Check this story out, so a Marine Gunnery Sergeant goes on a life-threatening mission in the middle of Afghanistan, loses one of his men because he was obese, goes into depression because he was responsible of his men's fitness, and then a Korean doctor helps him out of his condition, gives him tips and instructions for weight loss, that he later turned into one of the best fat decimator systems that helps over 50,000 people get fit again! Can be made into a movie, right? What if I tell you it's actually true, and you're reading the program's review right now? Keep on reading to know how this amazing story turned out to be very useful later on, and you can actually purchase the book right now and make use of it! Contents 1- The Truth Behind The Fat Decimator System 2- Who Created This System? 3- Is It Good For Me? 4- What Will Be Added To Your Cart 5- A Sneak Peak Inside 6- Advantages of Using Fat Decimator System 7- Things We Liked About It 8- Things We Didn't Like About It 9- See The Results For Yourselves 10- Conclusion The Truth Behind The Fat Decimator System The Fat Decimator System is an all-inclusive approach towards healthy and quick weight loss. It's a combination of dieting hacks, motivation secrets, tips, and workout plans. The good part of it is that it was created for military men, so it's meant to be a quick way to lose weight with a good effect on the body's energy. The Fat Decimator System is an Ebook, it's also available for download in PDF format. It's also accompanied with an audiobook if you're not a fan of reading like many people are. Through the book, you will know everything about the system and how it was formed and the inspiration that shaped it out. Keep on reading this Fat Decimator System review to find out all the data you need about this book! The Complete Fat Decimator System is divided into three parts: Fat Decimator System Diet Plan That section in the book is all about the importance of cleansing and detoxifying the body before you start on a diet that you're willing to lose a lot of weight on. Toxic substances in the body are known to slow down the natural metabolism rate and so the fat burning comes to a halt. The book states that it's better to follow a detoxifying system before following the Fat Decimator System in order to get the best output out of it. In addition, it gives advice about energy nutritional foods that will increase your metabolic rate. Fat Decimator System Exercise Plan That part of the book is designed specifically to aid in balancing out the diet and perfecting it by working out and exercising. It contains a full workout plan that is designed to help you lose weight faster and burn body fat faster along with the diet. That's why it's considered the best fat decimator system out there. So if you are a fan of working out, follow this plan alongside the diet in order to have quick and effective results that you didn't at all expect. Willpower, Motivation, and Mindset And now the third part, that is used in the book to reveal the truth behind a lot of the common lies and myths about how willpower and motivation affect your weight loss process. This part, in particular, may be one of your favorites parts in the book because it helps you understand your mindset and motivate yourself for weight loss, so you don't get tired in the middle of the process and lose hope like what happens to all of us while dieting. Who Created This System You're gonna find this weird. But the man who created The Complete Fat Decimator System is a Marine Gunnery Sergeant! Kyle Cooper is now a retired Marine Gunnery Sergeant who is also a husband and a father of two kids. Since the discovery of the best Fat Decimator System, he has become one of the gurus in the fitness and health category. He has become as far as being labeled one of the top international body transformation experts. He gained that through helping a lot of people shaping their body and their future, and saving their lives. Kyle Cooper tells his story which is quite interesting when you hear it, it's a 'bizarre' story as he himself says. The story is about how a dangerous, deadly mission in the depths of Afghanistan leads to the discovery of an amazing weight loss system that would later save the life of an obese 43-year-old woman, who nearly dropped dead after an intense running session. Interesting, I told ya! While on a mission in Afghanistan, a member of Kyle's team called Olsen, died because he was overweight and couldn't escape an explosion fast enough to save his life.Kyle was in charge of the fitness of his team, and he was already trying to get them in shape, so he blamed himself for the death of Olsen because he could have saved himself out if he had been in a fit shape. Kyle was still recovering from the bad news when he met a Korean medical student called Sam Pak. He knew what was wrong with Kyle, and began to explain a few weight loss facts that may be your first time to hear. He explained a condition called Metabolic Acidosis that can be the reason people above 30 and 40 find it a bit hard to lose weight. Metabolic Acidosis is an acidic buildup in the body which results in a slow metabolism and weak immune system, and it prevents fat burning in the stomach area. 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Knowing everything about this cheap Fat Decimator System will help you to determine whether it's a good choice for you or not. Reading this Fat Decimator System review is a good start for you. What Will Be Added To Your CartBefore you make the purchase, you need to know exactly what you're getting alongside the main book:List of herbs and minerals to remove toxins from the bodyRecipes of healthy smoothies,List of fruits and vegetables that should not be part of your diet.List of nutritious and healthy appetizersEffective techniques to lose 5 pounds in the first week3 Minute Belly Shrinker Video Series Then, of course, the Bonus part that you won't pay for! Fat-Burning Ice Cream Samples from Fit FreezeThe Fastest Weight Loss Week Action Plan100 Great-Tasting Green Smoothie Fat Loss RecipesPowerful Sex Foods and Stimulants3 Minute Belly Shrinker Video SeriesFree Copy of How to Reverse ArthritisFree Copy of The Calcium Lie 2 A Sneak Peak Inside Here is the part you've been reading this Fat Decimator System Review for! It's cheating but it's good if you wanna have a good idea about components of the book you're buying. High-Quality Protein Foods Protein is the main element in any diet, in fact, it's the base of many weight loss programs. Due to its fat burning and metabolism fastening properties. Your lucky protein is present in so many natural foods, but having a guide on what to eat and what to stay away from always helps. Also, high-quality protein is always preferred. This cheap Fat Decimator System includes a list of high-quality protein that boosts metabolism and builds muscle, so your fit body stays for the long term, and your body burns fats even when you're not moving or working out. Healthy Fats Fats is a scary word when you are trying to lose weight, that's sure. But fats are actually vital for the body in order to keep going, the healthy ones of them. The author of the best fat decimator system made sure to include a list of foods that contain healthy fats that should be included in the diet. Don't worry, all the foods are easily affordable and available in all countries. Vitamins And Nutrients The diet was originally made for soldiers, so the author made sure to provide more than enough information about vitamins and nutrients that will keep you sharp and focused, in order to avoid the normal energy downfall that happens to people when they diet. The book shows you all the foods that are rich in vitamins and nutrients, and they are not expensive at all. No Low-Carb Diet Yes, you read it right. No more of those low carb diets that make you go hungry when you look at a piece of bread! One of the most important aspects of the best Fat Decimator System is keeping you healthy, and cutting off carbs is not the way to do that. The only way to get energy for the body to function correctly is through carbs, it's just important to get them from the right source and in the right amounts. That's what the book shows you. Chapters of the Fat Decimator System : Rapid Weight LossWhy 3 Weeks?21 Days to make a HabitThe Truth About Weight LossHow We Get FatHow to Get ThinNutrientsFiberFruits and VegetablesThe Miracle FiberProtein, Fat and CarbohydratesWaterMetabolismWays to Rapidly Accelerate Fat LossRules of Fat LossHow to Increase Catecholamines and Lower InsulinReducing Calories the Right WayReduced Carbohydrate IntakeStarvation ModeExerciseStubborn Body FatFat Burning Supplements Excited yet? Order your Fat Decimator System now for an exclusive offer and a handful of free bonuses! —> www.fatdecimator.com
