Suchergebnisse

The number of preference votes for the candidates running in the October 2006 local elections in the thirteen main cities of Flanders is largely determined by the position on the list & the previous political mandate. A multivariate analysis shows that an executive function on the local level yields a comparable electoral bonus as a national mandate. The campaign expenditures also have a significant effect. There is a spending limit, but the candidates on average spend only 22% of what they are allowed to. Christian-democratic candidates generally spend the most, with the liberals ranked second. The gender, age & professional status of the candidates have at most a very marginal effect on their electoral score, controlling for the other relevant variables. Candidates with a foreign name obtain a somewhat better result on average, but this is particularly the case with candidates running for the socialist party. Tables, Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

Od financiranja lokalne samouprave zavisi provođenje njenih nadležnosti. Bez adekvatnog financiranja ne možemo očekivati kvalitetnu lokalnu samoupravu za građane kao krajnje korisnike usluga. Financiranje lokalne samouprave predstavlja važan princip koji je zajamčen i Europskom poveljom o lokalnoj samoupravi. Bez značajnije financijske i materijalne autonomije, cjelokupan koncept i funkcioniranje lokalne samouprave gube na značaju. Cilj ovog članka jest predstavljanje osnovnih pitanja o financiranju lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini, odnosno njenim entitetima Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Republici Srpskoj. Analiza predstavlja međunarodnopravne odredbe o financiranju lokalne samouprave sadržane u Europskoj povelji o lokalnoj samoupravi i pravne odredbe iz nacionalnog zakonodavstva Bosne i Hercegovine i njezinih entiteta. ; The financing of local self-government influences the capacities of local units to perform their tasks. One cannot expect to receive high quality local services unless local units have sufficient financial means and are able to provide a wide range of services. The principle of local self-government financing is a basic principle guaranteed by the European Charter of Local Self-Government. The whole concept of local self-government and its functioning lose on their importance if there is not sufficient financial autonomy. The paper aims at presenting the basic issues of local self-government financing in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Srpska. Some of the main international legal norms related to the financing of local self-government from the European Charter and national legal regulation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its entities are analysed in the paper. The analysis has shown that the funds allocated to Bosnian local self-government are far from sufficient. Furthermore, there is a significant difference in local self-government funding between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which spends 8.42 per cent of its budget on local finances, and the Republic of Srpska, which spends 24 per cent.

Ovaj rad pokušava prikazivanjem međunarodnog sustava za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma odgovoriti na pitanje uspješnosti tog sustava. Terorizam je jedan od najsloženijih fenomena današnjeg svijeta te zasigurno najizazovnija pojava društva u kojem živimo i kao takav zahtijeva dubinsku analizu svih svojih aspekata u svrhu što učinkovitije borbe protiv istoga. U prvom djelu rada prikazan je način na koji se terorističke organizacije financiraju: izvori njihovih sredstava, načini prijenosa tih sredstava te je prikazano na što sve terorističke organizacije i teroristi troše ta sredstva. Drugi dio rada prikazuje međunarodni okvir za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma i to: UN-ove konvencije i rezolucije, FATF-ove Posebne preporuke i europsko zakonodavstvo o sprječavanju korištenja financijskog sustava za pranje novca i financiranje terorizma. Na kraju je prikazan zakonodavni i institucionalni okvir Republike Hrvatske za sprječavanje financiranja terorizma. Zaključuje se kako je međunarodna borba protiv financiranja terorizma i dalje daleko od potpunog uspjeha zbog činjenice da se terorističke organizacije bez većih problema konstantno prilagođavaju novonastalim uvjetima i novim oblicima financiranja. ; This paper attempts to show international system for prevention of the financing of terrorism and to answer the question of its efficiency. Terrorism is one of the most complex phenomena of today's world and certainly the most challenging phenomena of society in which we live, and as such requires an in-depth analysis of all its aspects in order to ensure a more efficient fight against it. In the first part of the paper it is showen the way in which terrorist organizations are being financed: sources of their funds, methods of transfer of these funds, and it shows on what the terrorist organizations and terrorists spend these funds. In the second part of the paper it is showen the international framework for the prevention of terrorist financing: UN conventions and resolutions, FATF Special recommendations and ...

