Suchergebnisse

Nicht nur gesellschaftliche Transformation, sondern auch das Ausbleiben von Veränderung weist eine affektive Dimension auf. Das Konzept der affektiven Stasis sucht diesem Umstand Rechnung zu tragen. Es zielt darauf ab, die häufig einseitig akzentuierte Transformativität und Dynamik von Affekt auf ein Maß zu reduzieren, das es erlaubt, auch die im Sozialen wirksamen Beharrungskräfte und realgeschichtlichen Trägheitsmomente als genuin affektive Phänomene zu konzeptualisieren. Der Begriff der Stasis verweist indes nicht nur auf Bewegungslosigkeit und Stillstand, sondern ihm ist zugleich eine kritische Schwelle eingeschrieben, jenseits derer die affektiven Stauungen aufbrechen und sich der Stillstand mit einem Mal in ein Ereignis disruptiver Art verkehrt. So bezeichnete die Stasis im Altgriechischen nicht nur den Stillstand, sondern auch den Aufstand und Krieg innerhalb der Polis. Das Konzept spannt sich also zwischen zwei Polen auf, die ein Spektrum verschiedenartiger affektiver Phänomene abdecken: Während sich dem einen Pol Phänomene affektiver Lähmung und Erschlaffung zuordnen lassen, geht der andere Pol mit Atmosphären und Stimmungen einher, die durch eine latente Anspannung und ex-plosive Eskalationsbereitschaft gekennzeichnet sind. Die aktualisierende Aneignung des antiken Stasis-begriffs entspringt dabei dem Bemühen, Geschichtlichkeit und Affektivität bereits auf der Ebene der Theoriebildung stärker miteinander zu verschränken. Wie wir fühlen und empfinden, wird formiert – und deformiert – von dem, was früher war.

The scarcity of hard currency and deep cuts in foreign assistance have brought Haiti to a point of complete economic stagnation. Hurricane David and poor crops have curtailed exports drastically. What mother nature has left undone the president has completed, diverting internal revenues from the treasury, which are converted into available dollars and transferred to private bank accounts abroad. At a popular estimate the Duvalier family is worth more than $500 million, cash.Firm evidence of treasury looting was first provided by World Bank Report No. 1243HA of September 25, 1976, revealing that $45.5 million in government revenues for fiscal 1975 were unbudgeted and could not be accounted for. In 1977, according to a report prepared by the U.S. embassy staff in PortauPririce and published by the U.S. Department of Commerce in Foreign Economic Trends (No. 77-148), the "unbudgeted receipts amounted to 60 million in FY/77 and [were] projected at 69 million in FY/78." Now Jack Anderson provides an update. "Baby Doc," he says in his column of March 29, "has been stealing millions of dollars in loans provided by the International Monetary Fund." And what is more, Michele, the president's bride of a year, has been drawing a monthly allowance of $100,000 from the treasury under her husband's authorization.

Thucydides and Plato are often read in opposed or equivalent intellectual registers (cf. Strauss, Guthrie, Ober, Mara). If the former, they speak past one another. If the latter, their different purposes have no interpretive effect. This article notes how each seeks to ameliorate
stasis by means of different accounts of the logos–ergon relationship; in so doing, it points out political and theoretical differences and similarities. It yields insights into what Thucydides and Plato were doing and saying, and it illustrates how reading each about stasis
can bridge undue gaps between the critical discourses of history and political theory and their relationships to democratic thought.

The essay introduces an original interpretation of Moltmann's thought on Christian kenosis, according to the fundamental critical method known as 'close reading'. On this ground, the Author brings to the surface the complex bulk of literary quotations which give substance to a specific passage in Moltmann's work "The Crucified God". Quotations become an intellectual device apt to produce meaning through its proper deferral and suspension. Within this framework, the Author's main purpose is to put at the centre of the scene the explicit reference made by Moltmann to C. Schmitt's concept of stasis, in order to explain the self-emptying of God even in a political perspective, as a kind of internal battle within divinity. The theological canon (Christian kenosis as moulded by Moltmann) is conceptually linked to the political anti-canon (stasis and exception as defined by C. Schmitt). In this perspective the structural relationship between Theology and Politics, usually epitomized by the synthetic expression of 'political theology', comes to be re-substantiated.

The article examines the relationship between tragedy and Greek democracy starting from the category of «stasis». Focused on this notion, the text proposes two exercises that articulate and demonstrate the relationship between tragedy and democracy. First, it focuses on the question about the «stasis» and how this relationship will be conceptualized in the investigation by examining five dimensions contained in that category: the eristic conception of language; the notion of «agon» as a political principle of conflict; the notion of «ergon» as a conception of political action; the ethical substance that inspires it; and the event of excessiveness contained in the notion of «hybris». Second, the text examines and identifies, in a preliminary way, a relationship of tension and distinction between the Greek concepts of «stasis» and «polemos», both present and constitutive in the configuration of tragedy and Greek democracy. Through these two exercises the text postulates the possibility of a genealogical thinking about the tragic character of democracy. ; El artículo examina la relación entre tragedia y democracia griega a partir de la categoría de «stásis». Centrado en esta noción, el texto propone dos ejercicios que articulan y evidencian la relación entre tragedia y democracia. Primero, sitúa como eje la pregunta por la «stásis» y el modo en que se conceptualizará en la investigación tal relación mediante el examen de cinco dimensiones contenidas en dicha categoría: la concepción erística del lenguaje; la noción de «agón» como principio político del conflicto; la noción de «ergon» como concepción de acción política; la sustancia ética que la inspira; y el acontecimiento de la desmesura comportado por la noción de «hybris». Segundo, el texto examina e identifica, de modo preliminar, una relación de tensión y distinción entre los conceptos griegos de «stásis» y «pólemos», ambos presentes y constitutivos en la configuración de la tragedia y la democracia griega. Mediante estos dos ejercicios el texto postula la posibilidad de pensar genealógicamente el carácter trágico de la democracia.