This is likely due to diminishing refuge sites, hence exposing them to predators in the new introduced habitat. We recommend the maintenance of native patches and mixed-grass habitat buffer zone in areas near the border of the Gatun Lake and between the teak parcels, to diminish the effect of the teak into the mammal community at the Panama Canal Zone. ; La Cuenca del Canal de Panamá ha sido influenciada por diferentes plantas invasivas, en particular Sacharum spontaneum, una hierba agresiva del sureste de Asia, que ha colonizado espacios abiertos de bosque y consecuentemente bloqueado su conectividad. Para aminorar estos problemas y utilizar el recurso de espacio, Ecoforest (Panamá) S.A. plantó árboles de teca (Tectona grandis), de tal manera que se pudiera sacar provecho de los espacios abiertos con pajonales y generar a su vez un dividendo para instituciones privadas y al gobierno panameño. Dado que las plantaciones requieren la remoción de pajonales y bosque pionero, se considero el estudio de la diversidad de mamíferos en cuatro tipo de hábitats: bosque nativo, plantación de teca, paja mixta y paja quemada. En este trabajo queremos enfocar la dinámica de una comunidad de mamíferos interactuando en cuatro hábitats después de la introducción de la teca y la remoción del pajonal. Se monitoreo en base a transecto de línea, redes de niebla, observaciones diurnas y nocturnas, rastros, y trampeo, por un periodo de seis meses de Abril a Septiembre de 2002. Se logró un total de 23,425 horas de esfuerzo y se encontró un total de nueve Órdenes de mamíferos. Se encontró una diversidad de 31 especies para la teca, 23 especies para el bosque nativo, 10 especies para el pajonal mixto y 16 especies utilizando el pajonal quemado. Encontramos que los venados, ocelotes y saínos utilizan la teca como corredor para pasar de un lado de bosque nativo al otro, mientras que la paja canalera fue utilizada como refugio por especies presa como venados colablanca, conejos pintados y muletos. La paja quemada presentó preferencia de otros depredadores como el tigrillo congo. Aunque la plantación de teca obtuvo mayor cantidad de especies, la misma se relaciona al efecto donador del bosque nativo. Encontramos también animales como el conejo poncho, conejo pintado, y conejo muleto como los más afectados por la remoción de la paja canalera y la quema de la misma. La paja aparentemente había sido adoptada por estas especies como una zona de evasión de depredadores, por lo que su remoción elimina puntos clave de cría, y de refugio para estos animales. Recomiendo mantener pequeños parches de bosque nativo en medio de las plantaciones de teca y mantener los pajonales como zona de amortiguamiento en los bordes del lago Gatún para aminorar el efecto de la teca en la diversidad de mamíferos de esta zona dentro de la Cuenca del Canal.

by Andrea Luka Zimmerman, text and voiced by John Berger "A work as profound as it is protesting". (Sight & Sound Critic's Choice, best films of 2013, Sukhdev Sandhu). "Do not miss!" (Sabah newspaper; Istanbul Film Festival, 2013) "A whisper of what we do to people" (Hackney Citizen, London Film Festival, October 2013) "In other words, what is true of dogs and other animals – that some humans seek to exclude them from their lives for the sake of a 'sanitised' (bourgeois?) existence – seems also to be true of people". (WJRC Brown, Notes from the LFF) "At once a genuinely singular portrait of a world city in transition, an affecting and committed study of those marginalized by globalization and an empathetic vision of resistance through a wholly different register of belonging, Taskafa is that rarest of breeds, a work of poetry and praise, singing of the heightened daily joys that come from a true comradeship between species." (Gareth Evans, Film curator Whitechapel Gallery, London). --- SYNOPSIS: Taşkafa is a feature length documentary essay about memory and the most necessary forms of belonging, both to a place and to history, through a search for the role played in the city by Istanbul's street dogs and their relationship to its human populations. Through this exploration, the film opens a window on the contested relationships between power and the public, community and categorisation (in location and identity), and the ongoing struggle / resistance against a single way of seeing and being. Despite several major attempts by Istanbul's rulers, politicians and planners over the last 400 years to erase them, the city's street dogs have persisted thanks to an enduring alliance with widespread civilian communities, which recognize and defend their right to co-exist. Taşkafa gathers the voices of diverse Istanbul residents, shopkeepers, and street-based workers, all of whom display a striking commitment to the wellbeing and future of the city's canine population (a community of street dogs - and cats - free of formal ownership but fed and cared for by numerous individuals). From the rapidly gentrifying city centre district of Galata to the residential islands of the Sea of Marmara and beyond, Taşkafa navigates a history of empathy with, and threats to this highly distinctive urban community. Taşkafa is structured around readings by John Berger, from his novel King, a story of hope, dreams, love and resistance, told from the perspective of a dog belonging to a community facing disappearance, even erasure. In Taşkafa, this voice is gifted to a wider community and range of perspectives: to dogs, a city and, finally, to history. John Berger's text and delivery take the viewer on a journey from Karakoy to Hayirsiz'ada, the island where, in the 1800s, tens of thousands of dogs were exiled to die. Offering a collage of testimonials to the inestimable value of non-human populations to the emotional and psychological health of the city, and a striking statement of witness both to advocacy and persecution across the centuries, Taşkafa portrays - and embodies – the vibrant, collective spirit of protest and enduring solidarity with which it closes (mass demonstrations opposing current municipal proposals to expel the street animals). --- DIRECTOR STATEMENT: I wanted to explore how public space becomes a battleground for the contested relationship between corporate making - through demolition and redevelopment of vast swathes of the city (an increasingly international process of erasure) - and the unfolding of everyday lives within this idea of what is commonly called 'progress', one embedded with promises of high tech security measures to keep us safe (inside gated housing complexes, shopping malls etc…). What if, instead, we could hold onto a curious gaze, one that resists what comes - with its own pre-ordained rules and intentions - to a place? In such a location, this fixed looking would view a dishevelled street dog as abject, while our warmer attention might appreciate it as an emblem of love and endurance. To us in Europe, the fate of such animals is perhaps a reminder of the violence of modernity, where all that did not belong to its idea was banished from sight. Taşkafa is not finally about dogs as such. It is about the way people seek, still and especially now, to belong to a larger context than themselves, one which respects other creatures and wishes them to play a significant role in their lives. The key issue is not whether we live securely, especially in its 'official' sense, but rather that we don't lose touch with the shared reality that surrounds us.