Iako su SAD jedna od država koja ne predviđa oblike neposredne demokracije na razini federacije, ustavi članica američke federacije prihvaćaju instituciju ustavne i zakonodavne inicijative – jedan od ključnih elemenata za njihovo razlikovanje od Ustava SAD-a. Građani 24 savezne države SAD-a neposredno su od 1904. do kraja 2005. odlučivali o 2.155 ustavnih i zakonskih prijedloga, u 21. stoljeću Amerikanci očekuju širenje novog ustavnog populizma – uporabe institucija neposredne demokracije. Autorice tumače ustavna rješenja i stvarne učinke primjene navedenih institucijana oblikovanje državne politike u tim državama. ; Although the USA is one of the states that does not have provisions for the forms of direct democracy at federal level, the constitutions of American federal states have accepted the institute of constitutional and legal initiative, which is one of the key elements that differs them from the Constitution of the United States of America. The citizens of 24 American federal states directly decided about 2,155 constitutional and law drafts between 1904 and 2005. The American people expect the institutions of direct democracy to be used more extensively in the 21st century. The authors explain constitutional solutions and the effects of implementation of these institutes on the shaping of state policies in the respective federal states. The institute is used for bypassing the state legislatures in order to limit their freedom of action by constitutionalising the political choices. Tax- -reduction initiatives limit the revenues legislatures can levy and spend, and thus control the damage. This institute is becoming a means of launching changes in different public areas, such as taxes and expenditures, campaign financing, public education. However, the state legislatures can limit effects of the successful initiatives by withholding financial aid necessary for their implementation. State policy does not finish at the moment the initiatives are adopted by citizens. Sanctions depend on citizens' ability to establish the facts about the compliance with the decisions made by direct citizens' participation, and on clarity of the texts adopted by initiatives.

Parental leave reforms that aimed at higher father's involvement in childcare began in the 1970s. However, the number of fathers who took parental leave increased only in the 1990s when Scandinavian countries began introducing father's quotas or paternity leaves, that is, earmarked leave periods to be used by fathers or otherwise lost. Croatia introduced the two-month father's quota as late as in 2013. Although the reform did not contribute to a sudden increase in the number of fathers on parental leave, there is always a steady, albeit small, number of fathers taking up leave. This article aims to provide an insight into fathers' experiences on parental leave in Croatia. Relying on interviews with 11 middle-class fathers in the City of Zagreb, the article explores father's motives for taking leave, their experience regarding the initial decision and the procedure of exercising their right to leave and their experience of being on leave. Results suggest that the fathers were very eager to use their right to leave and spend time with their children. They mostly used longer leaves (more than 3 months) and the experience of being home alone with the child made the fathers learn new skills in relation to childcare and housework, but also rethink their relation to work and family. ; Reforme roditeljskih dopusta usmjerene na uključivanje većeg broja očeva u brigu o djeci započele su 1970-ih, međutim broj očeva koji su koristili roditeljske dopuste povećao se tek 1990-ih kada su skandinavske države počele uvoditi kvote za očeve, odnosno očeve dopuste. Te su kvote periodi dopusta namijenjeni isključivo očevima te u slučaju neiskorištenosti od strane oca propadaju. Hrvatska je uvela dvomjesečnu kvotu za očeve tek 2013. Iako reforma nije doprinijela značajnom povećanju broja očeva koji koriste dopuste, u Hrvatskoj uvijek imamo određeni stabilan, iako mali, broj očeva koji koriste dopuste. Namjera ovog rada je pružiti uvid u iskustva očeva na roditeljskom dopustu u Hrvatskoj. Intervjuima s 11 očeva srednjeg društvenog sloja u Gradu Zagrebu dobiven je uvid u motivaciju očeva za korištenjem dopusta, njihova iskustva u vidu donošenja odluke i postupku ostvarivanja prava na dopust te njihova iskustva tijekom samog korištenja roditeljskog dopusta. Rezultati pokazuju kako su očevi bili jako motivirani koristiti svoje pravo na dopust i provesti vrijeme s djetetom. Uglavnom su koristili duže dopuste (više od 3 mjeseca) te im je iskustvo bivanja samih s djetetom omogućilo stjecanje novih vještina u brizi za djecu i za kućanstvo, ali ih je i potaknulo da promisle o svojem odnosu prema poslu i obitelji.

