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The concept of neutrality is one of the most disputed concepts in historical research and modern politics and continues to attract the attention of political scientists. Despite continuingly growing interest in the questions of responsibilities in international conflicts and war politics, there has been little research on the historical origins of neutrality within the European context. Having been transforming throughout its history, Danish neutrality, with its specific background and ideological foundation, represents an interesting topic for analysis. This article addresses the problem of Danish neutrality in the period between the two World Wars. The objective of the study is to investigate why, after having been an important player in European politics and a militarily well-equipped country throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, during the interwar period Denmark refrained from any active participation in world politics and adopted the principle of defenceless neutrality.

This special issue ofContemporary European Historyis devoted to the impact of the two world wars on civilian population displacement in Europe. Each contributor has brought fresh material to bear on specific instances of involuntary migration that are either unfamiliar or poorly understood. The contributors seek to establish the origins of population displacement and the assistance provided by governments, non-government organisations and individuals and, where possible, also to reflect on the ways in which displacement was understood both at the time and subsequently.

With the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire following the first world
war, with the founding of Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenians on the 1st of
December 1918 and the Trianon peace treaty in 1920, the Hungarians in
Vojvodina became a minority. Therefore an entire new chapter followed in
their political, social, industrial and cultural lives. The period of living
as a minority, independent literary and cultural life, which was the polar
opposite of their previous life, aimed at creating an independent, specific
path of development. This new approach is best seen in Hungarian minority
press in Vojvodina. Only two titles remain from the earlier period:
B?csmegyei Napl? (Diary of Bacsmegye) from Subotica and Torontal from
Nagybecskerek - Zrenjanin; also two new titles were issued: Delbacska (South
Bacska) in Novi Sad, Hirlap (Gazette) I Subotica and Kozakarat (Public Will)
in Nagybecskerek. It should be noted that approximately 200 other Hungarian
press titles were present in the period between the two world wars in
Vojvodina. All these press titles were characterized by a difficult material
status and the struggles to survive, struggles with cencorship and the
search for themes and possibilities of expression, and also the appearance
of journalistic sensationalism.

This timely new volume brings together experts on the laws of war from academia, the military, and the NGO community to examine the issues surrounding September 11th and its aftermath, which have raised fundamental challenges to the existing corpus of international humanitarian law. The book features a thoughtful overview and discussion of the extent to which "new wars" call for new laws. The authors analyze specific topics pertaining to this theme, including the definition of armed conflict, the identification of military objectives, the meaning and application of the principle of proportionality in contemporary conflicts, the legitimacy of "targeted killings," the treatment of individuals detained in non-traditional armed conflicts, and the contemporary application of the law of occupation. Specific highlights include: Lt. Col. William K. Lietzau, National Defense University and former Special Advisor to the General Counsel of the Department of Defense (DoD), on when to apply the law of war and when to apply a law enforcement paradigm; Yoram Dinstein, Stockton Professor of International Law at the U.S. Naval War College, on proportionality; Crimes of War website editor Anthony Dworkin on due process problems in the anti-terror campaign; Ken Watkin, Visiting Fellow in the Human Rights Program at Harvard Law School, on targeting and assassination; and much more. Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint

The subject of this article is the analysis of selected institutional activities, including drafts of legislative initiatives and social actions that took place between 2018 and 2020 at Polish universities (and outside of them). Its goal is to define what can be expressed, who is entitled to speak within the academic realm and what can be said by an academic teacher or scientist during a public debate. These social actions and legislative initiatives are discussed in the broader context of activities of social movements having a clear ideological face (either left- or right-wing), protests against lectures, debates organised at universities that were labelled as "ideological", as well as projects intended to promote specific visions of academic freedom along with corresponding regulations for universities.

Most analyses of American elections have treated wars as special events, including them in the analysis, but seeking only to make conclusions specific to each war. This article examines the last five American wars statistically and historically, seeking to demonstrate that, in general, wars have caused elected leaders associated with American entry into battle to lose ground in wartime elections. Both the statistical results and the historical commentary support the central hypothesis and suggest some important related conclusions: Changes in short-run military outlays appear to be the most effective measure of war's impact on the nation; presidents have been more subject to the effects of war than have members of Congress; and wars have influenced postwar elections at least as much as elections during wartime.

History teaching and learning in schools has been the subject of history culture wars in countries such as Sweden, Australia, the US, and Canada. In a Swedish-specific context, this and similar debates should be viewed in relation to the fact that throughout the twentieth century, governments in Sweden, as well as other countries, have regarded history teaching in schools as an important builder of national consciousness. At the same time, Sweden has undergone substantial demographic changes in recent decades. This article analyzes the different perspectives put forward in a debate on the school subject of history in Swedish education as a new syllabus was being introduced. Seixas' approaches to history are used in the analysis. The debate was initiated by historians who criticized the syllabus for the absence of the period of Antiquity. Leading politicians also participated. The collective memory approach was a central perspective on history in schools in the debate.