Transcript of an oral history interview with Robert F. Crecco, conducted by Jennifer Payne on 28 August 2013, at the Norwich University campus in Northfield, Vermont, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Robert Crecco was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1947; his education was interrupted by his military service in World War II. His experiences during the war and as a student at Norwich University are discussed in his interview. ; WWII WW2 World War II World War Two World War 2 ; Robert F. Crecco Oral History Interview Interview Date: August 28, 2013 Interview Location: Sullivan Museum & History Center, Norwich University Interviewed by Jennifer K. Payne Transcribed by Thomas H. King III JENNIFER PAYNE: Today is August 28th 2013 and I'm with… ROBERT CRECCO: Robert Crecco and, what else would you like to know? JENNIFER PAYNE: What is your date of birth? ROBERT CRECCO: April 27th 1925. JENNIFER PAYNE: And where were you born? ROBERT CRECCO: Medford Massachusetts JENNIFER PAYNE: And where are we right now? ROBERT CRECCO: We're in Killington at the Woods Resort where we've been coming for the last eight years and we're up here for July and August. JENNIFER PAYNE: What is the address we are at? ROBERT CRECCO: This is 53 Woods Road, Killington Vermont. JENNIFER PAYNE: Thank You. JENNIFER PAYNE: Alright. So I've got some questions I'm going to ask you again from the survey if that's ok? ROBERT CRECCO: Yes. JENNIFER PAYNE: Okay. So how and why did you join the service? ROBERT CRECCO: Join the service? JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: I was drafted, and I was drafted while I was attending Norwich as a freshman, and I was inducted in Montpellier and then sent to Fort Devens for pulmonary activities and then sent to, I think it was Fort McClellan in Alabama for basic training. JENNIFER PAYNE: Where were you when you were drafted? ROBERT CRECCO: I was at Norwich and I think there was about a 179 freshmen at that time and the school was basically taken over by the Air Corps. There were 1200 Air Force Cadets and so the school revolved around them and it's surprisingly that Norwich had a freshmen class. All the classes had left, the junior and seniors were immediately inducted in to the service and the sophomores were being decimated by drafting and so forth. So the school basically, (coughs) was empty and I guess they had a contract with the Air Force to give the Air Force the basic training in education I guess and also calisthenics and everything else. So we merged within basic we didn't, all the dormitories were taken up by the Air Force and so we stayed in the fraternity houses. I stayed in the Theta Chi house and then SAE and Sig Up were also occupied then there was another one and I can't think of the name and then there was a four or fifth one called the Lanscers. So, we freshmen were in those places and we had Air Force non-coms as our instructors and, I think, the academic courses were all those set up for the, for the Air Force so we took the same courses. Which was basically a little different from the normal Norwich curriculum, like we took Chemistry, Physics, Geography, I think we took English, and Mathematics. There were five courses as I remember and we didn't sit in with the Air Force. Our classes were with ourselves so you know the, the freshmen. But we had the same curriculum as the Air Force, because I guess the faculty was geared to do that and so we participated. So I got drafted out of Norwich, (clears throat) I (un-audible) my throat here. JENNIFER PAYNE: Do you want a glass of water? ROBERT CRECCO: That would be good. JENNIFER PAYNE: Okay, alright. ROBERT CRECCO: And I was the first one to be drafted. Cause basic I was I think I was the about the oldest follow in the, the group. I was 18 in April in my senior year in high school and most of the, the fellows with me were under 18 and, that's the reason why I was the first one to get drafted, because I was the oldest one in the class. JENNIFER PAYNE: What year, what exact year and month was that, do you recall? ROBERT CRECCO: Well I graduated in 1943. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And, we started. I think we started in August and, I believe it was August, it was early, actually it was, it was, it was a little undecided whether Norwich is going to have a freshmen class and so, we didn't know until just before they asked us to come up that they were going to have a, a freshmen class. JENNIFER PAYNE: How did you decide to go to Norwich? ROBERT CRECCO: Well, a neighbor of mine, was at Norwich. Ya know he, I was talking with him before he even came up and he sort of convinced me it was the place to be and so I said ok and he was a freshmen, but then when I got up to Norwich there was actually no classes there and I found out later on that he had received an appointment to West Point. And so he would even if the, the whole discombobulation hadn't happened because of the war he probably would have left any way and, and even though he convinced me to come up, that he wouldn't have been there and, I lost track of, his name was Louie (Lacanti) and I lost track of him, and the strange, on our last cruise or a transatlantic in last past April one of the people with us at our table was a Colonel. Who had been at West Point when Louie was there and so I asked if he knew Louie and he said, not really, he says I know the name. And I said can you check later on to find out whatever happened to Louie but I never did hear from this person. But anyway I, I, I, as I say I get drafted and, inducted in Montpellier, and then they made me acting corporal to take the crew down to Fort Devens (Chuckles) on the train at that time there was a train travelling back and forth between Montreal and White River Junction. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm. ROBERT CRECCO: And it split in one part went to New York and one part went to Boston. So we get down to Fort Devens and, eventually get to my basic training at Fort McClellan. JENNIFER PAYNE: So did you have a choice in where you went or.? ROBERT CRECCO: No I didn't but they told me at Fort Devens that, I was to be put in Army Specialized Training. Called ASTP, Army, specializing training program. Yeah. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And that I was scheduled to go to Texas A&M for the specialized training, but three months later after basic, conditions changed and the war plans and so forth and they decided to cancel all ASTP programs and, since we were being trained as an infantrymen we were to go back to that and we shipped out for England about a month later. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow. ROBERT CRECCO: And so we're on a troop ship that went to, went to England we came in at Bristol England. It was on an Australian, meat, refrigerator ship. I guess they used to bring mutton from Australia to England with it but that was our troop ship and it was pretty bad. It was run by, by Australians and we'd have some real, real bad food. But anyway it was, it was, it wasn't that bad. JENNIFER PAYNE: What, what was the food do you remember? ROBERT CRECCO: Oh things like, fish for breakfast, and then something like a porridge, ya know it was almost like gruel. Ya know and some bread. Things like that and I don't remember much about dinner. We didn't have lunch. We had breakfast and then we had dinner early and I can't remember much about the dinner. JENNIFER PAYNE: That's okay ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah JENNIFER PAYNE: But it was, it was not a fun ship it was ROBERT CRECCO: Oh no, no JENNIFER PAYNE: (Chuckles) ROBERT CRECCO: We were packed in there like sardines. And the smell below deck wasn't too great. JENNIFER PAYNE: What did it smell like? ROBERT CRECCO: Well sweat, and people, and ya know that sort of thing you get used to it after a while but we were always up on deck when we could be. JENNIFER PAYNE: What did you do to pass the time on the ship? ROBERT CRECCO: Well we used to have, formations, and calisthenics, and lectures. Ya know military indoctrinations so forth. But that was it. JENNIFER PAYNE: So what happened when you got to Bristol? ROBERT CRECCO: Well we went into, went into camp. Near a place called Leamington. And we're in tents and I think there were what four, four men to a tent, yeah, and all we did was march, and march, and march up and down all those, those winding roads in, in England and of course we got leave. But they told us, ya know, don't go to the restaurants because they don't have much food and you got all the food you need right in camp. But we did get fish and chips and you go into a place and ya get a, a newspaper full of a, of the fish and chips and they were delicious, they were delicious. At that time they were using Cod and we heard later that there was a Cod war between England and Iceland cause England was in Icelandic waters and there was a standoff there and they had destroyers and there Icelandic trawlers out there with guns on them and I guess they came to an agreement any way but… (Laughs) JENNIFER PAYNE: (Laughing) ROBERT CRECCO: Cod, Cod was a, is a very well-known food in Europe. All the, all those foreign countries sent trawlers way over near off Nova Scotia for Cod and so forth. But that goes on too long and there's not much Cod left there. JENNIFER PAYNE & ROBERT CRECCO: So JENNIFER PAYNE: Yep ROBERT CRECCO: I guess you'd want me to continue with this… JENNIFER PAYNE: Yeah ROBERT CRECCO: What we're doing over in England. Well after it seemed like a long time with this, this training over there. We finally get word to, pack up and, get on these trucks and low and behold we're in South Hampton and they loaded us on ships and the, the, the initial attack on the continent had, had begun. And we were on the ship I think overnight and then finally we sailed the next day and it was on the second day. I forget the, what it was June 6th, June 6th was the initial, yeah, so it would be June 7th, late in the, late in June, late on the June 7th, that we landed in Omaha beach. JENNIFER PAYNE: What was that like? ROBERT CRECCO: Well, it was still a mess, ya know the fighting had proceeded up off the cliff and they were going inland and the beach was littered with all kinds of equipment, there were some, still some, dead bodies on the beach, they had been lined up and so forth and I guess they were in the process of taking them off. And so after we get off from the beach we went up on the, on the, on the top of the cliffs. They had already pushed a couple of miles inland. The, the Rangers had cleared the cliffs the previous day even though they sustained quiet heavy casualties. And then the 20, I think it was the 24 th, 24th or 29th, I'm not sure, yeah we didn't know what was going on. All we knew was that we had to get off the, the landing craft but we didn't know it was, what was, we could hear the, the, the noise up ahead, ya know the shells and everything. They were still bombarding the area from the, the battleships and the cruisers and they were still shelling way inland but, then we got up of the area there and they kept us there for a while and then they told us to advance and evidently the, the advance, the lead troops had pushed way inland. And so we weren't in the front line at that time we were in the backup and, I think maybe ten days later I was with the second infantry division. And about ten days later, we were near Saint-Lô. And, cause the approaches of Saint-Lô was surrounded by small villages. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And the, we were near a village as I remember, it was called Sofria, Sofree, Sofra? I don't know how they pronounce it. And it was near that village where I was on a patrol and I got, I got wounded. By a, a mortar shell. JENNIFER PAYNE: What happened? ROBERT CRECCO: Well we were on patrol it was, it was at night, and ya know that whole country there is full of hedge rows. And these hedge rows would, would be, you'd have roads going, not roads even, these were dirt roads going between the hedge rows and then across the hedge, or on the near side of the hedge row would be a little pasture and then on the other side road would be another hedge row and then a pasture and the hedge rows all the way around that's how the country in, in Normandy was, was either made that way by the people or I, I don't know but anyway Normandy was full of hedge rows and it was very difficult fighting in those areas. But then we were on patrol at night. Patrol is you go over a hedge row and then you'd sit there and see what the opposition or the Germans were going to do. Whether they were putting out patrols either and this is known as feeling out what the enemy is doing and so they, they, they must have seen us because they sent over three mortar shells and there were three of us and the Sergeant got killed and I was wounded and the other g-, the other fellow he didn't get hit at all. So we dragged the Sergeant back to the, our lines and I got wounded in the arm and also my foot so I got evacuated. At that time they were evacuating everybody to England. They, they had, we had, we had controlled some air fields so we're able to get these ambulance plans there and, so they'd load them into one of those and I got evacuated to England. To a general hospital near Oxford. JENNIFER PAYNE: Yeah ROBERT CRECCO: Oxford and, what was the other town? I can't think of the name of the town now that, Shakespeare. JENNIFER PAYNE: Stratford-Avon ROBERT CRECCO: Stratford-Avon, right, ha, was near there, because for activities they took us to Stratford-Avon to and we went to see the Shakespearian plays. JENNIFER PAYNE: When you recuperated. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, yeah, so I was in the, I was in the general hospital for about two months JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: Cause I couldn't walk. And then, then it got infected. So I was there for about two months and they reclassified me as limited service but then they sent me back to France. But ya know while we were in England, we, we had, it was pretty good. We got to visit a lot of places and see a lot of those Shakespearian plays. And anyway I got sent back, on reassignment, and they sent us back to Paris. And I was in a reassignment depot and we got some leaves to Paris and so, I went to Paris and it was all right but, ya know I was really not into it. And I was still pretty young and some of these guys were hept for getting drunk and then picking up women or and actually going to some of the whore houses and I was, I wasn't into that. I didn't enjoy Paris that much. But anyway, when I got, we got reassigned. Since I was on limited duty I wasn't going to go to a, a combat, well not combat, but I wouldn't be going to a front line outfit and so I ended up in, in 90th division of 5, 547th? What was that? It was 530, no, yeah 537th headquarters battery on an automatic weapon, it was an automatic weapons battery, they had multiple 50s mounted on halftracks, and they had anti-aircraft guns and I was in the headquarters duty, (Chuckles), and they were looking around to put me to do something all of a sudden it was, this Warrant Officer was in charge, he said, you went to, you went to college didn't you? And I said, (Chuckles), well we're going to have you do the morning report. And the morning report was a form and description as you put what happened of what happened in the battery and how many, how many, how many were killed, how many were wounded, how many were sick, how many had to go to the rear and then what the activity of the battery was that day. And it had to be signed by the commanding officer of, of our group which was a captain and, that was my job, which was a nothing job, ya know. Which was fine by me because it kept me out of the frontlines being on limited duty. So that's how I survived the war and when the war ended we were in occupation duty, which wasn't too much and all the fellows were fraternizing which was against the rules but either during, during the war or towards the end, the last few months some of the fellas who knew German, because we had a couple German guys, the original group was from Texas and I guess where they were from there was a lot of German people and they, they knew German. But they would go out at night and bring food with them and go to these houses where they knew there were women and, so they used to have a pretty good time and they'd used to bring the food there, and then, course the people didn't have much food at that time so they were very well welcomed. But anyway after we got, after the war was over we sat around for, I think a month or so. And then we got sent up to, Amsterdam, oh Brussels, Brussels and we stayed in tents up there for a few weeks and then we saw the star, the star, Stars and Strips newspaper on day and big headlines was Atomic Bomb dropped on Japan, and then a, next day another bomb had been dropped. Well we were sitting there waiting for transportation back to the states and we were to be retrained for, well I wouldn't be but I would be with some unit that was going over to the Pacific, ya know for Japan and so the dropping of the bomb, we didn't understand, ya know the implications of this until we saw a reading in, in the Stars and Strips that the war was coming to a close in the Pacific and instead of being retrained for that we would be sent home and then they had a points system. They decided that the order in which you would go home be decided in the number of points you have and points took everything from years of service, overseas service, combat service, if you were wounded or something like that, so it all add up to these points and low and be hold I had enough points so I knew that as soon as we got a ship I'd be sent home and then eventually discharged. So I got home and they, where was it, not Fort McClellan, is there another camp, let's see. JENNIFER PAYNE: Po New York? Nope that was… ROBERT CRECCO: Well let's see. We did come in New York. But then we get, sent to another camp I think in Alabama, I can't remember the name. JENNIFER PAYNE: Do you remember where you were when you, when you heard, when VJ-day occurred? ROBERT CRECCO: I think, I think we were on the ship coming back. And it was a little better ship, it was a transport, and an American transport so coming back was, I think, I think it was either, was either on our last couple of days in camp in Brussels or on the ship that we heard that VJ-day had occurred. But by that time they already set the point system because they knew the war was coming to an end, after they dropped these bombs and so forth. And we, I got, I got that 30 day furlough when we, when we, when we got to this camp fort, I didn't say over here, Fort Brag, Fort Brag. We were sent to Fort Brag and then they gave us a 30 day leave from Fort Brag, so I spent it home in Medford and then we had to report back. Reported back and then they told us we were going to be discharged. So all this time back and forth and they could have done it right in the beginning but I guess they weren't ready. And so I get discharged and I came back to Medford and then all my old friends we got together. They were all out of the service too. And we just paled around for a couple months and I got tired of that so that's when I, I got in touch with, well I didn't get in touch with Norwich right away. I was looking around for what I wanted to do. And a doctor friend of my father's talked me into being an optometrist. A, with a medical degree though, it was not, it was a ophthalmologist, ophthalmologist. So he says, I will recommend you to go Pennsylvania, University of Pennsylvania and so I applied there and they came back and said, we are deluged by veterans and we can't take you for a year and a half. They suggested I go back to Norwich and take prescribed courses and at the end of my sophomore year they would take me in. And so I get in touch with Norwich and they say yeah come on back, (Laughing), and I said well, ya know I'm not keen on, on this military and they said, well we're giving veterans the option of going into the military, I mean the corps or coming in as civilians. So I opted for the civilian and so I came back to Norwich and they gave me credit for the courses I took when I was with the, taking the Air Corps curriculum. And there were just as many veterans back as there were Cadets in the Corps. Ya know they had started the Corps again and they were getting young fellas to come into the Corps. And I came back as a civilian and I roomed with Bob Dorman. JENNIFER PAYNE: Ah ROBERT CRECCO: And (Hobie?) Smith. Bob Dorman had been a junior here. Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And (Hobie?) Smith would have been a junior too and we roomed together in Alumni Hall. Alumni Hall was pretty crowded with all the civilians there and. Bob Dorman was sort of a screw up. All the years he remained a, a, a senior private in the corps (Laughing) and (Hobie?) Smith had been a corporal or a sergeant, I'm not sure, but Bob I think almost got thrown out of Norwich when he was here, before the war and he got involved with a girl from Barre and, this is when he came back afterwards and so he, he had his ups and downs with her and Hobby Smith and I were not involved with anybody we were just trying to get the job done that we came back to do and Bob Dorman a Sigma Alpha Epsilon fraternity guy and same with (Hobie?) Smith. So they both got me into Sigma Alpha Epsilon and after that first year in Alumni Hall I didn't live down in the SAE house and that was a good deal I didn't have to eat in the mess hall, we had our own cook who prepared all our meals, breakfast, lunch, and dinner, and this was all for $25 a month. I mean but things were pretty, still pretty cheap there, there were people were making $18 dollars a week as clerks, ya know in stores. Salaries were pretty low it's no wonder we could live there for $25, so I, I, I was bunking in a room with Lenny (Fillam?). Lenny (Fillam?), the fish man we used to call him, cause his father owned a wholesale fish company in Boston and Bob Dorman's father was, was a correspondent for associated press, he's from New Jersey. And (Hobie?) Smith was Connecticut I think his father was a lawyer. So we, at that time I was getting support from the VA for college, I was, I was on the PL 16 because