U ljetnim mjesecima 1905. godine skupina demokratski usmjerenih varaždinskih studenata utemeljila je Hrvatski akademski ferijalni klub Fidelitas koji je 1907. promijenio naziv u Tomislav. Svrha ovog kluba bila je razvijanje društvenosti i širenje prosvjete među članstvom i širim slojevima pučanstva. U sljedećih desetak godina klub je razvio bogatu i sustavnu aktivnost na tri ključna područja, pri priređivanju kulturno-zabavnih programa, pučkih javnih predavanja i održavanju tečajeva za opismenjavanje. Kako bi privukli pozornost varaždinske javnosti, sveučilištarci su tijekom božićnih i uskršnjih praznika, maksimalno koristeći slobodno vrijeme svojih članova, od samog početka priređivali Dramatske večeri, glazbeno-literarne programe, tzv. jour fixe, pučke ljetne zabave, plesne vjenčiće i koncerte. Njihovim priređivanjem oni su pridonosili kulturnom i društvenom životu i osiguravali sredstva potrebna za humanitarni rad i održavanje ostalih svojih aktivnosti. Priređivanjem pučkih javnih predavanja sveučilištarci su među građanstvom nastojali predstaviti i popularizirati postignuća raznih područja znanosti i umjetnosti kako bi se općenito podigla razina obrazovanosti stanovništva. Zahvaljujući organizacijskim teškoćama i idejno-političkim nesuglasicama s lokalnim vlastima, ova se aktivnost svela na svega nekoliko priređenih predavanja tijekom 1907. i 1908. godine. Daleko uspješnija bila je aktivnost suzbijanja nepismenosti. U tu svrhu redovito su organizirani analfabetski tečajevi, a termini njihovog održavanja s vremenom su usklađeni s prekidima u akademskoj godini pa se obično zimski tečaj organizirao preko božićnih, dok se proljetni tečaj održavao tijekom uskrsnih praznika. Uobičajeno vrijeme podučavanja svodilo se na nekoliko tjedana i obično se održavalo u prostorima varaždinskih pučkih škola. Pouka je za polaznike bila besplatna jer je sve troškove pokrivao akademski klub. Premda su nastojali zadržati političku neutralnost, varaždinski sveučilištarci su se uključili u pripremu i organizaciju masovnog učeničkog štrajka protiv bana Slavka Cuvaja 1912. godine. Uz podršku Hrvatskog akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav uslijedio je jednodnevni učenički štrajk upozorenja 14. ožujka i priključivanje varaždinske mladeži generalnom štrajku hrvatske mladeži 19. ožujka 1912. godine. Zabranom djelovanja svih udruga koja je nastupila s početkom Prvog svjetskog rata, klub je nažalost, prekinuo svoju legalnu aktivnost na nekoliko sljedećih godina. ; In summer months of 1905 a group of Varaždin democrat students founded the Croatian Academic Youth Club Fidelitas which was later renamed as Tomislav in 1907. The purpose of the club was the development of social activities and the promotion of teaching activities amongst its members and general public. In the following ten years the club developed a rich and systematic activity on three different levels: the organization of cultural and entertainment events, the organization of non-academic public lectures and offering literacy courses. In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.