Many historians have downplayed the significance of interwar internationalism. They have presented the League of Nations and the campaigns of internationally-minded groups as idealistic failures in an age that was characterised by international tension and aggressive nationalisms. This book challenges such narratives by assessing transnational projects that were launched or transformed after World War One, particularly the interaction of the League of Nations with specific groups or associations. The authors reveal the different rationales and stimuli for international cooperation in this peri

Lesser Civil Wars: Civilians Defining War and the Memory of War is an edited volume that surveys three hundred years of the Memory of war and the Will to war in the greater Ohio River Valley and Great Lakes region. Military theorists from von Clausewitz, to Dingiswayo and Chandragupta, calculated the Will of their own soldiers and of the enemy's soldiers. Sometimes the Will is assigned an erroneously low strength, as Abraham Lincoln learned quickly at the onset of the United States Civil War.In this volume, we examine the civilian production of the national Will to fight future wars through the least civil war - each individual's war to remember or to forget - and no armistice or accord brings this internal battle to an end. This is not a book about the atrocities committed during war. This is a book about the very nature of the Will-Memory-Will cycle, where the Memory of war continues for generations until a new war requires the resurrection of the Will. As these essays show, sometimes it only takes a few individuals to prosecute these Memory wars with rules of engagement that do not necessarily include civil behavior.By focusing on microhistories from a specific region and by bracketing the US Civil War with an essay about a century prior to it and essays about the century following it, we are able to demonstrate the power and energy of the incubating stage of Memory in the Will-Memory-Will cycle. In the greater Ohio River Valley and Great Lakes region, ordinary civilians controlled and incubated the memories of the Iroquois Wars, the French and Indian/Sevens' Years War (1756-1763), the American Revolution (1776-1783) and the War of 1812, and they converted Memory into the Will to fight the US Civil War and the Vietnam War. In these chapters, we present micro-wars between civilians over control of the Will of a nation. They are, indeed, lesser

Cinema is a powerful media that can shape people's minds about different issues. Movies can focus on very detailed or hidden matters in society, and critical issues that profoundly affect the lives of large populations are usually at the center of cinema's attention. Among these issues are wars that can affect tens of millions of people financially, mentally and of course physically.Films can question or justify wars. To answer if they questioned wars or justified them one should choose a specific war, a period and maybe a particular group of films and analyze their content and discourse. However, to do so, it would be helpful and maybe necessary to first better understand how films may question or justify wars.The present research is an effort to analyze a specific number of movies to see in what ways they may have justified the role of the United States in the Second World War. The results include eight issues that the movies raised regarding the legitimacy of the war and America's role in it.

Does it matter whether a civil war is fought as a conventional, irregular, or symmetric nonconventional conflict? Put differently, do "technologies of rebellion" impact a war's severity, duration, or outcome? Our answer is positive. We find that irregular conflicts last significantly longer than all other types of conflict, while conventional ones tend to be more severe in terms of battlefield lethality. Irregular conflicts generate greater civilian victimization and tend to be won by incumbents, while conventional ones are more likely to end in rebel victories. Substantively, these findings help us make sense of how civil wars are changing: they are becoming shorter, deadlier on the battlefield, and more challenging for existing governments—but also more likely to end with some kind of settlement between governments and armed opposition. Theoretically, our findings support the idea of taking into account technologies of rebellion (capturing characteristics of conflicts that tend to be visible mostly at the micro level) when studying macro-level patterns of conflicts such as the severity, duration, and outcomes of civil wars; they also point to the specific contribution of irregular war to both state building and social change.

"All over the world and throughout millennia, states have attempted to subjugate, control and dominate non-state populations and to end their wars. This book compares such processes of pacification leading to the end of tribal warfare in seven societies from all over the world between the 19th and 21st centuries. It shows that pacification cannot be understood solely as a unilateral imposition of state control but needs to be approached as the result of specific interactions between state actors and non-state local groups. Indigenous groups usually had options in deciding between accepting and resisting state control. State actors often had to make concessions or form alliances with indigenous groups in order to pursue their goals. Incentives given to local groups sometimes played a more important role in ending warfare than repression. In this way, indigenous groups, in interaction with state actors, strongly shaped the character of the process of pacification. This volume's comparison finds that pacification is more successful and more durable where state actors mainly focus on selective incentives for local groups to renounce warfare, offer protection, and only as a last resort use moderate repression, combined with the quick establishment of effective institutions for peaceful conflict settlement"--

"This book seeks to explore the relevance of major theoretical and methodological approaches currently dominating the field of ethnic conflict and civil war research, testing their efficacy by applying them to three major South Caucasus conflicts of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Souleimanov explores the causes and dynamics of ethnic conflict and civil war, distinguishing between onset-based and process-based theories. He introduces a scheme of periodization which links the phase of low-scale inter-ethnic violence with the phase of sustainable organized violence, asserting the crucial importance of elites and their use of opportunity in power asymmetry as a key factor in instigating full-scale civil war. As a merger of theoretical and empiricist approaches, this book focuses on the case-specific contextual richness of the local conflicts in Karabakh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia to draw solid theoretical conclusions as well as providing suggestions for the improvement of current theories."--