I was disabled and I was getting more money then you would've regularly get. And I had, in order to get the PL 16 I had to tell them what I was studying for and I was, I was taking, courses that Pennsylvania had said I should take. I was taking German, analytical geometry, calculus, physics, chemistry then I took an elective in history. And I was plowing through that but not doing too well. Ya know I did alright in chemistry but physics, the labs were killing me and mathematics, analytical geometry I was doing alright in that, German I was, the first year was ok, the second year I just couldn't hack it. So I wasn't doing too well in these courses they wanted me take in preparation for opthalamy, optho-, ophthalmology. In, in Pennsylvania and I was beginning to like history and English. So ya know I, I, I was getting B's and C's but a lot of C's in, in the courses they wanted me to take. So I decided this wasn't for me and I started taking more English and history courses and I decided to drop all this other stuff. And I had put down for the VA I was going to be a teacher. And then I remember my senior year I had courses in teaching and I have to practice teaching at Northfield High and after a fe-, couple of semesters of that I said this wasn't for me either. (Laughing) So I, I, these, these kids in, in Northfield High weren't interested in history at all. (Laughing) I don't know what they were interested in but I could tell I wasn't making the head way so I decided to drop that and I was on the newspaper in my senior year I became editor of the Guidon. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And I decided this was a thing I'd like to be in, public relations or writing, editing and so forth. And so I graduated in history and I was able to take summer courses and everything else so I get out. I got my degree in two and a half years. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: And cause I went summers and everything else and I took accelerated courses which they offered to veterans cause lot of them, a lot of these veterans were married. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And some had children and they had a veteran's village made up of surplus government trailers. JENNIFER PAYNE: Where was this, where'd the put them? ROBERT CRECCO: It, it, ya know on rt.12A? JENNIFER PAYNE: Uhuh ROBERT CRECCO: There was a pasture in there where they set these up and it was veteran's village and these married people were there and some of them had children. And I remember they'd get extra money, these married veterans selling sandwiches at night and so forth. JENNIFER PAYNE: They sold sandwiches, what kind of sandwiches? ROBERT CRECCO: Well they would make ham sandwiches and roast beef and stuff like that and they would come around at night and we would buy the sandwiches from them. And, that was one of the interesting, ya know they were doing all sorts of things to get extra money cause the, what the government was paying them wasn't, wasn't enough. And they had to pay rent in those trailers. But any way, I graduated in 1948 as the class of '47 and my roommate had, was getting married, Bob Dorman getting married (Laughing) he, he was a character. He, he got into an argument with his wife and they were downtown Montpelier and he jumped off the bridge into the Winooski River. He got so mad at her or something like that. JENNIFER PAYNE: On Stonecutter's Way? ROBERT CRECCO: What's that? JENNIFER PAYNE: On Stonecutter's Way, that bridge? The little bridge. ROBERT CRECCO: The Bridge entering Montpelier JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh, from Rt. 12, yeah. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, right JENNIFER PAYNE: He jumped into the… ROBERT CRECCO: He jumped off the bridge there. And another time he went into the what is now the, the hotel. Not, not the Pavilion, at the. What is it? The, the Hotel in Montpelier. JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh the Capital Plaza. ROBERT CRECCO: The Capital Plaza yeah, it was not the Capital Plaza it was some other name and he was so mad at something he, well he was drunk too he got in and just ripped the toilet off. (Laughing) He, he was, he was a big guy, he, he played on the football team and he get so incensed at something and then he was drunk, he pulled up, just pulled up the toilet off the. JENNIFER PAYNE: The whole thing, not the lid? ROBERT CRECCO: No he just pulled up the whole, the whole toilet and of course there's water all over the place. But any way he got into trouble all the time, but he eventually married this woman and they had, they had three or four children. In fact he still has a son that I think live in Castleton. Last time I talked to Bob, he was, he was at the University of Kansas, on the military staff there. He was a Major, and that was the last time I talked to him. He, he died of a heart attack soon after that. JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh. ROBERT CRECCO: And (Hobie?) Smith I lost track of all together. And (Vinny Vesch?) who was, a chem major and who was our, our house steward at the SAE house. I met him once in Tom's River. He was working for the national light company. He was a chemical engineer down there and actually one of my fraternity brothers, put me on to the job I eventually got when I, when I left Norwich. Working for General Electric. JENNIFER PAYNE: What did you do? ROBERT CRECCO: I was an editorial assistant. So he knew, he knew I was editor of the Guidon and he knew that I was interested in that kind of work. So when heard that this opportunity, he graduated a year before me. Or was it two years? I forget, but any way he was from Swampscott Massachusetts and he was working for GE too and he heard about this opening there and I applied for it and I got the job because I put together a portfolio of the two years I worked on the Guidon and I was able to bring that and show that. I even had some letters in there were I corresponded with President Dodge. JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh really? ROBERT CRECCO: On various things, one of them I remember our football team was losing by big scores and I said. I wrote an editorial and I said let's do something about this or stop football. University of Vermont, UVM had dropped football and we used to play them and we did pretty well with them but they dropped it because they couldn't, couldn't hack it either. So I said we should either drop football or let's go out and get some people to come to Norwich who can play football. Well he, he didn't like my editorial, he, he took issue with it so he and I had a conference with it and I had written, I wrote a letter in response to that meeting we had. So I had that sort of stuff in the portfolio (Laughing). So, and Dodge was a nice guy, I liked him. He was, he was quite an outdoorsman. He liked to kayak, and canoe, he, he was quite an expert in canoeing and kayaking and he had done a lot of trips into the wilderness, ya know I'd say. And he eventually, I think went back to Bowdoin. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm. In Maine? ROBERT CRECCO: I, I think yeah Maine, on the faculty there after he left Norwich. Well, but any way I got this job at General Electric as an editorial assistant and eventually I became an editor. And I was transferred to. I worked in Lyne, Lyne Massachusetts and then I got transferred to, get a newspaper going in Cincinnati at the jet engine, new, a new jet engine plant. So I got transferred out there. JENNIFER PAYNE: So you started a, you were working a newspaper or you were working at the plant? ROBERT CRECCO: Well the plant had a newspaper. JENNIFER PAYNE: Ah, gotcha ROBERT CRECCO: So it was a weekly newspaper. And so that's what I was putting out and then when I went to Lockland Ohio that's where the plant was, near Cincinnati. I started one there. JENNIFER PAYNE: You started a newspaper? ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah JENNIFER PAYNE: What was it called? ROBERT CRECCO: It was called the GE News at the jet engine plant and I stayed in that field I, I eventually left GE went to work for AT&T in Cincinnati also working on publications. Several publications that I started working on and report and then I started flip charts for instructions and so forth and I eventually left them and went to work for… (inaudible) I had a short stint, with an advertising agency. And then I went to work for… the greeting card company. JENNIFER PAYNE: Hallmark? ROBERT CRECCO: Hallmark. JENNIFER PAYNE: What was that like? ROBERT CRECCO: Well I was a director of sales promotion. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: And I was working with a sales force of about 400 people. Wow ROBERT CRECCO: All over, all over the country and they were in various regions and districts and so it was my job to put these fellas to sell. JENNIFER PAYNE: How did you do that? ROBERT CRECCO: Well, I used to. I put out a weekly publication. That had standings of salesmen and also hints in how to sell and so forth. Salesmen who did a, a, a good selling job and how they did it I'd, I'd translate into how you might do it too and course I was getting 2% of the sales. I was working for the Vice President of the sales and he must have been getting 10%. And I was getting 2%. And so I used to put out this publication and then I'd used to travel out to the salesmen and help them build up sales promotion, projects they could sell this to their customers. Our customers where in the whole gamut from banks, to feed companies, to the big companies, big national companies. Cause we, in addition to lot of printed material we sold we also sold executive gifts made of teak and so forth. And so these executive gifts were, were quite expensive. Could be desk sets, or could be, could be what would you call them? Ice buckets. JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh yeah ROBERT CRECCO: Made of teak and then inside would be a glass bowel and so forth all different kinds of boxes and so forth. They, these were all finely made in teak and they would sell those as well as sell Hallmark calendars and kinds of dodades, ya know like pens, and any kind of a trinket. And so these men would, would, would put together their sales pitches and have all these things on display. And they did very well some of these guys and we, we got the wives involved. We had a, at that time. Do you remember green stamps? JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm. I do. ROBERT CRECCO: HNS green stamps JENNIFER PAYNE: That's right ROBERT CRECCO: We used to give those away to the salesmen and we had a catalogue that they put out. And you could get anything from a grand piano down to a charcoal barbeque. So we gave those away as well as, as other things special and so forth and these were all incentive programs. And that was my job to get these guys incentive programs to get them to sell JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: And then I eventually decided that I had enough of that and I came to Washington. And I went to work for a, a portion control meat company JENNIFER PAYNE: Hmmm ROBERT CRECCO: And when I got to there. I, I was sorry I got into that mess there. So I had made some friends in Washington and they told me about a job available with a lobby outfit. Highway lobby. JENNIFER PAYNE: Oh yeah ROBERT CRECCO: And it was known as the Highway Safety Federation and eventually became, merged with another one to become the Highway Users Federation and they had organizations in every city, every state. There is one in here, probably in Montpelier. I'm pretty sure there was one located there. JENNIFER PAYNE: Was it like AAA? Did it become AAA? ROBERT CRECCO: No it wasn't AAA it was still the Highway Users Federation. It was supported by the automobile companies, advertising companies, suppliers, all kinds of automobile suppliers, and it was the auto industry. The idea was to build roads. JENNIFER PAYNE: Right ROBERT CRECCO: To build more roads and… JENNIFER PAYNE: Did you like that? ROBERT CRECCO: It, it was alright. We put up publications that, that was in publications and we had conferences with the Highway User Federations. And the idea was to help the state federations work with the highway people to build roads. And course there were a lot of people didn't like the highway people because they felt they were building over the country. But anyway I worked with them naturally we, we had close, close working with the, the U.S. Department of Transportation. JENNIFER PAYNE: Sure ROBERT CRECCO: So I had a friend, who was in the, who was in the, the administration was Highway Safety, that was it, Highway Safety and he became the administrator of this division in the Department of Transportation. So, they needed somebody to work in sort of a lobby group. The government can't lobby but they can get other people to do it for them. So he asked me to come in to work as a coordinator for a program that he wanted to do with Highway Safety and one of the big things in safety that time was that there was a lot of drunk driving and the deaths on the highway had reached I think about 26,000. 26,000 highway deaths, many of them due to drunk driving. JENNIFER PAYNE: Annually ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah annually so he asked me to come in and coordinate a program and they had determined the best way to reach this drunk driving problem was through women. That wives, sweet hearts, and etc. etc. would have more influence on the men how were doing this drunk driving. So one of the things we were going to do was have a, a national conference in Washington and my job was to work with the, putting together this national conference. So that must have been, 19, 1940, somewhere around there. And so we did we, we, we got a lot of national organizations to put up the money cause the, the government couldn't put up the money this. It had to be through national organizations and companies so forth. And so we put together a three day conference in Washington. In the conference was to invite women leaders. These women leaders were from garden clubs, from political organizations, and other people who were leaders in their community, other women who were leaders in their community. And we invited I think about 2,000 women to come to this national conference in Washington. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: And, we had to put together a program to, in order to get women involved in drunk driving and so we had all garden clubs and there were all these women from women's clubs and we invited them. They, they had to pay their way, but we paid, they had to pay their way and also their hotel room and then we got the companies to put up the money for the conferences, the meals, all the printing material everything. They, they paid for that, they were (Coughs) there were companies in the automobile business, companies in highway building, advertising companies, anybody associated with, with highways. And we put together a three day conference and we had a lot of political people involved and we had vice president, vice president's wife involved. She was our chairman, our honorary chairman and so forth. And… JENNIFER PAYNE: Was that Eleanor, or who, who was the president, who was the VP at the time? Do you remember? ROBERT CRECCO: Volpe. JENNIFER PAYNE: Volpe? ROBERT CRECCO: Was the secretary of transportation. JENNIFER PAYNE: Uh huh ROBERT CRECCO: And, he had, oh I can't think of his name. He used to be governor, governor of, I can't think who he was governor of, but he was a governor and his wife, Mrs. Volpe. When I knew Volp… Volpe had been governor of Massachusetts and he was then appointed to be secretary of transportation and then his assistant secretary had also been governor of Massachusetts. And, his wife was the titular head of our conference. Course we had kinds of government people speaking and so forth and we had a lot of women speakers and we had a three day conference on drunk driving. JENNIFER PAYNE: Was it the first real big national one that you'd you had? ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, the first big national, push to reduce drunk driving on the highways. Because the, the death and injuries from drunk driving had reached proportions that the government was concerned. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And out of that conference grew the, the government's program that reached all the way from upgrading the police forces with training and vehicles to apprehend drunk driving on the highways and then after you apprehended them you had to have a judicial system to deal with it and then you had to have a penal system to deal with it. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And then you had to have instruction in the various parts of the, the city system, the state system to teach people the dangers of drunk driving, over drinking and so forth. Then you had to have the medical people involved too because these people were habitual drinkers that were involved in this and you had to have a, a system set up to deal with it. So it went all the way down through all the strata's that you had to go through in order to deal with driving drunk on the highways JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: And to reduce the casualties that happened from drunk driving and then the impact it had on homes and so forth. So it went into all facets and the Federal Highway Administration had to deal with this and they had to set up all the various facets of, of, of state and local government to deal with it. And over the years it proved to be workable at the reducing of drunk driving. And so I think now drunk driving is still a problem not, not the problem it would have been with all the facets that had been brought in to deal with it and… JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: We had a three day conference and with all these women coming in. Mostly, mostly women cause it was set up for that. Because we felt that women had the greatest influence in through their families, in the men and so forth to reduce the drunk driving. JENNIFER PAYNE: How did, how did you, what did you tell the women? What was the message that you, or was it multipronged? ROBERT CRECCO: It was multipronged we, I, I, think that the clinical studies I mean clinical facilities that were set up to deal with this helped. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: Because a lot of these men were, were drunkards and, and needed medical as well as psychological training I guess. And you have that situation today. Where you, you have the courts set up, and you have the, the social, social welfare organizations set up to deal with it that we didn't have before and this was all the result of this early, early effort. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow, that's terrific. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, and I stayed in the Department of Transportation after that, but I, I, I went to public influence type things. JENNIFER PAYNE: Lobbying at a different level? ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, yeah lobbying but, it was, really I, I, I got away from most of that and got into more public relations. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: In the Department of Transportation and that's, I retired from the Department of Transportation. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow ROBERT CRECCO: I was there for many years. I think I was there for 14 years. Yeah, that's, that's what I retired from. JENNIFER PAYNE: Wow. So it sounds like you stay in touch with your Norwich classmates? The ones you… ROBERT CRECCO: I became secretary of the class. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And that's how I stayed in contact, but actually I stayed in contact with… Let's see, what did I say in here? JENNIFER PAYNE: It didn't mention your Purple Heart. ROBERT CRECCO: Oh I didn't? JENNIFER PAYNE: No you didn't. You won a purple heart? ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah I, I was… JENNIFER PAYNE: As well as… ROBERT CRECCO: I was wounded, I was wounded on that pat-, that patrol on… JENNIFER PAYNE: Yep ROBERT CRECCO: We're, yeah we were on a patrol and we were hit by motor shells. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And I got wounded in the arm and the foot and I got evacuated to England. I think we talked about this. JENNIFER PAYNE: Yeah, yeah ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah JENNIFER PAYNE: But that's what you got the Purple Heart for. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah I got the Purple Heart for that. JENNIFER PAYNE: And Emit campaign medal with four bronze service stars. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah that was, that was well the invasion and then I was, I was in, I joined the, the automatic weapons battalion in France after they had taken Paris. JENNIFER PAYNE: Okay. ROBERT CRECCO: And then I went with them all the way through, through the campaigns in, in the Ardennes and the… JENNIFER PAYNE: Central Europe. ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah then and… JENNIFER PAYNE: Okay, I just wanted to make sure we got that in because we had… ROBERT CRECCO: Yeah, yeah, yeah ok JENNIFER PAYNE: Yeah, well… ROBERT CRECCO: And that was… Yeah I, I don't know is there… JENNIFER PAYNE: Is there anything else you want to say? You… ROBERT CRECCO: No I, I, I got, well after I decided I didn't want to go to the University of Pennsylvania I wanted to stay at Norwich. I became the editor of the Guidon. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And I enjoyed doing that also it was good training for what I got into later on. JENNIFER PAYNE: Right ROBERT CRECCO: I, I got into publication work and I became the director of publications at the telephone company in Cincinnati. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: And then from there I went to, went into sales promotion and I, I stayed in sales promotion and then I came into Washington with… JENNIFER PAYNE: Yeah ROBERT CRECCO: With the, with the government. Actually I was with the Highway Users Federation. JENNIFER PAYNE: Umhmm ROBERT CRECCO: Prior to that. Then from that I went into the Department of Transportation. But no that's, that's about it I guess. JENNIFER PAYNE: Well thank you so much for your time. You have done a wonderful interview. It's going to be great. I can see a lot of people using it, so thank you so much for your time. ROBERT CRECCO: Good, I'm glad you thought so. JENNIFER PAYNE: Alright.