Danas je turizam jedna od najbrže rastućih industrija svijeta i mnogi krajevi i naselja d i¬ljem svijeta pronalaze priliku za svoj napredak upravo u razvoju turizma. Današnji moderni turist sve više se distancira od masovnog turizma i svoj odmor i razonodu traži u mjestima koja još nisu toliko poznata na globalnom tržištu, a odišu mirom, čistoćom i sigurnošću. Međimurje kao turistička destinacija još uvijek je nepoznato na globalnoj turističkoj karti Europske Unije, budući da većina turista koja dolazi u Republiku Hrvatsku pretežno svoj godišnji odmor koristi na jadranskoj obali i jadranskim otocima. Unutrašnjost Hrvatske, a pogotovo sjeverozapadni kraj, još uvijek se slabo promovira i ogroman broj turista nikada nije ni čuo za Međimurje. Međimurje je danas jedna od najrazvijenih županija u Republici Hrvatskoj, a ono po čemu je među najpoznatijima upravo je uređenost infrastrukture. Me-đimurci su poznati kao vrijedni, marljivi, pedantni i uredni ljudi. Njihove kuće, dvorišta, vrto¬vi pa i parkovi oduvijek su bili primjer ostalim krajevima u Hrvatskoj kako i na koji način tre¬ba održavati i voljeti svoj kraj i svoje mjesto. Zbog toga mnogi nazivaju ovaj sjeverozapadni dio Hrvatske "Horvatskim cvetnjakom". Upravo zbog dobrog planiranja i suradnje lokalnih i županijskih vlasti, Međimurje je primjer kako se može dobro organizirati određena regija da bi bile zadovoljne sve strukture društva: gospodarstvenici, turistički djelatnici, lokalna vlast, lokalno stanovništvo, turisti, a da time nije narušen održivi razvoj regije. ; Tourism today is one of the fastest growing industries of the world and many places or parts of the world search for their development in tourism sector. Modern tourist today is more distanced from mass toursim and searches for vacation and holidays in places which are not yet that famous on the global market, but are characterized by peace, cleanleness, and security. Međimurje as a tourism destination is still not known on the global map of Eu-ropean Union, considering that most of the tourists visiting Croatia spend their vacation at the Adriatic coast and Croatian islands. Continental Croatia, especially northwestern part, is still less promoted and most of the tourists have never heard of its beauty and attracti¬ons. Međimurje is one of the most developed Counties in Croatia and is well known for its developed infrastructure. Local population of Međimurje are known as hard working, neet and percise people. Their houses, gardens and parks were always famous as examples of how people should take care of their neighbourhood and how to maintain and love their place and origin. Therefore many people call this part of Croatia Horvatski cvetnjak which can be translated as Croatian flower garden. Precisely due to good planning and good co¬operation beteween people and the local county government, Međimurje can be seen as an example of how a county can be well organized in order to satisfy all social structures: entrepreneurs, tourism employees, local government and citizens as well as tourists. At the same time it shows the possibility to maintain sustainable development of nature without endangering society, nature and economic development.

U posljednje vrijeme u Hrvatskoj sve se vise istražuju tla urbanih, industrijskih i vojnih prostora. S obzirom da urbani stanovnici provode znatan dio vremena na tim tlima, njihove značajke postale su iznimno bitne pa ih je nužno poznavati i uvažavati, naročito s aspekta potencijalnog onečišćenja i mogućeg štetnog utjecaja na zdravlje ljudi i životinja. Pri tome se postavlja pitanje njihove klasifikacije, s obzirom da se do nedavno u postojećim klasifikacijskim sustavima Republike Hrvatske takvim tlima nije pridavala značajnija pozornost. Cilj ovog rada je predložiti način razvrstavanja tala u urbanim, industrijskim i vojnim prostorima, uvažavajući pri tome postojeću strukturu klasifikacije tala Hrvatske (Husnjak, 2014.). Za izradu ovoga rada korišteni su postojeći podaci istraživanja tala u urbanim, industrijskim i vojnim prostorima Republike Hrvatske, temeljem čaga su utvrđene značajke tih