Suchergebnisse

Individuals or groups with different characteristics are treated unequally and are exposed to various hate speeches by being perceived as a threat. Today, social media is the most important of the environments where these discourses spread easily without any control today. You could delete this section, and type your abstract without changing the format. In this study aims to reveal the hate speech practices in Ekşi Sözlük for the Z generation, who are often exposed to othering in the social media public realm. First of all in this context, the titles is opened in Ekşi Sözlük about the Z generation are found by a detailed search and the Z Generation title with the highest number of entries is selected among the 227 titles obtained. 1610 comments under this title are taken on June 15, 2022 with the Selenium test tool in order to avoid any data loss. The entries obtained for the analysis are divided into hate speech categories. Then, these inputs are evaluated by a descriptive analysis method. As a result of the study, generation Z, social media addicts, while they are shown as individuals who are apolitical and far from social values; profanity and It was also determined that they were subjected to hate speech with hostile expressions.

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa'daki siyasi ve ekonomik yıkımı onarmak adına Avrupa bütünleşmesi fikri ortaya çıkmış, ancak Britanya bu fikre Kıta'nın diğer ulus devletlerine kıyasla daha mesafeli yaklaşmıştır. Her ne kadar 1960'larda entegrasyon fikrinin en somut çıktısı olan Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğuna başvurup, 1973'te üye devlet konumuna gelse de; Britanya, üye olduğu dönem boyunca ulusal çıkarlarına uymayan Topluluk politikalarının dışında kalmayı tercih etmiştir. Britanya'nın gerek kendini Kıta Avrupası'nın politik, ekonomik ve toplumsal yapısından ayrıştırarak, gerekse karşılaştırmalı bir üstünlük belirterek istisnacılığını üyelik öncesi ve sonrası dönemde devam ettirdiği söylenebilir. Avrupa entegrasyonunun ilkelerinden ve politika gerekliliklerinden kendini hariç tutma iddiası olarak tanımlanabilecek Britanya istisnacılığına dair Britanya Parlamentosu'nun iki ana akım partisi İşçi Partisi ve Muhafazakâr Parti tarafından üretilen siyaset ve söylem, bu çalışmanın temel araştırma konusudur. Britanya Parlamentosu içinde Avrupa entegrasyonuna karşı geliştirilen farklı tutumlar arasından istisnacılığı söylem analizi yöntemi ile inceleyen bu çalışmada, bahsi geçen iki partinin milletvekillerinin parlamento konuşmaları 1973-2017 dönem aralığında, parlamentonun resmi arşivi Hansard üzerinden elde edilen veriler aracılığıyla incelenmiştir. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın ilk amacı İşçi Partisi ve Muhafazakâr Parti milletvekillerinin istisnacılık siyasetinin söylemsel boyutunu nasıl kurguladıklarının incelenmesi, ikinci amacı ise bu iki partinin istisnacılık söylemi arasında ne gibi benzerlikler ve farklılıklar olduğunun tespit edilmesidir. Söylem analizi sonucunda iki partinin istisnacılık söyleminin yoğunlaştığı ana başlıklar egemenlik, ekonomik yapının biricikliği, dünya gücü olma iddiası ve ada devleti olma halinden kaynaklı coğrafi konum olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. ; The idea of European integration has emerged to restore political and economic destruction in Europe after the Second World War, yet Britain stood aloof from this idea compared to other nation states in the Continent. Although in 1960s, Britain applied for the membership of European Economic Community, which was the most tangible output of integration attempts and became a member state in 1973; throughout the membership period, Britain preferred to opt-out from the policies of Community which were not in line with national interests of the country. It can also be argued that Britain has maintained its exceptionalism both before and after membership, either by differentiating itself from the political, economic and social structure of Continental Europe or claiming a comparative superiority. The main subject of this study is the politics and discourse on British exceptionalism- which can be defined as the assertion of exemption from the values and policy necessities of European integration- produced by the two mainstream political parties of British Parliament, Labour and Conservative Parties. In this study, exceptionalism as one of the various lines of conduct inside British Parliament towards European integration has been examined by discourse analysis of the speeches of MPs from the two political parties in question covering the period from 1973 to 2017 through the data retrieved from Hansard, the official archive of British Parliament. In this context, this study aims, firstly, to analyse how the MPs of Labour and Conservative Parties construct the discourse dimension of exceptionalist politics and secondly, to determine what kind of similarities and differences between these two political parties' exceptionalist discourse. Sovereignty, the uniqueness of economic structure, claim for world power and geographic location as an island nation are the main topics emerged out of discourse analysis.

