Stability and change
In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 46-76
ISSN: 2000-8325
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In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 46-76
ISSN: 2000-8325
In: Nordisk kulturpolitisk tidskrift: The Nordic journal of cultural policy, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 76-91
ISSN: 2000-8325
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 371-394
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 539-558
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 579-602
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 95-122
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article analyzes US & Chinese policy & strategy in the Middle East, with focus on energy resources, market, investment, & policy shaping. United States engagement in Iraq & other initiatives to control political conditions in the Middle East are here considered to be intimately connected with the US desire to stabilize oil supply. However, as US involvement in Iraq has failed to produce satisfactory results in terms of stability & security, & as the US appears ever more intent upon escalating conflict with Iran, the surety of American intention & outcome in the region remains highly tenuous. As such, China holds an extremely important position with regards not only to its friendly relationship with Iran, but also with its massive stake in the American economy. The race to secure international oil supply is traced here to illustrate the Middle East as the volatile supplier, the United States as a potentially zealous military & financial power, & China as a potential wildcard that can radically influence the developments of all actors in this conflict. References. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 103-106
ISSN: 0020-577X
West Africa has been an unstable region until the early 21st century, when the conflict levels reduced and democratic elections were held. The region is very resource rich and delivers up to 1/4 of United State's oil imports, making the region a good investment for Norwegian oil producing companies. Based on prior experience, Norway has built up a West African strategy that focuses on stability and development. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 289-300
ISSN: 0020-577X
An analysis on NUPI's report Norwegian Self-Images and Norwegian Foreign Policy that focuses on what Norwegian foreign policy is and what it should be. Traditionally Norway is known for being a peaceful nation that supports the UN and works internationally as a part of NATO. Norway has two sets of foreign policy self-images: on one hand Norway has noble world improving goals and on the other hand Norway has strong arctic interests and a protectionist agricultural policy. Despite its relative stability, Norwegian foreign policy is significantly being shaped by globalization that affects both its dependence and its space of action. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 635-637
ISSN: 0020-577X
Awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to the Chinese democracy activist Liu Xiaobo was received well internationally, but also raised a fair amount of criticism. Even if giving the peace prize to a democracy activist is more in line with Alfred Nobel's original intent than giving it to an environmentalist, Mr. Xiaobo is also undermining the Chinese stability and therefore threatening the country's internal peace. Some critics have also argued that the Nobel committee went again after a popular media personality, whose selection is not going to change the direction of a large populous country. Another problem is that the Nobel peace prize committee consists of Norwegian politicians and therefore the award is often seen as an extension of Norwegian foreign policy. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 75-94
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article considers the rising importance regional power development in a world where the stability of political alliances is increasingly brought into question. Most world leaders agree that these emerging economies will come to play an ever-more powerful role in the shaping of tomorrow's global policies, even if they do not themselves occupy the leading socio-political slots. Several possible policy configurations for China, India, Brazil, & South Africa are considered here, focusing on the degree to which these countries will both collectively & independently choose to balance their engagement between their local sphere of influence & their strategic global allies, namely the US & EU. It is suggested that the direction China elects to take in its policy over the coming years will have a decisive role for the other developing regions as a whole, because its economic power will largely temper the attitudes of the dominant world powers towards these regional powers. Tables, References. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 4, S. 453-472
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, S. 311-340
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article gives an analysis of the war of opinion about the Vietnam War, with focus partly on the United States, mainly Norway &, to a lesser degree, Sweden. The main theme is change & stability & what constituted opinions & positions. In the early phase, Norwegian media & the great majority of politicians were mere mouthpieces of the official American version of the war. This stands out in contrast to neutral Sweden where criticism towards the US was sharp. The long duration of the conflict & its brutality became factors in moulding opinion. There was time for alternative information gathering for reflection. The thesis that the US lost this first media war on the home front -- in the media -- is discarded. The Norwegian Conservative Party remained firmly supportive of the US war effort throughout the war. The most important struggle of opinion took place within the Labour Party. For both parties, loyalty to Norway's military protector was at stake. For a majority of Norwegians the war in Vietnam may have been a turning point in the perception of the United States. References. Adapted from the source document.
In 2014, Norway celebrates the bicentenary of the Norwegian Constitution. The Constitution has been the backbone of a society that has created political stability, economic development and personal freedom for generations of Norwegians. The Norwegian Constitution was inspired by the democratic forces of its time, but most especially by the American Constitution. Today, they represent the world's two oldest, living constitutions. The book explains how the Norwegian Constitution was created, how it has functioned, and the democratic challenges it faces. The book also examines how the American Constiution has influenced the Norwegian Constiution. The book is directed toward a wide range of readers, especially students in all levels. Prominent Norwegian writers and scholars have explored these themes in this unique presentation of the Norwegian and American Constitution. President of the Norwegian Parliament, Olemic Thommessen, and American Vice President i USA, Walter Mondale, have written the preface. The book is a de lux book of art. A number of Norwegian contemporary artists are inspired by the constitution. They have been especially concerned about subjects related to the role of the individual in society, democracy, freedom of speech and preservation of natural resources. They also have focused on what it means to have a national identity. The artistic presentations cover a wide register and the illustrations are carried out in different technics. Exhibitions will be arranged in both Norway and the US where the pieces of art in the book will be presented
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 9, S. 174-194
ISSN: 2387-4562
It is a long known fact that climate change will result in sea level rise and dramatically changed coastlines for a number of coastal States, and the physical consequences of sea level rise are most likely unavoidable for several coastal States due to their geographical location, size and topography. It is highly debatable whether the Law of the Sea Convention is equipped for dealing with the current challenges of sea level rise and maritime limits, and it may be argued that its rule of ambulatory baselines may contribute to loss of territory, relocation of maritime zones, uncertainty and instability.
This article investigates the current status of the law regulating maritime limits which may be affected by sea level rise, and argues that the best solution is to adapt the law within the current legal framework of the Law of the Sea, by undertaking a liberal interpretation of the already existing provisions of the LOSC, instead of invoking the amendment procedures of the LOSC, a new supplementary agreement or creating new customary law. In particular, the article explores the option of re-interpreting the law of baselines in Article 7, offering an adapting measure that mitigates the climate change effects on sea level rise. It is argued that a liberal interpretation of the LOSC can contribute to increased stability and juridical protection of the maritime entitlements for some of the States suffering the consequences of sea level rise.