tala. Sva tla unutar navedenih prostora, predlaže se razvrstati u skupinu prirodnih, antropogenih ili tehnogenih i tehničkih antropogenih tala. Prirodna tla nastala su u skladu s pedogenetskim čimbenicima i procesima, dok su antropogena tla meliorirana prirodna tla isključivo u funkciji poljoprivredne proizvodnje. Ova tla bi trebalo razvrstavati prema spomenutoj klasifikaciji tala Hrvatske. Tehnogena i tehnička antropogena tla su novonastala tla isključivo zbog intenzivne tehnološke i tehničke djelatnosti čovjeka izvan poljoprivrede. Predlaže ih se razvrstati u red terestričkih tala, odnosno u razred tehnogenih ili u razred tehničkih tala. U razred tehnogenih tala, pripadaju uz tla deponija i tla flotacijskih materijala, jos dva nova tipa tla: tlo industrijskog kompleksa i tlo vojnog kompleksa. Spomenuta tla nerijetko cine tzv. ,,Brownfield" zemljišta. U razred tehnickih tala predlaze se uvrstiti pet novih tipova tala: tlo parka, tlo igrališta, tlo zona za rekreaciju, tlo stambenog okoliša i tlo prometnog okoliša. Za navedene tipove tala daju se detaljni i jasni kriteriji za njihovu podjelu na nize pedosistematske jedinice. ; In recent years, soils of urban industrial and military areas have been increasingly researched in Croatia. Given that urban residents spend a considerable amount of time on these soils, soil characteristics have become extremely important. It is essential to know and appreciate those soils, especially in terms of potential contamination and possible harmful effects on human and animal health. This raises the question of those soils classification considering that, until recently, such soils have not received much attention in the existing Croatian soil classification systems. The aim of this paper is to propose a method of soil classification in urban, industrial and military areas, respecting the existing structure of soil classification of Croatia (Husnjak, 2014). For the preparation of this paper, the existing soil survey data form urban areas, industrial and military complexes were used, on the basis of which the properties of these soils were determined. All soils within urban, industrial and military areas are suggested to be classified as natural or anthropogenic or technological and technical anthropogenic soils. Natural soils were formed according to pedogenetic factors and processes, while anthropogenic soils are meliorated natural soils only for the purpose of agricultural production. This soils are proposed to be classified according to the existing Croatian soil classification. Technological and technical soils are newly formed soils solely due to the intensive human activity outside of agriculture. It is proposed to classify those soils in the order of terrestrial soils, and in the classes of technogenic or technical soils. Also, in the class of technogenic soils, it is proposed to include two new soil types in addition to landfill and flotation materials: the soil of industrial complexes and the soil of military complexes. The mentioned soils often form so-called Brownfield land. Lastly, five new soil types are proposed to be included in the class of technical soils: park soils, playground soils, soils of recreation zone, residential environment soils and traffic environment soils. For these soil types, detailed and clear criteria are proposed for the separation into lower pedosystematic units.

Jedna od definicija menadžmenta kaže da je to aktivnost usmjerena na postizanje određenih, unaprijed zacrtanih ciljeva pomoću aktivnosti drugih ljudi, a upravljanje je ljudskim resursima jedna od osnovnim funkcija svakog menadžera. S druge strane, mobing na radnom mjestu predstavlja značajan izvor stresa, a sukobi unutar organizacije uzrokuju gubitak vremena te ometaju i odvlače zaposlenike od produktivnog korištenja njihovog vremena. Istraživanja koja su se bavila svakodnevnom praksom menadžera pokazala su da menadžeri troše 42 % svoga vremena pokušavajući postići "pomirenje" kada se dogodi sukob. Kako tu naravno nije riječ samo o trošenju vremena menadžera na rješavanje sukoba, već treba dodati i gubitak vremena zaposlenika