According to the data of the Presidency of Migration Management (2021), the largest group of irregular migrants detected in Türkiye in 2021 were Afghans. The arrival of irregular migrants from Afghanistan to Türkiye alongside the Syrian refugees have caused a negatively charged reaction in Turkish society and from the main parties in the opposition. Based on this apparent reaction against the arrival of Afghan
refugees, the claim can be made that Afghans are now the new "other" category in Türkiye. We identify two hashtags used on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghans, which are #sınırnamustur (border is honor) and #hudutnamustur (frontier is honor) having the same meaning in Turkish and are Trend Topics on Twitter. The purpose of this study is to examine the reason why there are two hashtags on Twitter to protest the arrival of Afghan immigrants, what the differences and similarities are between
the two in terms of how Afghans are defined and what kinds of hate speech they are subjected to. For this purpose, we applied Craswell's mixed model in this study using both content analysis and social network analysis techniques. The investigation results reveal that the hashtag #sınırnamustur is a manifestation of a political endeavor, asserting that Afghan refugees are associated with a 'security challenge'. In contrast, the hashtag #hudutnamustur represents a response from the general populace, embodying elements of cultural superiority.

Siyasal iletişim, insanlık tarihinde siyaset, devlet ve iktidar yapısı ile birlikte irdelenen en eski alanlardan biri olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Özellikle toplum, grup ve bireyin kendini ifade etme ve kamuoyu oluşturma sürecinde etkili olan siyasal iletişimin, günümüz medya araçları ile demokratik toplumların vazgeçilmezi haline geldiğini söylemek mümkündür. Siyasal iletişim araçları ve siyasal iletişim için kullanılan metotlar aynı zamanda toplumsal yapıların özelliklerini de göstermektedir. Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği yıkılışına kadar kendine has bir iletişim sistemi uygulamıştır. Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasından sonra ise hibrit post-sovyet siyasal sistem organize olmuştur. Bu yeni sistem ise kendi iktidar ve siyasal araçlarını üretmiştir. Bu süreçte genel olarak demokratik teamüller yerleşememiştir. Muhalefet ve muhaliflik gibi kavramlar baskı ve sansürle birlikte anılır hale gelmiştir. Gelişen iletişim teknolojileri ile birlikte muhalifler kendi alanlarını açmaya çalışmaktadır. Bunlardan biri de muhalif lider Aleksey Anatolyeviç Navalnıy'dır. İktidarın geleneksel medyaya ulaşmasını engellemesi nedeniyle siyasal iletişim faaliyetlerini yoğun olarak sosyal medyaya taşımıştır. Navalnıy, kullandığı siyasal iletişim teknikleri ile toplumun geniş bir bölümünün dikkatini çekmiş ve hızla ciddi bir destekçi kitlesi oluşturmuştur. Kullandığı ikna odaklı siyasal iletişim stratejileri ve retorik de bunda etkili olmuştur. Çalışmada Aleksey Navalnıy'ın siyasi konuşmaları retorik analizi ile incelenmiştir. ; Political communication is one of the oldest areas in the history of mankind, along with politics, state and power structure. Political communication is especially effective in the process of self-expression of society, group and individuals and in the process of creating public opinion. Now it is becoming an indispensable element of democratic societies with the media tools of today. The means of political communication and the methods used also show the characteristics of social structures. Until the fall of the USSR, it has implemented a unique communication system. After the disintegration of the Soviets, the hybrid postSoviet political system was organized and produced its own power and political means. In this process, democratic conventions could not be settled, and the opposition was remembered with oppression and censorship. Along with the developing communication technologies, opposition try to open their own fields. One of them is opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Because the power has prevented him from reaching the traditional media, he intensified his political communication activities on social media. Navalny has drawn public attention with the political communication techniques he used and quickly formed a serious supporter mass. Persuasion-oriented communication strategies and rhetoricthat he used have been effective in this. In this study, Navalny's political speeches were examined with rhetorical analysis.