Entre la multitud d'eines i aplicacions que ofereix Internet, les xarxes socials s'han convertit en un element de referència per a la participació ciutadana, atès que afavoreixen la possibilitat de ser informats i d'informar de forma fàcil, ràpida i massiva, a més de tenir la capacitat de cridar a la mobilització social, cívica i/o política. Enfront d'aquells detractors que consideren a les xarxes com un lloc ple de perills, hi ha estudis que plantegen com les xarxes socials es constitueixen, en realitat, com un espai de trobada, de debat, de negoci, en definitiva, de participació. En aquest article es presenten les possibilitats reals de les xarxes socials per als joves, centrades principalment en la percepció de les mateixes com un mitjà per estendre les seves relacions socials offline així com per a la participació en esdeveniments socials i/o cívics. Es busca conèixer els usos que fan els joves de les xarxes socials, les opcions i oportunitats que els ofereixen, així com les gratificacions que aquest sector de la població, com a principal usuari, obté de la seva participació amb aquestes eines d'Internet. Segons estableix Livingston, les xarxes socials són una font de risc però també d'oportunitats, relacionades fonamentalment amb la participació social, cívica i fins i tot política dels joves tant a través del món virtual com en la vida real. L'entorn digital en el qual vivim i les xarxes socials online en concret poden facilitar noves oportunitats per a l'aprenentatge, la participació, la creativitat i la comunicació (Livinsgtone i Haddon, 2009: 15). ; Entre la multitud de herramientas y aplicaciones que ofrece internet, las redes sociales se han convertido en un elemento de referencia para la participación ciudadana, ya que favorecen la posibilidad de ser informados y de informar de forma fácil, rápida y masiva, además de tener la capacidad de llamar a la movilización social, cívica y/o política. Frente a aquellos detractores que consideran las redes como un lugar lleno de peligros, hay estudios que plantean cómo las redes sociales se constituyen, en realidad, como un espacio de encuentro, de debate, de negocio, en definitiva, de participación. En este artículo se presentan las posibilidades reales de las redes sociales para los jóvenes, centradas principalmente en la percepción de las mismas como un medio para extender sus relaciones sociales offline así como para la participación en eventos sociales y/o cívicos. Se busca conocer los usos que hacen los jóvenes de las redes sociales, las opciones y oportunidades que les ofrecen, así como las gratificaciones que este sector de la población, como principal usuario, obtiene de su participación con estas herramientas de internet. Según establece Livinsgtone, las redes sociales son una fuente de riesgo pero también de oportunidades, relacionadas fundamentalmente con la participación social, cívica e incluso política de los jóvenes tanto a través del mundo virtual como en la vida real. El entorno digital en el que vivimos y las redes sociales online en concreto pueden facilitar nuevas oportunidades para el aprendizaje, la participación, la creatividad y la comunicación (Livinsgtone y Haddon, 2009: 15). ; Among the multiple applications and tools provided by the Internet, social networks have become a reference point for citizen participation since they enhance the possibility of being informed and to inform in an easy, fast and massive way. These tools also have the capacity to drive social, civic and/or political mobilization. Against those critics who consider social networks as a place full of dangers, there are studies that explain how social networks are in fact a meeting place, a space for debate, for business, and ultimately, for participation. This article presents the real possibilities of social networks for young people, mainly focusing on the perception of them as a platform to extend their offline social relationships as well as for their participation on social and/or civic events. It seeks to understand the different uses young people do of social networks, the options and opportunities offered to them, as well as the rewards that this sector of the population, as primary users, get for their participation in social networks. According to Livingston, social networks are a potential source of risk but also of opportunities mainly related to social, civic and even political participation of youth through both the virtual world and real live. The digital environment in which we live and particularly, the online social networks, can provide new opportunities for learning, participation, creativity and communication. (Livinsgtone y Haddon, 2009: 15)

Die zurückliegenden Dekaden haben sich durch eine enorme Zunahme der Entwicklungsdynamiken von gesellschaftlichen, ökonomischen und ökologischen und daraus hervorgehend räumlichen Entwicklungen charakterisiert. Ein prägnantes Beispiel findet sich diesbezüglich im demographischen Wandel, der seit geraumer Zeit zu den prägendsten Entwicklungen gehört. Die Folge dieser an Komplexität und an Tragweite hinzugewinnenden Entwicklungen drücken sich vor allem in einer zunehmenden Heterogenisierung und Fragmentierung des Raumgefüges aus. Diese Heterogenisierung und Fragmentierung des Raumgefüges, die darüber hinaus mit einer Zunahme der Verflechtungen einhergeht, kristallisiert sich dabei sehr stark am Verhältnis von Stadt und Land und definiert für Planung und Politik neue und tiefgreifende Handlungserfordernisse. In diesem Kontext widmet sich die vorliegende Arbeit dem "neuen" Raumtypus der metropolitanen Peripherien mit dem Ziel, diesen Typus konzeptionell und strategisch anzureichern und ihn damit für die politische und wissenschaftliche Debatte aufzubereiten. Im Fokus steht, neben dieser definitorischen und deskriptiven Aufgabe, auch die Untersuchung der Einbindung des räumlichen Typus der metropolitanen Peripherien in den gesamträumlichen und regionalen Zusammenhang und die Ableitung strategischer und konzeptioneller Bausteine zu deren Entwicklung auf der Basis eines gesamträumlichen Blickwinkels. Die vorliegende Untersuchung bedient sich bei der Annäherung und Definition metropolitaner Peripherien dabei sowohl Methoden der qualitativen Sozialforschung (mehrstufige Befragungen) als auch statistischer Methoden (Faktorenanalyse und Clusteranalyse). Auf dieser fundierten Basis folgen sodann strategische und konzeptionelle Betrachtungen zur Zukunft der metropolitanen Peripherien als Teilräume eines räumlichen Gesamtgefüges. Dabei spielt der Abgleich bzw. der Vergleich der entwickelten Bausteine mit dem gegenwärtigen modus operandi eine zentrale Rolle. Als erste wichtige Erkenntnis bleibt festzuhalten, dass der Begriff der metropolitanen Peripherien, trotz aller Kritikpunkte und auch ungeachtet methodischer Probleme, durchaus trägt und sich für Nordrhein-Westfalen sowohl qualitativ als auch quantitativ begründen und definieren lässt. Daneben ist klar hervorgetreten, dass es im Kontext einer nachhaltigen Raumentwicklung viel stärker auf die Einbindung der Räume außerhalb der Metropolregionen ankommen wird, ihnen insofern ein besonderes Augenmerk geschenkt werden muss. In diesem Zusammenhang hat sich die Eingangs-Hypothese als richtig erwiesen, dass die Einbindung von Teilräumen außerhalb der Metropolregion in regionale und gesamträumliche Planungs- und Entwicklungszusammenhänge als überwiegend defizitär zu bewerten ist. Dem Umstand eines besonderen Augenmerks trägt die Arbeit mit der Entwicklung von strategischen und konzeptionellen Bausteinen zur Entwicklung der metropolitanen Peripherien in NRW Rechnung. Zentrales Element dieser Bausteine ist ein fundamentaler Umbau der Ebene der Regionalplanung hin zu einer problem- und umsetzungsorientierten strategischen Regionalplanung mit neuen zweckmäßigeren und problemadäquateren administrativen Planungsräumen. Der Autor versteht die vorliegende Arbeit demzufolge als wichtigen Impuls für die notwendige Debatte über die künftige Raumentwicklung in Nordrhein-Westfalen, welche derzeit vor allem im Kontext der Neuaufstellung des Landesentwicklungsplans 2025 bereits geführt wird. ; Future prospects of metropolitan peripheries in the context of regional planning and development processes illustrated by the example of North Rhine-Westphalia The past decades have become an enormous increase in the dynamics of development of social, economic and environmental, and arising therefrom, characterized significantly spatial developments. A striking example is found in this regard in the demographic change, which presents itself for some time as one of the most profound developments. The result of this, manifest in the increasing complexity of developments, especially in a growing heterogeneity and fragmentation of the spatial structure. This heterogeneity and fragmentation of the spatial structure, that goes beyond an increase in interdependence, turns very heavily on the relationship between town and country. Planning and Policy in this context are facing new requirements. In this context the present work is devoted to the "new" type of space the metropolitan periphery, with the aim to accumulate this type conceptually and strategically and to prepare him for the political and scientific debate. The focus is, in addition to this definitional and descriptive task, the study of the spatial integration of the type of the metropolitan periphery in the pan-territorial and regional context and to derive strategic and conceptual elements to its development on the basis of a pandimensional perspective. The present study uses the approach and definition of metropolitan peripheries, while both methods of qualitative social research (multi-level surveys) and statistical methods (factor analysis and cluster analysis). Against this background, then follow the strategic and conceptual considerations on the future of the metropolitan periphery as subspaces of a comprehensive spatial structure. In this context is the comparison of the developed strategic and conceptual elements with the current modus operandi of particular importance. As a first important finding is to be noted that the concept of the metropolitan periphery, despite all the criticisms and despite methodological problems presents itself as plausible. This term can be used for North Rhine-Westphalia also both qualitatively and quantitatively justified. It can also be stated that the metropolitan periphery in North Rhine-Westphalia can be defined useful and problem oriented. In addition has emerged clearly that the integration of the areas outside the metropolitan areas will be of central importance for a sustainable spatial development. For this reason, the metropolitan periphery in the context of sustainable regional development, special attention will be given. In this context the input hypothesis has proved correct, that the inclusion of sub-areas outside the metropolitan area in total and regional spatial planning and development context is to be regarded as largely deficient. In this circumstance the special importance of the metropolitan periphery the author of this work is engaged with the development of strategic and conceptual elements for the development of metropolitan peripheries. Main issue of these strategic and conceptual elements is a fundamental restructuring of the level of regional planning through to implementation of problem-oriented strategic and regional planning with new more convenient and problem-oriented administrative planning areas. The author assesses the present study therefore as an important impetus to the necessary debate on the future of spatial development in North Rhine-Westphalia which is currently being conducted in the context of the LEP 2025 already.