koji su u sukobu, jasno je da je riječ o značajnim financijskim iznosima. Dodatno, ono što je vidljivo iz istraživanja o izloženosti o mobingu na radnom mjestu i izvan Hrvatske jest dominacija izloženosti okomitom mobingu, u prvom redu "bossingu", gdje se radi o strateškom mobingu te neprijateljskom odnosu nadređene osobe prema zaposleniku na nižem položaju. Ako se ovome pridoda podatak da je nedostatak menadžerskih vještina glavni čimbenik koji doprinosi mobingu i to upravo prema mišljenju menadžera, vidljivo je da je riječ o izuzetno složenom problemu, koji ozbiljno ugrožava uspješno upravljanje. Cilj je ovog rada ukazati na važnost prepoznavanja mobinga na radnom mjestu kao značajnog čimbenika koji pored ostalih štetnih posljedica negativno utječe i na samo upravljanje organizacijom. Dodatno, cilj je rada povećanje opće svijesti o ovom sve raširenijem problemu čije posljedice svakako ne bi trebale biti zanemarene. Provedena sekundarna istraživanja pomoću metode apstrakcije, deskripcije, komparacije i klasifikacije pokazala su postojanje veze između postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu i uspješnosti upravljanja organizacijom u smjeru da postojanje mobinga na radnom mjestu smanjuje uspješnost upravljanja organizacijom. Ova saznanja bi svakako trebala biti ugrađena u svakodnevnu praksu upravljanja, na način da se prilikom kreiranja politika i procedura, a naročito onih koje se tiču upravljanja ljudskim resursima, svakako implementira i dovoljan broj elemenata koji će omogućiti pravovremeno prepoznavanje postojanja mobinga na radnom mjestu, kao i procedure za uspješno rješavanje takvih slučajeva. ; One definition of management says it is the activity aimed at achieving specific, pre-set goals by using activities of other people, and human resource management is one of the basic functions of each manager. On the other hand, workplace mobbing is a significant source of stress, and conflicts within the organization are causing a waste of time and also disrupt and distract employees from productive use of their time. Studies that deal with daily managers' practice revealed that managers spend 42% of their time trying to achieve "reconciliation" when conflict occurs. Since the issue is not just about spending managers' time to resolve the conflict, but also about wasting time of employees who are in conflict, it is clear that there are significant financial amounts involved. In addition, the dominance of vertical exposure to mobbing, primarily bossing which is a strategic mobbing and hostility by superiors towards the employee in a lower position, is evident from the studies dealing with exposure to workplace mobbing in and outside of Croatia. If we take into account the fact that the lack of management skills has been proved to be a major factor contributing to the workplace mobbing according to managers themselves, it is evident that this is a very complex problem that significantly threatens successful management. The aim of this paper is to point out the importance of recognizing the workplace mobbing as a significant factor that, in addition to other harmful consequences, negatively affects the management of the organization as well. In addition, the aim of this paper is to increase general awareness of this increasingly widespread problem, the consequences of which should certainly not be ignored. Secondary research conducted using methods of abstraction, description, comparison and classification has shown a correlation between the existence of mobbing in the workplace and successful organizational management of the organization indicating that the existence of mobbing in the workplace reduces the success of organizational management. These findings would certainly have to be incorporated into the everyday management practice in a way that when creating policies and procedures, particularly those related to human resource management, one should certainly implement a sufficient number of elements that will allow timely recognition of workplace mobbing, as well as procedures for the successful resolution of such cases.