Günümüzde, iktidarın elde edilmesi için yürütülen siyasal iletişim faaliyetlerinde; siyasi lider aktörü oldukça ön plana çıkmaktadır. Siyasi liderlerin seçmenleri ikna etmek amacıyla gerçekleştirdikleri konuşmalar, üslupları noktasında siyasal sistemde tartışmalara konu edilmektedir. Politik konuşmalarda, siyasi liderlerin üslup türlerinin belirginlik göstermemesi; üslup üzerinde farklı nitelemelerin yapılmasına imkân sunmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, ülkemizde siyasi liderlerin üsluplarına ilişkin tartışmalardan yola çıkarak; liderlerin üsluplarını seçmenlerin algılayışından bir sınıflandırmaya tabi tutmaktır. Aynı zamanda, liderlerin konuşma üsluplarının seçmenlerin karar alma sürecindeki rolü üzerinde de çalışılmıştır. Bundan dolayı, Şanlıurfa ilinde bir anket çalışması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Araştırmada; Faktör, One-Way ANOVA ve Independent Samples t- Test analizleri kullanılmıştır. Seçmenlerin oy verme yaklaşımları bakımından üç, politik konuşmalardaki ikna bileşenleri noktasından dört, liderlerin konuşmalarındaki üslup açısından iki faktör tespit edilmiştir. Oy verme yaklaşımlarında tespit edilen faktörler; sosyolojik oy verme, psikolojik oy verme ve rasyonel oy vermedir. İkna bileşenleri ölçeğinde tespit edilen faktörler; duygusal çekicilik, biçemli ifadeler, kaynak güvenilirliği ve rasyonel çekiciliktir. Konuşmalardaki üslup ölçeğinde tespit edilen faktörler ise çatışmacı üslup ve uzlaşmacı üsluptur. İkna bileşenleri ölçeğinde, en yüksek ortalamalı faktör, kaynağın güvenilirliği iken; en düşük ortalamalı faktör, biçemli ifadeler olarak tespit edilmiştir. Üslup ölçeğinin faktörlerinde ise siyasi liderlerin konuşmalarında uzlaşmacı üslup faktörünün ortalamasının çatışmacı üslup faktörü ortalamasından yaklaşık iki kat fazla olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ayrıca, özellikle çatışmacı ve uzlaşmacı üslup faktörlerinin seçmenlerin sosyo-demografik özellikleriyle anlamlı farklılaşmalar gösterdiği tespit edilmiştir. ; Nowadays, the political leader stands out considerably in the political communication activities carried out with the purpose of achieving political power. The speeches given by the political leaders to persuade the voters have been a topic in terms of their styles in discussions in the political system. The fact that types of political leader styles do not have significant differences offers an opportunity to create various characterizations about style. On the basis of the discussions in our country related to the leadership style, the purpose of this study is to classify the styles of the leaders from the perspectives of the voters. The role of speech styles of the leaders in the voters' decision-making process was also studied. For this purpose, a questionnaire study was carried out in the city Sanlıurfa. Factor, One-Way ANOVA and Independent Samples t-Test analyses were used in the study. Three factors in terms of the voting approaches of the voters, four factors in terms of persuasion components in a political speech and two factors in terms of styles of leaders in their speeches were identified. The factors identified in voting approaches are sociological voting, psychological voting and rational voting. The factors identified within the scale of persuasion components are emotional attraction, statements with a style, reliability of resource and rational attraction. Finally, the factors identified within the scale of style in speech are conflicting style and complementary style. While the factor with the highest mean within the scale of persuasion components was reliability of the source, the factor with the lowest mean was found to be statements with a style. As to the factors within the scale of style, it was found that mean of the complementary style factor in political leaders' speeches is about two times more than the mean of the conflicting style factor.Moreover,particularly factors of conflicting and complementary style show meaningful differences regarding socio-demographic characteristics of the voters.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1388. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project.

ParlaMint is a multilingual set of comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after October 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1405.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (after November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the ParlaMint TEI-encoded corpora with the derived plain text version of the corpus along with TSV metadata on the speeches. Also included is the 2.0 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. Note that there also exists the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, which is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1431.

ParlaMint 2.1 is a multilingual set of 17 comparable corpora containing parliamentary debates mostly starting in 2015 and extending to mid-2020, with each corpus being about 20 million words in size. The sessions in the corpora are marked as belonging to the COVID-19 period (from November 1st 2019), or being "reference" (before that date). The corpora have extensive metadata, including aspects of the parliament; the speakers (name, gender, MP status, party affiliation, party coalition/opposition); are structured into time-stamped terms, sessions and meetings; with speeches being marked by the speaker and their role (e.g. chair, regular speaker). The speeches also contain marked-up transcriber comments, such as gaps in the transcription, interruptions, applause, etc. Note that some corpora have further information, e.g. the year of birth of the speakers, links to their Wikipedia articles, their membership in various committees, etc. The corpora are encoded according to the Parla-CLARIN TEI recommendation (https://clarin-eric.github.io/parla-clarin/), but have been validated against the compatible, but much stricter ParlaMint schemas. This entry contains the linguistically marked-up version of the corpus, while the text version is available at http://hdl.handle.net/11356/1432. The ParlaMint.ana linguistic annotation includes tokenization, sentence segmentation, lemmatisation, Universal Dependencies part-of-speech, morphological features, and syntactic dependencies, and the 4-class CoNLL-2003 named entities. Some corpora also have further linguistic annotations, such as PoS tagging or named entities according to language-specific schemes, with their corpus TEI headers giving further details on the annotation vocabularies and tools. The compressed files include the ParlaMint.ana XML TEI-encoded linguistically annotated corpus; the derived corpus in CoNLL-U with TSV speech metadata; and the vertical files (with registry file), suitable for use with CQP-based concordancers, such as CWB, noSketch Engine or KonText. Also included is the 2.1 release of the data and scripts available at the GitHub repository of the ParlaMint project. As opposed to the previous version 2.0, this version corrects some errors in various corpora and adds the information on upper / lower house for bicameral parliaments. The vertical files have also been changed to make them easier to use in the concordancers.