The Panama Canal Watershed has been influenced by different invasive plants, in particular, Sacharum spontaneum, an aggressive grass from Southeast Asia that has colonized forest gaps blocking forest connectivity. To improve these problems, teak trees (Tectona grandis) were planted by ECOFOREST (Panama) S.A., to better utilize grass land spaces and generate essential income for private institutions and the Panamanian government. Due to the fact that these plantations will require removing extended areas with grass and pioneer forest, mammal diversity was studied in four habitats: native forest, teak plantation, mixed-grass and burned grass. In this study, we aim to understand how the mammal community will interact with the four dynamic habitats after this initiative. We monitored mammals by transect line, mist-nets, diurnal and nocturnal observations, tracks and trapping, for a period of six months from April to September 2002. This survey invested a total of 23,425 sampling hours, and found a total of nine Orders of the Mammalia group, being present in the total survey area. In teak plantation, 31 species were observed, 23 species for native forest, 10 species for mixed grass and 16 species reported for burned grass. We found deer, ocelots and peccaries using the teak as a corridor to cross between patches of native forest to another, while grasses were used as a refuge and resting sites for white-tail deer, pacas, and rabbits. Burned grass habitat showed presence of other predators like jaguarondi. Although teak plantation apparently obtained higher mammal diversity, it is highly influenced by the surrounded native forest, which acts as a donor habitat. We found capybaras, deer, agouties, pacas and rabbits were the groups more affected by the process of removing grassland. This is likely due to diminishing refuge sites, hence exposing them to predators in the new introduced habitat. We recommend the maintenance of native patches and mixed-grass habitat buffer zone in areas near the border of the Gatun Lake and between the teak parcels, to diminish the effect of the teak into the mammal community at the Panama Canal Zone. ; La Cuenca del Canal de Panamá ha sido influenciada por diferentes plantas invasivas, en particular Sacharum spontaneum, una hierba agresiva del sureste de Asia, que ha colonizado espacios abiertos de bosque y consecuentemente bloqueado su conectividad. Para aminorar estos problemas y utilizar el recurso de espacio, Ecoforest (Panamá) S.A. plantó árboles de teca (Tectona grandis), de tal manera que se pudiera sacar provecho de los espacios abiertos con pajonales y generar a su vez un dividendo para instituciones privadas y al gobierno panameño. Dado que las plantaciones requieren la remoción de pajonales y bosque pionero, se considero el estudio de la diversidad de mamíferos en cuatro tipo de hábitats: bosque nativo, plantación de teca, paja mixta y paja quemada. En este trabajo queremos enfocar la dinámica de una comunidad de mamíferos interactuando en cuatro hábitats después de la introducción de la teca y la remoción del pajonal. Se monitoreo en base a transecto de línea, redes de niebla, observaciones diurnas y nocturnas, rastros, y trampeo, por un periodo de seis meses de Abril a Septiembre de 2002. Se logró un total de 23,425 horas de esfuerzo y se encontró un total de nueve Órdenes de mamíferos. Se encontró una diversidad de 31 especies para la teca, 23 especies para el bosque nativo, 10 especies para el pajonal mixto y 16 especies utilizando el pajonal quemado. Encontramos que los venados, ocelotes y saínos utilizan la teca como corredor para pasar de un lado de bosque nativo al otro, mientras que la paja canalera fue utilizada como refugio por especies presa como venados colablanca, conejos pintados y muletos. La paja quemada presentó preferencia de otros depredadores como el tigrillo congo. Aunque la plantación de teca obtuvo mayor cantidad de especies, la misma se relaciona al efecto donador del bosque nativo. Encontramos también animales como el conejo poncho, conejo pintado, y conejo muleto como los más afectados por la remoción de la paja canalera y la quema de la misma. La paja aparentemente había sido adoptada por estas especies como una zona de evasión de depredadores, por lo que su remoción elimina puntos clave de cría, y de refugio para estos animales. Recomiendo mantener pequeños parches de bosque nativo en medio de las plantaciones de teca y mantener los pajonales como zona de amortiguamiento en los bordes del lago Gatún para aminorar el efecto de la teca en la diversidad de mamíferos de esta zona dentro de la Cuenca del Canal.

Das hohe Wirtschaftswachstum vieler asiatischer Länder findet seine Entsprechung in der gebauten Umwelt. Allerdings werden viele Gebäude in diesen Ländern unter Missachtung der kulturellen Wahrzeichen und des traditionellem Soziallebens gebaut. Das eigene traditionelle Erbe sollte besser verstanden und integriert werden in die sich entwickelten Wertesysteme. Traditionelle Werte können dabei einen festen Halt bieten und Identität stiften oder den Entwicklungsprozess und die Akzeptanz der damit verbundenen Werte behindern. Heutzutage sind südostasiatische Architekten dahingehend gefangen, zurechtzukommen mit dem raschen Wandel, die die Modernisierung der Gebäude mit sich bringt. Dabei versuchen sie, die Geschichte und Entwicklung traditionelle Architektur in den modernen heutigen Gebäuden wiederzuverwenden. Die Vorgänger der Architekturhistoriker und die Gelehrten in Myanmar hatten Interesse an den historischen Kunst- und Architekturhinterlassenschaften wie die der Burmesen, Pyu, Mo und Rakhine. Von Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts an haben Spezialisten aus verschiedenen Disziplinen Ihre Arbeit dem Studium der Architektur in Bagan und Mrauk-U gewidmet. Hundert Jahre später existieren immer noch viele Kontroversen und Meinungsverschiedenheiten um dieses Thema. Das zeigt, dass diese Region weiterhin erforscht werden muss. Die beiden Städte, Bagan und Mrauk-U zeigen, dass die traditionellen Gebäude monumentale Gedenkstätten in Raum und Form sind. Sie deklarieren traditionelle Architektur als Symbol des nationalen Charakters und des kulturellen Erbes. Die Stile der Gebäude spiegeln die Situationen des jeweiligen Zeitraums wider sowie den Geist der Bauherren, der zu jener Zeit beherrschend war in politischer, sozialer, kultureller und auch wirtschaftlicher Form. Es gilt zu überlegen, wie ein Ansatz aussehen könnte, um das heikle Unterfangen der Harmonisierung von Architekturtechnologien der Vergangenheit und Gegenwart in Einklang mit Zeit, Ort und Gegebenheiten zu bringen. Um eine Lösung für die Kooperation und Integration der Architektur in Myanmar zu finden. Die Verwendung der traditionellen Architektonischen Identität um eine neue moderne Architektur in der bebauten Umwelt zu schaffen, dient nicht nur dem Erhalt einer Traditionellen Identität sondern auch der Erfüllung der Bedürfnisse der Nutzer. Sind sie es doch die eng mit diesen Gebäuden verbunden sind. Durch die Untersuchung der Geschichte der Architektur in Pyu, Bagan und Mrauk-U und der Klassifikation der Tempel kann die Geschichte der Architektur von Myanmar verglichen werden besonders unter Einbeziehung der gegenwärtigen Tempel in Yangon. Diese Studie versucht, die alten Denkmäler hinsichtlich ihrer architektonischen Gesichtspunkte in Bezug auf geschichtliche, geografischen, soziale, wirtschaftliche, religiösen und klimatische Einflüsse zu untersuchen und die vorhandenen Werte in den Tempeln in Pyu, Bagan und Mrauk-U in Bezug zur Architektur zu setzten. Dies mit dem Ziel, zu verstehen wie sie die Identität eines gebauten Bildes in dieser gebauten Umwelt vermitteln konnten. Die Forschung hat auch das Ziel, ein besseres Verständnis der verschiedenen Einflüsse und Entwicklungen innerhalb der historischen Umgebung zu liefern. Des Weiteren versucht die Studie die Wiederentdeckung der Raumkomposition und Form der historischen Architektur. Zudem versucht die Studie einige Vorschläge und Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung von Konservierungsstrategien zu geben. Diese können leicht in den Städten, die mir als Fallstudien gedient haben, umgesetzt werden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie sind deshalb von grosser Bedeutung für die heutige Tempelarchitektur in Myanmar. ; Many countries in the Asian region which are now experiencing a high economic growth encounter in the built environment. A lot of buildings are being constructed in the region with a total disregard to our cultural landmark and traditional