U Vijestima iz sektora, u svom napisu gosp. Borislav Škegro pod naslovom "Može li državni holding biti učinkovit? Bude li se vodio logikom profita, bit će dividenda!" za primjer navodi poslovanje (odnos) šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije. Kaže kako drvoprerađivačka industrija bilježi sjajne rezultate u proizvodnji, izvozu i zapošljavanju, ali ne zadovoljava potražnju, jer je ograničavajući čimbenik nedostatak drvne sirovine (nema dovoljno drva kaže on). To smatra apsurdnim, "jer u šumama danas postoji višak drva – kod hrasta npr. i do 1/3 ukupne mase". Te povećane količine drvoprerađivačka industrija bi u kešu platila, zaposlila nove ljude, izvezla, naplatila i platila povećane poreze, "ali to nikako ne ide – nitko ne traži dividendu", kaže on. Poruka je očito novom ministru "da za početak upiše dodatnih 200 mil. kuna dividende kao prihod proračuna", pa će biti "drva k'o u priči, a dividenda i poreza k'o drva".Obrazlažući uvodno način poslovanja holdinga navodi kako se mjeri samo prinos na uloženi kapital i nema drugih ni trećih "socijalno osjetljivih, generalno razvojnih društvenih kriterija . dividenda postaje značajni neporezni dio prihoda državnog proračuna .nema opravdanja za zadržavanje radnih mjesta i socijalnim, lokalnim i političkim kriterijima". Tu imamo navode i nekih drvoprerađivača da bi trebalo zabraniti izvoz trupaca, te da potrošimo 200 mil. dolara na uvoz namještaja od hrvatskih trupaca koje smo jeftino izvezli – na taj način rasipamo nacionalno bogatstvo.Što se tiče šumarstva, na tragu potpuno laičkog razmišljanja gosp. Škegre da se može sjeći koliko kome treba, a ne prema Gospodarskoj osnovi, slično razmišljanje dijeli i predsjednik Udruge poslodavaca, a ono se ponajprije odnosi na cijenu drvne sirovine – kada bi ona bila niža (a sada je najniža u EU), onda bi hrvatska drvoprerađivačka industrija bila konkurentna. Prvome možemo odgovoriti da su etatne mogućnosti ograničene i da se u duhu načela potrajnog gospodarenja u šumarstvu sječe nešto ispod godišnjeg prirasta drvne mase, a ne koliko prekapacitirana pilanska prerada traži, pa nema govora o tome da će biti drva k'o u priči, a onda i dividenda. Njih može biti samo ako se naša drvoprerađivačka industrija posveti smanjenju ostalih 80 % troškova proizvodnje, a ne da stalno plače nad previsokim troškovima drvne sirovine, koji u strukturi troškova čine maksimalno 16-20 %. Osim toga, mora se držati načela da najkvalitetniju sirovinu maksimalno finalizira u proizvod s najvećom dodanom vrijednosti. Na to je, sigurni smo, jedino može prisiliti tržišna cijena drvnih sortimenata. Isto tako potrebno je okrenuti se najnovijim tehnologijama i ulaganju u znanje na svim razinama. Slažemo se da treba zabraniti izvoz trupaca, jer smo u dosadašnjim tekstovima u ovoj rubrici između ostalog naveli da 8 m3 izveženih trupaca znači da izvozimo jedno radno mjesto. No, koliko je nama poznato, osim nekih mekih listača i proizvoda neinteresantnih za naše drvoprerađivače, Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ne izvoze trupce, ali znamo da to čine neki drvoprerađivači, tako da dio ugovorenih količina po netržišnoj cijeni upravo radi izvoza "kamufliraju" u razne oblike minimalne pilanske prerade (prizme, fličevi, grede, četvrtače i sl.). Glede uvoza namještaja mišljenja smo da bi svatko rađe kupio domaći ako je jefiniji i barem jednako kvalitetan kao uvozni – zašto on to nije neka odgovore drvoprerađivači koji imaju domaću sirovinu po netržišnim cijenama i tako reći na svom lageru gotovo bez troškova transporta. Upravo o rasipanju nacionalnog bogatstva pisali smo u više navrata, ponajprije govoreći o šumarstvu kao specifičnoj gospodarskoj grani, a ne onoj kako je vidi gosp. Škegro i privatnici drvoprerađivači. Osim toga, očito se uzaludno trudimo upozoriti da šuma ima osim sirovinske uloge i onu ekološku, socijalnu i ekofiziološku, koje su višestruko vrjednije od sirovinske, pa je gospodarenje šumom upravo suprotno od prethodno proklamiranog "holdinškog pristupa". Svakako, kada to nismo napravili do sada, a o tome smo pisali u Šumarskome listu br. 11-12/2014., vrijeme je da se konačno zacrta konzistentna šumarska politika, kojoj treba pridodati i drvoprerađivačku industriju koja će se novo-sačinjenim strategijama provoditi. Time ćemo izbjeći nakaradna "mlečanska" razmišljanja o šumi i ukloniti netržišini odnos šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije te odrediti ispravan status šumarstva u hrvatskome gospodarstvu. Uredništvo ; In his article entitled "Can a state holding company be efficient? If governed by the logic of profit, there will be dividends!", Mr Borislav Škegro illustrates his standpoint with the example of the forestry and wood processing industry business (relationship). According to him, the wood processing industry records outstanding results in the production, export and employment, but cannot satisfy the demand