Gunumuzde iktidarin elde edilebilmesi icin basarili iletisim sureclerinin yurutulmesi gerekmektedir. Siyasi liderin secmen uzerindeki etkisi bu acidan buyuk onem tasimaktadir. ulkemizin 2015 yilinda art arda secime girmesi nedeniyle siyasi arenada yasanan degisimler sureklilik gostermistir. Secim sonuclarinda elde edilen degisiklikler gerek parti basarisi gerekse yeniden tasarlanan iletisim calismalarinin sonucu olarak gorulebilmektedir. Arastirmada Ahmet Davutoglu liderligini temel alinarak 7 Haziran ve 1 Kasim 2015 secimlerinde elde edilen sonuclar miting konusmalari uzerinden soylem analizi ile incelenmistir. Bu asamada Ahmet Davutoglu'nun miting konusmalari ve donemin icerisinde bulundugu siyasi atmosferi tanimlamak adina donem oncesi ve esnasinda yasanan siyasi olaylar belirlenmistir. calismanin ilk bolumunde genel anlamda liderlik siyasal iktidar ve Ahmet Davutoglu'nun liderligi tanimlanmistir. Ýkinci bolumunde ise Ahmet Davutoglu liderliginde gerceklesen secimlerin farkliligini ortaya koymak adina detayli incelemelerde bulunulmustur. 7 Haziran ve 1 Kasim secim kampanyalari secimlerde kullanilan logo slogan mesaj ve vaatler kampanyanin temasi kampanyanin soylemi hedef kitle secim sarkisi secim beyannamesi siyasal reklamlar ve medya kullanimi basliklariyla incelenmeye calisilmistir. Ýnceleme alani olarak Ahmet Davutoglu'nun Ýstanbul iliyle sinirlandirilan miting soylemlerine yer verilmistir. Buna ek olarak secim doneminde yasanan siyasi olaylara karsi liderin yorumlamalarina yer verilmistir. Arastirma sorusu ise "7 Haziran ve 1 Kasim 2015 secimlerinde sergilenen Ahmet Davutoglu liderligi nasil degisime ugramistir?" seklinde belirlenmistir. calismanin amaci Ahmet Davutoglu'nun liderligini yorumlamak adina bazi alanlarda arastirma yapmak ve bu alanlarda lider olarak nasil bir etki alani yarattigini secim sonuclari uzerinden yorumlamaktir. Bu arastirma farkliliklardan ve soylem degisikliklerinden yola cikarak donem kosullari ekseninde yorumlarda bulunmaktadir. Sonuc bolumunde ise donemin siyasi konjonkturunun liderlik soylemlerine yansimalari incelenmistir. ; Nowadays, in order to obtain to be the ruling political party, successful communication processes have to be carried out. The influence of political leader voters is of great importance. The changes at the political arena showed continuity, because of the several elections in our country in 2015. The changes in election results, can be seen as the result of the success of the political party and the result of the redesigned communication processes. In this research are the results of the general elections with the leadership of Ahmet Davutoğlu on June 7 and November 1 2015, discoursed analyzed, through the speeches on the meetings. At this stage, the political events occurred before and during the period are determined/specified, in order to define the speeches of Ahmet Davutoğlu and in order to define the political atmosphere at that period. In the first part of the study is leadership in general terms, political power and the leadership of Ahmet Davutoğlu described. The second part consist a detailed research of the differences in the general elections under the leadership of Ahmet Davutoğlu. Election campaigns for the general elections of June 7 and November 1, the logo used for these elections, the slogan, the messages and promises, the theme of the campaign, the speech of the campaign, target audience, the song of the election, the declaration of the election, the political figures and the use of the media, are tried to examine. The research area is restricted to the speeches and meetings of Ahmet Davutoğlu in Istanbul city. In addition, includes the research also the interpretations to the political events in that period, of the leader. The research question is "How has change Ahmet Davutoğlu leadership in 7 June and 1 November elections?" The goal of the study is, in order to interpret the leadership of Ahmet Davutoğlu, therefore to conduct research on specific fields and to remark how he as a leader has influenced, as a consequence the results of the elections. The interpretations in this research are based on to the differences and the changes in discourse, taking into account the circumstances in the specified period. In the conclusion you will find the reflection of the political conjuncture to the discourses of leadership.