social life-style. Our traditional own heritage needs to be effectively understood and integrated into our evolving value system. Traditional values can either provide strength and identity or be obstructive to the development process and the acceptance of today's more enlightened value. Today, in Southeast Asian countries, architects caught in the theories of rapid transformation and learning how to cope with the modernization that modern building techniques appear to produce. And they try to reuse that traditional architecture in modern present buildings from the architecture of the history and development through the periods. The forerunners of architectural historians and the pioneer scholars in Myanmar were interested in the art and architecture of the remains of the great historical traditions, such as the Burmese, Pyu, Mon and Rakhine. Starting from the beginning of 20th century, specialists of many disciplines dedicate their works to the study of architecture in Bagan and Mrauk-U from various aspects and now over one hundred years have been passed and yet many controversies and disagreements still exist, showing that research works are still needed about facts on this region. These two cities, Bagan and Mrauk-U explain that the traditional buildings are monumental memorials in space and form and provide the traditional architecture as the symbol of national character and cultural heritage. The styles of the buildings reflect the situation of each period and the mind of builders at that time politically, socially, culturally and economically. It has to consider emphatically how it is delicate to approach in accordance with time, place and condition as well as harmonization to architectural technology of past and present for the solving of the cooperation and integration of Myanmar architecture. Using traditional architectural identity to create a new contemporary architecture in the built environment is not only conserving the traditional architectural identity but also fulfilling the needs of the users as they have lived intimately in those buildings. By investigating that history of architecture in Pyu, Bagan and Mrauk-U and depending on the classification of the temples there, the reflection of the historic architecture of Myanmar can be compared and recommended with the present temples in Yangon. This study tries to observe the ancient monuments in architectural aspects based on historical background, geographical, social, economic, religious and climatic influences and seek the existing values in the temples in Pyu, Bagan and Mrauk-U in terms of architecture in order to understand how they became the identity of and built image in such a built environment. The research is also aimed to get a better understanding of the various influences and evolutions within the historic setting and tries to rediscover the historical architectural aspects in their form and spatial composition. Finally, this research will try to provide some recommendations and suggestions for developing conservation strategies, which can be implemented all in the selected case study cities. These forces are creating tension in such areas and thus are among other current important tasks of the architecture of the temples today.

Chinese propaganda in Russia is not easily noticeable against a background of real or alleged similarities between the countries, strategic partnerships and at least declared cooperation. However, the topicality of this research lies in the fact that both are large countries, big players on the international scene, and the weakening of Russia due to Sinification may have very serious consequences for the international geopolitical configuration and may therefore shape the nature of the processes taking place in it. When talking about Chinese propaganda in Russia, it needs to be agreed that the dis­cussion is not so much about the future of the BRIC bloc system as about a G2 system (just USAand China), i.e. a bipolar international system and its potential to become unipolar in the near future with the Celestial Empire in the role of hegemonic player. The aim of the article is to analyse the aesthetic aspect of Chinese propaganda in Russia. Having regard to the multifaceted nature of the problem being analysed, an interdisciplinary approach was adopted, including linguistic, art studies and prognos­tic analysis methods. In the first part of the article an attempt is made: to analyse the ideas and concepts put forward by China in Russia on official internet (theoretical level of the concepts); to study the ways and means of putting forward those ideas and concepts, i.e. special characteristics and style of the language and the rhetoric used (linguistic level); to study the artistic visual aesthetics solutions used (visual level). In the second part of the article an attempt is made analyse the Russian reaction to Chinese propaganda: ideological and pragmatic Sinophilia (acceptance level) and Sinophobia (rejection level). In the third part of the article it is asserted that bearing in mind the current post-modern attitude that we humans are primates with basic exotic–erotic and emotional–visual orientation, in the spiritual realm Chinese propaganda manages to put forward the Chinese vision of aesthetics or aesthetic metaphysics as a substitute for religion. It is asserted that Confucianism and aesthetic metaphysics are not alternatives; rather they are complementary, resources of Chinese propaganda in Russia that reinforce one another. The article espouses the opinion that the Confucian level of Chinese propaganda in Russia is aimed more at the public, community sphere of social val­ues, seeking to harmonise the leading values of Russian and Chinese society; or, more precisely, to encourage Russian values to slowly but surely adapt to Chinese values. Meanwhile, the aesthetic metaphysics content of Chinese propaganda is di­rected not at the public, social, community, civic sphere of values or the modelling of individual's behaviour in regard of this projection, but rather at the individual, private, intimate, personal level. The article stresses that the external social sphere (Confucianism) and private personal life (aesthetics) could be said to immanently embody the holistic impetus that lies within humans to reconcile and harmonise eth­ics and aesthetics; however, this harmony is now written not so much in Cyrillic as in Chinese characters.To summarise, the article proposes the conclusion that Chinese propaganda in Russia is expressed at the direct/obvious pragmatic level for getting an effect on the formulation and execution of foreign policy as well as at the indirect/not-so-obvious level of passing on cultural and civilisational values, with respective orientation to short-term and long-term gains.The part of Chinese propaganda in Russia that seeks direct/external goals can be said to have been successful so far, since Russia maintains a basically benevolent diplo­matic – strategic stance toward China. The success of non-obvious and deeper-reaching Chinese propaganda in Russia is more debatable. Nonetheless, there is a channel or space open to interaction, where Chinese aesthetic propaganda and Russian large-na­tion propaganda (which in a sense is also aesthetic) can meet and compete. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Kinijos propagandos Rusijoje estetinė dimensija. Tyrimu siekiama identifikuoti estetinį Kinijos propagandos Rusijoje dėmenį kaip pagrindinį, sintetinantį, įvairius veiksnius apimantį rusiškosios sinofilijos katalizatorių. Estetinis kinų propagandos Rusijoje aspektas atskleidžiamas pasitelkus oficialiųjų Kinijos tinklalapių rusų kalba analizę, išryškinančią glaudžią propagandinio turinio ir formos jungtį, pastarajai neretai įgaunant ne tik turinį perteikiančią, bet ir jį koreguojančią, juo manipuliuojančią, jo atžvilgiu dominuojančią funkciją. Besąlygiškas Rusijos tikėjimas savo unikalia ir nepakeičiama, mesianistine misija pasaulio istorijoje įvardijamas kaip jos Achilo kulnas, silpnoji vieta, kuria naudojasi kinų propaganda. Pasitelkus sinofilijos ir sinofobijos kategorijas, analizuojama Rusijos reakcija į Kinijos vykdomą propagandą. Teigiama, kad kinų propaganda Rusijoje vadovaujasi įtraukimo / dalyvavimo principu, grindžiamu kultūrine egzotika ir konfucianizmo filosofija. Apibendrinant – Kinijos propaganda Rusijoje identifikuojama kaip didžiojo universalios, praktinės, kosmopolitinės kiniškosios filosofijos arba pasaulėtvarkos įsteigimo ir palaikymo plano / strategijos globaliu tarptautinės sistemos bei pasaulio politikos lygmeniu dalis.