because it is faced with the limiting factor of the lack of raw wood material (there is not enough wood, says he). He thinks this is absurd, because "there is a surplus of wood in the forests today – up to one third of the total mass of oak, for example." The wood processing industry would pay for these excess quantities in cash, it would employ new labour force, it would export, earn and pay increased taxes, but "it just does not work – nobody wants dividends", says he. Evidently, a message for the new minister is to "for a start, add the additional 200 million kuna of dividends to the budget income"; by doing so, there will be "wood in excess, and dividends and taxes in abundance". When he expostulates on the manner of how a holding company conducts business, he says that only income from the invested capital is measured and that there are no second or third "socially sensitive, generally developmental social criteria . a dividend becomes an important part of the tax-exempt income of the government budget . there is no justification for preserving working places and for the social, local and political criteria". There are also opinions of some wood processing companies which require a ban on the export of logs. They point out that we spend 200 million dollars on the import of furniture made of Croatian logs that were exported cheaply – which is a way of squandering our national wealth. With regard to forestry, the uninformed musings of Mr Škegro, according to which one can fell as much timber as he or she needs, and not according to management plans, are complemented by similar thoughts of the president of the Employers' Association, which concern primarily the price of raw wood: if it were lower (although currently it is the lowest in Europe), then the Croatian wood processing industry would be more competitive. The first gentleman should be informed that the capacities of the annual cut are limited and that in the spirit of the principle of sustainable management, forestry follows the principle of cutting slightly below the annual wood mass increment and not according to the demands of the over-capacitated sawmill processing. Therefore, it is out of the question that there will be wood in excess and dividends in abundance. There can be dividends only if the Croatian wood processing industry applies itself to cutting down on the 80% of production costs, rather than constantly lamenting on the excessively high price of raw wood material, which accounts for a maximum of 16–20% in the cost structure. In addition, it should do its utmost to use the best quality raw material in the final product with the highest added value. We are sure that the wood processing industry can be forced to do the aforesaid only by market prices of wood assortments. Another step to take is to turn to cutting edge technologies and investment into knowledge on all levels. We agree that log export should be banned, because we have already pointed out in previous texts that 8 m3 of exported logs equals one exported work place. However, as far as we know, apart from some soft broadleaves and products which the Croatian wood processors are not interested in, the company Hrvatske Šume Ltd does not export logs, unlike some wood processors. This means that for the sake of export, they "camouflage" a part of the quantities contracted at a non-market price into different forms of minimal sawmill products (Count, Flitch, Square and similar). As for imported furniture, we are confident that people would rather buy a home-made piece of furniture on condition that it is cheaper but of equal quality as the imported one. Why it is not cheaper and of good quality rests on our wood processors, who have home raw material available at non-market prices and at almost no transport costs. Our articles have repeatedly pointed at squandering the national wealth when writing about forestry as a specific economic branch, but not as an economic branch viewed by Mr Škegro and some private wood processors. Obviously, in vain have we tried to explain that apart from its raw material role, the forest also has other roles, such as the ecological, social and eco-physiological roles, which are several times more valuable than the raw material role. Consequently, managing a forest is in stark contrast with the proclaimed "holding approach". It is high time we finally formulated a consistent forestry policy (we wrote about this in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014), adding to this the wood processing industry, which should implement the newly-formulated strategies. By doing so we will put a stop to absurd irrational contemplations on forests, do away with non-market relationships between forestry and wood processing industry, and define an adequate status of forestry within Croatian economy. Editorial Board

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.