Die zurückliegenden Dekaden haben sich durch eine enorme Zunahme der Entwicklungsdynamiken von gesellschaftlichen, ökonomischen und ökologischen und daraus hervorgehend räumlichen Entwicklungen charakterisiert. Ein prägnantes Beispiel findet sich diesbezüglich im demographischen Wandel, der seit geraumer Zeit zu den prägendsten Entwicklungen gehört. Die Folge dieser an Komplexität und an Tragweite hinzugewinnenden Entwicklungen drücken sich vor allem in einer zunehmenden Heterogenisierung und Fragmentierung des Raumgefüges aus. Diese Heterogenisierung und Fragmentierung des Raumgefüges, die darüber hinaus mit einer Zunahme der Verflechtungen einhergeht, kristallisiert sich dabei sehr stark am Verhältnis von Stadt und Land und definiert für Planung und Politik neue und tiefgreifende Handlungserfordernisse. In diesem Kontext widmet sich die vorliegende Arbeit dem "neuen" Raumtypus der metropolitanen Peripherien mit dem Ziel, diesen Typus konzeptionell und strategisch anzureichern und ihn damit für die politische und wissenschaftliche Debatte aufzubereiten. Im Fokus steht, neben dieser definitorischen und deskriptiven Aufgabe, auch die Untersuchung der Einbindung des räumlichen Typus der metropolitanen Peripherien in den gesamträumlichen und regionalen Zusammenhang und die Ableitung strategischer und konzeptioneller Bausteine zu deren Entwicklung auf der Basis eines gesamträumlichen Blickwinkels. Die vorliegende Untersuchung bedient sich bei der Annäherung und Definition metropolitaner Peripherien dabei sowohl Methoden der qualitativen Sozialforschung (mehrstufige Befragungen) als auch statistischer Methoden (Faktorenanalyse und Clusteranalyse). Auf dieser fundierten Basis folgen sodann strategische und konzeptionelle Betrachtungen zur Zukunft der metropolitanen Peripherien als Teilräume eines räumlichen Gesamtgefüges. Dabei spielt der Abgleich bzw. der Vergleich der entwickelten Bausteine mit dem gegenwärtigen modus operandi eine zentrale Rolle. Als erste wichtige Erkenntnis bleibt festzuhalten, dass der Begriff der metropolitanen Peripherien, trotz aller Kritikpunkte und auch ungeachtet methodischer Probleme, durchaus trägt und sich für Nordrhein-Westfalen sowohl qualitativ als auch quantitativ begründen und definieren lässt. Daneben ist klar hervorgetreten, dass es im Kontext einer nachhaltigen Raumentwicklung viel stärker auf die Einbindung der Räume außerhalb der Metropolregionen ankommen wird, ihnen insofern ein besonderes Augenmerk geschenkt werden muss. In diesem Zusammenhang hat sich die Eingangs-Hypothese als richtig erwiesen, dass die Einbindung von Teilräumen außerhalb der Metropolregion in regionale und gesamträumliche Planungs- und Entwicklungszusammenhänge als überwiegend defizitär zu bewerten ist. Dem Umstand eines besonderen Augenmerks trägt die Arbeit mit der Entwicklung von strategischen und konzeptionellen Bausteinen zur Entwicklung der metropolitanen Peripherien in NRW Rechnung. Zentrales Element dieser Bausteine ist ein fundamentaler Umbau der Ebene der Regionalplanung hin zu einer problem- und umsetzungsorientierten strategischen Regionalplanung mit neuen zweckmäßigeren und problemadäquateren administrativen Planungsräumen. Der Autor versteht die vorliegende Arbeit demzufolge als wichtigen Impuls für die notwendige Debatte über die künftige Raumentwicklung in Nordrhein-Westfalen, welche derzeit vor allem im Kontext der Neuaufstellung des Landesentwicklungsplans 2025 bereits geführt wird. ; Future prospects of metropolitan peripheries in the context of regional planning and development processes illustrated by the example of North Rhine-Westphalia The past decades have become an enormous increase in the dynamics of development of social, economic and environmental, and arising therefrom, characterized significantly spatial developments. A striking example is found in this regard in the demographic change, which presents itself for some time as one of the most profound developments. The result of this, manifest in the increasing complexity of developments, especially in a growing heterogeneity and fragmentation of the spatial structure. This heterogeneity and fragmentation of the spatial structure, that goes beyond an increase in interdependence, turns very heavily on the relationship between town and country. Planning and Policy in this context are facing new requirements. In this context the present work is devoted to the "new" type of space the metropolitan periphery, with the aim to accumulate this type conceptually and strategically and to prepare him for the political and scientific debate. The focus is, in addition to this definitional and descriptive task, the study of the spatial integration of the type of the metropolitan periphery in the pan-territorial and regional context and to derive strategic and conceptual elements to its development on the basis of a pandimensional perspective. The present study uses the approach and definition of metropolitan peripheries, while both methods of qualitative social research (multi-level surveys) and statistical methods (factor analysis and cluster analysis). Against this background, then follow the strategic and conceptual considerations on the future of the metropolitan periphery as subspaces of a comprehensive spatial structure. In this context is the comparison of the developed strategic and conceptual elements with the current modus operandi of particular importance. As a first important finding is to be noted that the concept of the metropolitan periphery, despite all the criticisms and despite methodological problems presents itself as plausible. This term can be used for North Rhine-Westphalia also both qualitatively and quantitatively justified. It can also be stated that the metropolitan periphery in North Rhine-Westphalia can be defined useful and problem oriented. In addition has emerged clearly that the integration of the areas outside the metropolitan areas will be of central importance for a sustainable spatial development. For this reason, the metropolitan periphery in the context of sustainable regional development, special attention will be given. In this context the input hypothesis has proved correct, that the inclusion of sub-areas outside the metropolitan area in total and regional spatial planning and development context is to be regarded as largely deficient. In this circumstance the special importance of the metropolitan periphery the author of this work is engaged with the development of strategic and conceptual elements for the development of metropolitan peripheries. Main issue of these strategic and conceptual elements is a fundamental restructuring of the level of regional planning through to implementation of problem-oriented strategic and regional planning with new more convenient and problem-oriented administrative planning areas. The author assesses the present study therefore as an important impetus to the necessary debate on the future of spatial development in North Rhine-Westphalia which is currently being conducted in the context of the LEP 2025 already.

Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.

AbstractThis dissertation integrates policy analysis, archival research, ethnographic field work, GIS mapping and statistical analysis to build a broad geo-historical understanding of the role of planning, policy, capital and race in the production of the foreclosure crisis in the San Francisco Bay Area. It begins from the premise that an explanation of the foreclosure crisis that focuses solely on either finance capital or the action of homeowners misses the critical importance of history, geography and planning to the production of crisis. The specific and racialized historical geography of the initial wave of foreclosure in the Bay Area, which like in Southern California is particularly concentrated in newly built suburban and exurban areas which are exceptionally diverse, is evidence of the deeper role of two generations of urban development, regional economics and planning politics in what is too often cast as a `housing problem.' This dissertation argues that thinking about the current problem as an urban crisis forces us to reexamine the dysfunctionality of planning politics at every scale and the reality of a metropolitan geography where hyper-diverse demographic and economic sprawl and geopolitical fragmentation is a historical fact rather than a pending reality. What emerges is an understanding of fragmentation which pushes beyond the state, forcing us to confront a deeper set of divisions based on race, class, environmentalism and capitalist development, divisions which have undermined the urban project that is California and raised serious questions about both resilience and citizenship in the 21st century.The text is constructed in a way that the form itself works to develop a more holistic and grounded way of approaching the regional nature of urban development and the complex politics of regional governance. It begins with a historiography of the Bay Area, one that challenges conceptions of sprawl and fragmentation. It then examines the demographic restructuring of the region through a combination of census data analysis using GIS and ethnographic interviews, arguing that the changes in the region both blurred the lines of traditional American racial segregation which simultaneously producing a more "mobile" form of segregation on a megaregional scale. From this historical and geographic foundation, the argument is built to mimic, in a sense, the scales of the crisis itself. Chapter Three begins a more intense focus on planning institutions, the politics of development and shifting urban economics to show the interaction between decisions and events in eastern Contra Costa County, a portion of the region that saw dramatic growth and a stunning collapse over the past thirty years. This chapter focuses intently on planning, both on the plans that were approved and implemented and ones that died before either approval or implementation, with an eye for the vastly different playing field that these communities faced compared with ones which developed during earlier eras. This focus remains in Chapter Four, which examines the often ignored scale of the county to better understand the production of "edge cities" in Contra Costa County, developments which both restructured the region's labor markets and helped contribute to the growing stagnation of the politics of development. Chapter Five returns to the regional scale, focusing on race and the collective failure of both regional and local institutions to adequately solve the problems of inner core poverty inherited from the postwar era, problems which provided the demographic push for much of eastern Contra Costa County's demographic growth. Chapter Six focuses on the megaregional scale beyond the formal confines of the Bay Area, a challenging level of analysis because of its physical and human scale and lack of political and planning institutions, but made necessary by the fact that this is where the growth - and the foreclosures - are most notable. Finally, the conclusion examines the politics of race and development in the state of California, an analysis which illustrates and critiques the narrowed possibilities inherent to planning during this era. This scalar approach illustrates the broad collective responsibility for the production of crisis, where public and private, local and nonlocal, individual and collective actors all played a role in bringing the Bay Area to this point. It also points to three linked conclusions critical to the future of planning: the need to rethink the state-centered conception of planning, which has never held in the United States; the need to accept and work within the historically fragmented and multi-polar system of cities which has defined places like the San Francisco Bay Area since their founding; and the need to push for a broader and deeper conception of institutional responsibility, where institutions involved in the intentional production of space at all scales and in all sectors - i.e. planners - take responsibility for the "common purpose" that is urbanization and development.

Flier containing exhibition description. Item part of press materials for the exhibition. Following his move from San Francisco to New York in the early 1980s, Wong based his painting on urban subjects inspired by the graffiti and street poetry scene of New York's Lower East Side. Exploring poverty, prison, and the machismo of urban life, the exhibition confirmed Wong's status as a key interpreter of cultural and economic displacement. Self-taught as a painter (although schooled in ceramics), he has passionately documented the world around him with a directness and idiosyncratic vision that make him one of the truly original stylists emerging from the New York art scene of the 1980s. By the late 80s, Wong had created a cast of characters including homeboys, hip-hop dancers, boxers, firemen, and policemen interspersed with portraits of friends, his companion Miguel Pinero, and graffiti artists Daze, Lee, Sharp and LA2. In the 1990s, after Pinero's death, Wong changed course in a series of works that took his Chinese-American heritage as its subject. Far from drawing on classical images, Wong created paintings that are modern pop images, witty, half-realistic, half fantastic, juxtaposing images of his heroes Kato, Bruce Lee, and Buddha with Chinese opera stars and corner laundries. (New Museum of Contemporary Art, New York). Born Martin Victor Wong in Portland, Oregon on July 11, 1946, Wong was raised by his Chinese-American parents in San Francisco. Wong was involved in performance art in the 1970's, but focused almost exclusively on painting after moving to New York in the early 1980's. The self-taught Wong, whose work showed a distinct gay sensibility, became a respected, renowned and prolific painter in New York's downtown art scene. He also cultivated both working and personal relationships with graffiti artists and enthusiasts in that scene. His compositions combine gritty social documents, cosmic witticisms, and symbolic languages that chronicle survival in his drug-and-crime-besieged Lower East Side neighborhood. In addition to his painting, Wong also experimented with poetry and prose, much of which he recorded on long paper scrolls. Wong died of AIDS in 1999. (Fales Library and Special Collections, NYU). Martin Wong (1946-1999) was born in Portland, Oregon and raised in the Chinatown district of San Francisco, California. He studied ceramics at Humboldt State University, graduating in 1968. During the 1970s he was active in the San Francisco Bay Area art scene, and was involved with the performance art groups The Cockettes and Angels of Light. In 1978 he moved to Manhattan, eventually settling in the Lower East Side, where his attention turned exclusively to painting. He was first exhibited in a group show at ABC No Rio in 1982, and went on to have one person shows at Semaphore Gallery, Exit Art and PPOW. Wong was a collector and connoisseur of everything from graffiti to Asian antiquities. His graffiti collection grew to be perhaps the largest in the world; in 1993 he donated it to the Museum of the City of New York. Martin Wong died in San Francisco from an AIDS related illness in 1999. (Galerie Buchholz, Cologne/Berlin). Martin Wong's singular approach to painting combines painstaking documentary realism with highly charged symbols and decorative motifs to reflect a culturally diverse worldview. Wong studied ceramics in northern California and was a member of several performance troupes in San Francisco before eventually becoming a self-taught painter and moving to New York. He arrived in 1978 and joined the lively East Village art scene, filled with artists making political work about their personal and cultural experiences. His urban landscapes show a critical engagement with gritty everyday scenes; an obsessive focus on detail; a flair for ornamentation; and an affinity for language, symbols, and storytelling. (The Society for Contemporary Art, Art Institute of Chicago). "Martin Wong, Sketchbooks" continues a dialogue between collections held at The School of the Art Institute of Chicago and New York University. It follows an exhibition at the Fales Library and Special Collections, NYU featuring materials from the Randolph Street Gallery archives courtesy of the John M. Flaxman Library. "Randolph Street Gallery Archives" began to visualize historical networks and influences that existed between New York downtown art - a focus of the Fales - and Chicago at the Randolph Street Gallery during its existence as an alternative space for the visual and performing arts 1979-1998. All notebooks in "Martin Wong, Sketchbooks" are courtesy of the Martin Wong Papers at the Fales Library and Special Collections. Multiple sketchbooks are available for individual research by appointment at the Joan Flasch Artists' Book Collection during the duration of the exhibition. Curated by Andrew Blackley.

Nuestra investigación se centró fundamentalmente en las distintas formas en que las derechas respondieron a los conflictos suscitados en el mundo del trabajo durante el período de entreguerras. En primer lugar, advertimos que la cuestión social fue adquiriendo un rol protagónico en la agenda nacionalista tal como puede verse, por ejemplo, a través del análisis de los periódicos. En efecto, los diarios más importantes adscriptos al nacionalismo desarrollaron un discurso radical respecto a los problemas sociales e incluyeron secciones específicas para tratar estas cuestiones y expresar una posición al respecto. Las respuestas del nacionalismo argentino frente a la cuestión obrera han sido múltiples y han abarcado distintas esferas de la vida social. Lejos de esperar que la solución a los problemas sociales proviniera exclusivamente de las medidas restrictivas y represivas hacia el movimiento obrero, los nacionalistas elaboraron programas sociales, políticos, económicos y culturales que formaron parte de su proyecto de nación autoritaria y jerárquica. Los proyectos sociales y las propuestas de organización sindical fueron en gran parte inspirados por los fascismos europeos los cuales incluyeron programas de contención social dentro de un orden político totalitario. En este sentido los nacionalistas argentinos intentaron mediante sus propuestas imponer un orden que contemplara las necesidades básicas de los sectores populares y que preservara las jerarquías sociales limitando la participación política o sindical de los trabajadores y eliminando definitivamente alas fuerzas de la izquierda revolucionaria. Las organizaciones obreras nacionalistas incluyeron todo tipo de trabajadores en sus filas y procuraron captar tanto a los afiliados de los sindicatos autónomos como a los trabajadores socialistas. Algunas de estas organizaciones fueron efímeras mientras que otras tuvieron más éxito y lograron atraer adherentes. Las mismas conformaron la corriente que hemos denominado nacionalismo sindicalista, la cual desarrolló su propia doctrina social fuertemente influenciada por las encíclicas papales. Las manifestaciones nacionalistas en el espacio público porteño han sido también analizadas in extenso. Existieron distintos tipos de manifestaciones para movilizar a los seguidores del nacionalismo y para captar nuevos adherentes, especialmente aquellos provenientes de los sectores populares. Las manifestaciones se convirtieron en el escenario de las disputas ideológicas mantenidas tanto contra la política liberal como contra la revolucionaria. La "revolución nacionalista", según la formulaban sus partidarios, implicaba trascender los aspectos políticos y económicos incorporando transformaciones en otras áreas de la vida social: las costumbres, las formas de vida, los gustos culturales, los valores. Los nacionalistas advirtieron que para lograr este tipo de "revolución" debían hacer usa de los medios de comunicación masivos y diseñar proyectos para regular las industrias culturales. El objetivo de representar a los sectores populares fracasó rotundamente. El discurso nacionalista que condenaba la diversidad étnico-religiosa, que amenazaba con eliminar las distintas voces políticas existentes, y que expresaba un odio visceral a sus enemigos (ya fueran judíos, anarquistas, comunistas, o liberales) fue extremadamente desafortunado para quienes procuraron ensanchar las bases de un movimiento antidemocrático originalmente elitista que, a la luz del contexto internacional y de las condiciones locales, devino en populista. ; Our research is mainly focused on the different ways in which the right addressed the conflicts arising in the labor world during the interwar period. Firstly, it was observed that the social question developed a leading role in the nationalist agenda, as can be seen, for example, through the newspapers analysis. In fact, major newspapers appointing to nationalism developed a radical speech on social problems and included specific sections to deal with these issues and to express their position on the matter. The Argentine nationalism achieved several responses to the social question, including various aspects of the social life. Rather than waiting for a solution to social problems coming exclusively from the restrictive and repressive measures toward the labor movement, nationalists developed social, political, economic and cultural programmes which were part of their project towards an authoritary and hierarchical nation. Social projects and proposals for union organization were largely inspired by the European fascism, which included social care programmes within a totalitarian political order. The Argentine nationalists tried to impose an order taking into account the basic needs of the popular sectors and keeping social hierarchies, limiting workers political or union participation, and eliminating definitively the leftist revolutionary forces. National labor organizations included all types of workers into their ranks and sought to capture both the autonomous trade union members and the socialist workers. Some of these organizations were short-lived while others were more successful and managed to capture adherents. They formed the so called labor nacionalism union current, which developed its own social doctrine, strongly influenced by the papal encyclicals. The nationalist demonstrations in public spaces have also been largely analysed. (CONTENIDO PARCIAL) ; Fil: Rubinzal, Mariela. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Nuestra investigación se centró fundamentalmente en las distintas formas en que las derechas respondieron a los conflictos suscitados en el mundo del trabajo durante el período de entreguerras. En primer lugar, advertimos que la cuestión social fue adquiriendo un rol protagónico en la agenda nacionalista tal como puede verse, por ejemplo, a través del análisis de los periódicos. En efecto, los diarios más importantes adscriptos al nacionalismo desarrollaron un discurso radical respecto a los problemas sociales e incluyeron secciones específicas para tratar estas cuestiones y expresar una posición al respecto. Las respuestas del nacionalismo argentino frente a la cuestión obrera han sido múltiples y han abarcado distintas esferas de la vida social. Lejos de esperar que la solución a los problemas sociales proviniera exclusivamente de las medidas restrictivas y represivas hacia el movimiento obrero, los nacionalistas elaboraron programas sociales, políticos, económicos y culturales que formaron parte de su proyecto de nación autoritaria y jerárquica. Los proyectos sociales y las propuestas de organización sindical fueron en gran parte inspirados por los fascismos europeos los cuales incluyeron programas de contención social dentro de un orden político totalitario. En este sentido los nacionalistas argentinos intentaron mediante sus propuestas imponer un orden que contemplara las necesidades básicas de los sectores populares y que preservara las jerarquías sociales limitando la participación política o sindical de los trabajadores y eliminando definitivamente alas fuerzas de la izquierda revolucionaria. Las organizaciones obreras nacionalistas incluyeron todo tipo de trabajadores en sus filas y procuraron captar tanto a los afiliados de los sindicatos autónomos como a los trabajadores socialistas. Algunas de estas organizaciones fueron efímeras mientras que otras tuvieron más éxito y lograron atraer adherentes. Las mismas conformaron la corriente que hemos denominado nacionalismo sindicalista, la cual desarrolló su propia doctrina social fuertemente influenciada por las encíclicas papales. Las manifestaciones nacionalistas en el espacio público porteño han sido también analizadas in extenso. Existieron distintos tipos de manifestaciones para movilizar a los seguidores del nacionalismo y para captar nuevos adherentes, especialmente aquellos provenientes de los sectores populares. Las manifestaciones se convirtieron en el escenario de las disputas ideológicas mantenidas tanto contra la política liberal como contra la revolucionaria. La "revolución nacionalista", según la formulaban sus partidarios, implicaba trascender los aspectos políticos y económicos incorporando transformaciones en otras áreas de la vida social: las costumbres, las formas de vida, los gustos culturales, los valores. Los nacionalistas advirtieron que para lograr este tipo de "revolución" debían hacer usa de los medios de comunicación masivos y diseñar proyectos para regular las industrias culturales. El objetivo de representar a los sectores populares fracasó rotundamente. El discurso nacionalista que condenaba la diversidad étnico-religiosa, que amenazaba con eliminar las distintas voces políticas existentes, y que expresaba un odio visceral a sus enemigos (ya fueran judíos, anarquistas, comunistas, o liberales) fue extremadamente desafortunado para quienes procuraron ensanchar las bases de un movimiento antidemocrático originalmente elitista que, a la luz del contexto internacional y de las condiciones locales, devino en populista. ; Our research is mainly focused on the different ways in which the right addressed the conflicts arising in the labor world during the interwar period. Firstly, it was observed that the social question developed a leading role in the nationalist agenda, as can be seen, for example, through the newspapers analysis. In fact, major newspapers appointing to nationalism developed a radical speech on social problems and included specific sections to deal with these issues and to express their position on the matter. The Argentine nationalism achieved several responses to the social question, including various aspects of the social life. Rather than waiting for a solution to social problems coming exclusively from the restrictive and repressive measures toward the labor movement, nationalists developed social, political, economic and cultural programmes which were part of their project towards an authoritary and hierarchical nation. Social projects and proposals for union organization were largely inspired by the European fascism, which included social care programmes within a totalitarian political order. The Argentine nationalists tried to impose an order taking into account the basic needs of the popular sectors and keeping social hierarchies, limiting workers political or union participation, and eliminating definitively the leftist revolutionary forces. National labor organizations included all types of workers into their ranks and sought to capture both the autonomous trade union members and the socialist workers. Some of these organizations were short-lived while others were more successful and managed to capture adherents. They formed the so called labor nacionalism union current, which developed its own social doctrine, strongly influenced by the papal encyclicals. The nationalist demonstrations in public spaces have also been largely analysed. (CONTENIDO PARCIAL) ; Fil: Rubinzal, Mariela. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärk oli uurida detailplaneeringute koostamise printsiipe - põhitähelepanu all on kohaliku omavalitsuse, kaitsealavalitseja, maaomaniku/arendaja ja huvitatud isikute omavaheline koostöö ja roll planeeringudokumendi valmimisel. Töö teoreetiline baas koosneb Eesti ja Euroopa planeerimissüsteemi kirjeldusest. Intervjuude läbiviimiseks kasutati poolstruktureeritud intervjuude vormi ja analüüsiks kvalitatiivse uurimismeetodi põhistatud teooriat loova uurimuse põhiprintsiipe. Intervjuude käigus tuli välja nii mõnedki seaduse omamoodi tõlgendused (lähteülesande mitte väljastamine, ehitustegevusele tingimuste seadmine projekteerimistingimuste kaudu), praktika kitsaskohad (vähene kogukonna huvi, otsuste tegemisel vähene baasdokumentide olemasolu) ja ka head lahendused (varajane ja tihe koostöö ametkondade vahel, pikaajaline läbimõeldud kohaliku omavalitsuse arenguvisioon). Tutvudes Eesti looduskaitsealadel planeerimissüsteemi kitsaskohtadega pakuti arutelu, järelduste ja soovituste peatükis Euroopa riikide näitel välja lahendusi nendele olukordadele, samuti toodi Euroopa baasil välja näiteid looduskaitsealadel ruumilise planeerimise suunamisest. Looduskaitsealadel detailplaneeringute koostamine on niivõrd keerukas protsess, et kaalutletud ja hiljem igakülgselt loodus- ja maastikukaitseliste põhimõtetega sobitumiseks on vaja põhjalikku baasmaterjali. Käesoleva töö teoreetilist osa läbi töötades sai töö autor mitmekülgse ülevaate sellest, kuidas looduskaitsealadel planeerimisprotsessid käivad ning milliseid aspekte peab sealjuures silmas pidama. Intervjuudest välja tulnud kitsaskohad näitavad aga, et tänases Eesti planeerimisruumis puudub ühtsus. Eestil puudub üleriigiline visioon, mille järgi planeerimisprotsesse ning erinevat liiki mõjude hindamisi läbi viia, seetõttu on ametnikel üsna lai vabadus neid oma parema äranägemise järgi suunata. Selleks, et looduskaitsealadel ruumilise planeerimise protsessi terviklikult arendada tuleks välja töötada üleriigilised põhimõtted (nt maastikupoliitika), mille koostamisse kaasamine peab olema mitmekülgne – lisaks riigiametnikele, ekspertidele, nõuandjatele ja sidusrühmadele tuleb luua piisav võimalus kaasa rääkida ka kodanikel ja maaomanikel. Neid põhimõtteid välja töötades ei tohi unustada, et lisaks loodus- ja maastikuväärtustele tuleb tagada kohalikele inimestele ja huvitatud isikutele inimväärsed tingimused ja majanduslikud võimalused selleks, et inimtegevus ka mitmete piirangutega piirkondades edasi kestaks. Vaid aktiivne ja motiveeritud, oma elukeskkonda kõrgelt hindav, kohalik kogukond tagab maastikuliste väärtuste säilimise ruumis. ; The aim of the present master's thesis was to study the principles of putting together detailed planning, under the main focus is mutual partnership between local communities, reserve administrator, landowner/developer and interested parties and their role when preparing documents for planning. The theoretical base involves overview of Estonian planning system and the ones used in Europe. The form of interview to be carried out was half-structured interview. This form of communicating was used in order to get the whole empiric data which would involve qualitative matters as well as the ones characteristic for details. When conducting interviews, it turned out that there were several interpretations of law as everyone pleased (the initial task not issued, to set stipulations to construction by means of designing stipulations), the bottlenecks of practice (too little interest by local community, too few base documents when making decisions) and good solutions as well (dense cooperation between officials at an early stage, a long-term, elaborate vision of development in local community). When getting acquainted with the bottlenecks of the planning system in Estonian nature protection areas, in the chapter of discussions, conclusions and suggestions with example of European countries solutions to these situations were given, as well as examples concerning European experience to direct spatial planning in nature protection areas. The principles of local authorities as directors of the process in different municipalities are different. Municipalities which have a long-term experience in carrying out planning process, they have also reasoned the directing of putting together detailed planning. When working with the theoretical part of the study, the author got a versatile overview how the planning process functions and which aspects are important to take into consideration. The bottlenecks which came out from the interviews show, that there is no unity in Estonian planning field. There is no nation-wide vision in Estonia how to carry out planning process and the assessment of different impacts, this is why officials are often quite free to direct them on their own. Due to that, directing spatial development has serious shortcomings and according to the author of the thesis even false interpretation of the law. It is good to state, in addition to that in the regions of several local governments and environmental board there are solutions worth recognition. In order to entirely develop the process of spatial planning in nature protection areas, the nation-wide principles should be worked out. The involving into putting together process has to be versatile, in addition to civil servants, experts, advisors and stakeholders, citizens and landowners should have sufficient opportunity to participate. When working out these principles one cannot forget, in addition to valuable nature and landscape, local people and interested parties are entitled to decent conditions and they have to be guaranteed economic opportunities so that human activity would last in regions with different restrictions. Only active, motivated people who highly appreciate their environment can ensure the preservation of landscape values in space. Let us name this document landscape policy or otherwise, it would definitely be a big step forward in directing the activities related to planning and following international principles.

Nuestra investigación se centró fundamentalmente en las distintas formas en que las derechas respondieron a los conflictos suscitados en el mundo del trabajo durante el período de entreguerras. En primer lugar, advertimos que la cuestión social fue adquiriendo un rol protagónico en la agenda nacionalista tal como puede verse, por ejemplo, a través del análisis de los periódicos. En efecto, los diarios más importantes adscriptos al nacionalismo desarrollaron un discurso radical respecto a los problemas sociales e incluyeron secciones específicas para tratar estas cuestiones y expresar una posición al respecto. Las respuestas del nacionalismo argentino frente a la cuestión obrera han sido múltiples y han abarcado distintas esferas de la vida social. Lejos de esperar que la solución a los problemas sociales proviniera exclusivamente de las medidas restrictivas y represivas hacia el movimiento obrero, los nacionalistas elaboraron programas sociales, políticos, económicos y culturales que formaron parte de su proyecto de nación autoritaria y jerárquica. Los proyectos sociales y las propuestas de organización sindical fueron en gran parte inspirados por los fascismos europeos los cuales incluyeron programas de contención social dentro de un orden político totalitario. En este sentido los nacionalistas argentinos intentaron mediante sus propuestas imponer un orden que contemplara las necesidades básicas de los sectores populares y que preservara las jerarquías sociales limitando la participación política o sindical de los trabajadores y eliminando definitivamente alas fuerzas de la izquierda revolucionaria. Las organizaciones obreras nacionalistas incluyeron todo tipo de trabajadores en sus filas y procuraron captar tanto a los afiliados de los sindicatos autónomos como a los trabajadores socialistas. Algunas de estas organizaciones fueron efímeras mientras que otras tuvieron más éxito y lograron atraer adherentes. Las mismas conformaron la corriente que hemos denominado nacionalismo sindicalista, la cual desarrolló su propia doctrina social fuertemente influenciada por las encíclicas papales. Las manifestaciones nacionalistas en el espacio público porteño han sido también analizadas in extenso. Existieron distintos tipos de manifestaciones para movilizar a los seguidores del nacionalismo y para captar nuevos adherentes, especialmente aquellos provenientes de los sectores populares. Las manifestaciones se convirtieron en el escenario de las disputas ideológicas mantenidas tanto contra la política liberal como contra la revolucionaria. La "revolución nacionalista", según la formulaban sus partidarios, implicaba trascender los aspectos políticos y económicos incorporando transformaciones en otras áreas de la vida social: las costumbres, las formas de vida, los gustos culturales, los valores. Los nacionalistas advirtieron que para lograr este tipo de "revolución" debían hacer usa de los medios de comunicación masivos y diseñar proyectos para regular las industrias culturales. El objetivo de representar a los sectores populares fracasó rotundamente. El discurso nacionalista que condenaba la diversidad étnico-religiosa, que amenazaba con eliminar las distintas voces políticas existentes, y que expresaba un odio visceral a sus enemigos (ya fueran judíos, anarquistas, comunistas, o liberales) fue extremadamente desafortunado para quienes procuraron ensanchar las bases de un movimiento antidemocrático originalmente elitista que, a la luz del contexto internacional y de las condiciones locales, devino en populista. ; Our research is mainly focused on the different ways in which the right addressed the conflicts arising in the labor world during the interwar period. Firstly, it was observed that the social question developed a leading role in the nationalist agenda, as can be seen, for example, through the newspapers analysis. In fact, major newspapers appointing to nationalism developed a radical speech on social problems and included specific sections to deal with these issues and to express their position on the matter. The Argentine nationalism achieved several responses to the social question, including various aspects of the social life. Rather than waiting for a solution to social problems coming exclusively from the restrictive and repressive measures toward the labor movement, nationalists developed social, political, economic and cultural programmes which were part of their project towards an authoritary and hierarchical nation. Social projects and proposals for union organization were largely inspired by the European fascism, which included social care programmes within a totalitarian political order. The Argentine nationalists tried to impose an order taking into account the basic needs of the popular sectors and keeping social hierarchies, limiting workers political or union participation, and eliminating definitively the leftist revolutionary forces. National labor organizations included all types of workers into their ranks and sought to capture both the autonomous trade union members and the socialist workers. Some of these organizations were short-lived while others were more successful and managed to capture adherents. They formed the so called labor nacionalism union current, which developed its own social doctrine, strongly influenced by the papal encyclicals. The nationalist demonstrations in public spaces have also been largely analysed. (CONTENIDO PARCIAL) ; Fil: Rubinzal, Mariela. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.