The thesis analyzes types of English-Hindi interference, from socio-linguistic and linguistic perspective. In the first and second chapter, the question of interference and the influence of one language onto another variety is presented. Short overview of language policy politics in India after its independence in 1947, with an emphasis on Hindi and decisions related to its promotion, sheds light on the sociolinguistic situation in contemporary India. One should bear in mind, however, that English is but the last dominant language on the Subcontinent, if one takes into account proposal by Sheldon Pollock and Zdravka Matišić on the existence of Sanskritic culture and its reflections in language usage on the Subcontinent (Chapter 3, Appendix 2.1.). Analysis consists of two parts: linguistic analysis (Chapter 4) and socio-linguistic analysis (Chapter 5). Both parts of analysis are followed by conclusions. Results reflect communicative strategies of Hindi speakers in the Parliament. They also show which English elements are inserted in Hindi. Analysis also introduces the non-linguistic characteristics of speakers such as their age, gender, political and regional affiliation etc. in the period 1950-2010 in order to decipher whether speakers with the same communicative strategy share same or similar non-linguistic characteristics as well. Speakers with EH elements represent constituencies of various regions in India. However, for the bigger part of them it is possible to assume that they come from Hindi speaking areas, particularly from Central and Eastern Hindi states. Speakers are mostly men, with high level of education. Many of them are aged between 46 and 65 and have various occupations. They also belong to various political parties. English interference in Hindi is described as EH interference of type 0, 1, 2, 3 or the sub-types EH 3;1 or 3;2. EH type 0 represents the absence of English interference in Hindi while EH type 3 stands for the code-switching type of interference. EH types 1 and 2 stand for code-mixing type of interference. The results confirm some of the already described characteristics of English-Hindi interference. The new element is the description of negation in combination with English verbs. English nouns code-mixed in Hindi have been described in detail as the most numerous interfering elements. The statistical analysis of collected data shows that 2 out of 3 Hindi speakers show elements of EH interference in his/her speech pattern throughout the analyzed period (1950-2010). Those elements are mostly of EH types 1 and 2. The analysis also suggests that the number of speakers with English elements is increasing, particularly after year 2000, in comparison to the amount of analyzed data. In the final chapter results are analyzed from the perspective of language policy and language identity. Since the simultaneous translation from English into Hindi and vice versa is available at all times in the Parliament, the question is why do speakers choose to communicate in Hindi with EH interference. The assumption that speakers cannot recollect a particular word during the speech is questionable as explanation since debate topics are known in advance and thus speakers have time to prepare for them. Another assumption that speakers try to make themselves understood by everyone in the communication act with code-mixing and code-switching as strategies is also not found as suitable explanation. Hence the question of language identity and language's social roles are introduced, having in mind particularly relations of language and power as well as of language and social status. From there it seems that the assumption of two language policies is in order. One language policy would then be overt and official and the second covert and unofficial. The assumption is that speakers base their communicative strategies taking in consideration both language policies. ; Tema je ovoga doktorskoga rada lingvistička i sociolingvistička analiza tipova miješanja engleskoga jezika u hindski jezik. Kao uvod u temu razmatra se općenito pitanje jezičnoga kontakta i teorijske pretpostavke o djelovanju jezičnoga kontakta na strukturu jezika (uvodno poglavlje i drugo poglavlje). U trećem poglavlju predstavlja se kratak pregled jezične politike općenito u Indiji nakon njezina osamostaljenja 1947., s naglaskom na odluke o hindskome jeziku. Važno je uočiti kompleksnost indijske sociolingvističke stvarnosti, prije svega u obrazovanju. Prema obrazovnoj politici, svaki učenik u Indiji dužan je za svoga školovanja ovladati trima jezicima. Kako učenici napreduju u obrazovanju, odnosno kako idu prema visokoškolskome obrazovanju, broj se jezika u nastavi smanjuje. Pri tome sve veću ulogu dobiva poznavanje engleskoga jezika. Neke od struka moguće je studirati jedino uz dostatno poznavanje engleskoga jezika budući da je on dominantan alat u tim strukama. Sličnu situaciju moguće je pratiti i u državnim institucijama, unatoč odluci da se hindski upotrebljava u državnim institucijama na sveindijskoj razini. Mediji i pravni sustav prate takvu sociolingvističku raspodjelu moći među jezicima. Iz svega toga može se zaključiti da je engleski posljednji u nizu dominantnih jezika slijedom pretpostavki Sheldona Pollocka i Zdravke Matišić o postojanju sanskrtske civilizacije i njezinu ogledanju u jezičnoj uporabi na Potkontinentu (treće poglavlje, dodatci 2.1.-2.3.). Razumijevanje postavki sanskrtske civilizacije važno je za praćenje zaključaka u završnome šestome poglavlju kao i za razumijevanje rezultata jezičnoga kontakta između engleskoga i hindskoga. U trećem poglavlju predstavljena su i jezična pravila i odredbe kojima je uređena upotreba jezika u indijskome parlamentu, odnosno u Donjem domu (Lok Sabhi). Sama je analiza podijeljena na lingvističku (četvrto poglavlje) i sociolingvističku (peto poglavlje) i popraćena zaključcima. Rezultati lingvističke analize odnose se na komunikacijske strategije govornika hindskoga jezika u Parlamentu i uočavanje vrste engleskih elemenata koji se miješaju s hindskim elementima u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. U sociolingvističkoj se analizi prate izvanjezične karakteristike govornika kao što su dob, spol, politička i regionalna pripadnost itd. u razdoblju od 1950. do 2010. ne bi li se ustanovilo postojanje zajedničkih karakteristika govornika koji dijele određenu komunikacijsku strategiju. Istraživačica polazi od teze da se odnos engleskih i hindskih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga mijenja od 1950. prema 2010. prema kompleksnijem unosu engleskih elemenata. U sociolingvističkoj analizi pretpostavlja da će mlađa populacija govornika u parlamentu dominirati u upotrebi engleskih elemenata u hindskome jeziku. Utjecaj engleskoga na hindski opisan je kao EH interferencija tipa 0, 1, 2, 3 ili međutipova EH 3;1 ili 3;2. Pri tome se EH tip 0 odnosi na nulti stupanj interferencije tj. njezin izostanak, a EH tip 3 na interferenciju tipa prebacivanje kodova dok se EH tip 1 i EH tip 2 odnose na interferenciju tipa miješanje kodova. Rezultati analize potvrđuju neke od već uočenih i opisanih elemenata miješanja engleskoga koda u hindski kao i prebacivanja engleskoga i hindskoga koda. Novouočeni element je opis negacije u spoju s engleskim glagolima, a pobliže je opisano miješanje engleskih imenskih riječi kao najbrojnijih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika u analiziranom materijalu. Statistička analiza pokazuje da u pregledanim dokumentima 2 od 3 govornika imaju elemente EH interferencije u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika, pretežito elemente EH tipa 1 ili EH tipa 2. Analiza također pokazuje da je broj govornika s umetnim elementima iz engleskoga jezika u porastu u odnosu na omjer materijala te da veći broj govornika nakon 2000. godine pokazuje takve karakteristike u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. Govornici s engleskim elementima u hindskome govoru dolaze iz različitih krajeva Indije, ali se može pretpostaviti da većina ipak dolazi iz područja hindskoga govornoga područja, poglavito iz centralnih i istočnih hindskih saveznih država. Govornici su pretežno muškarci, s visokim stupnjem obrazovanja, u dobi od 46 do 65 godina, različitih zaposlenja. Pripadaju također različitim političkim strankama. U završnome šestome poglavlju rada rezultati analize se preispituju iz perspektive jezične politike i jezičnih identiteta. Kako je u parlamentu omogućen simultani prijevod s engleskoga odnosno hindskoga u svakome trenutku (vidi treće poglavlje za više detalja), postavlja se pitanje zašto govornici pribjegavaju komunikaciji na hindskome jeziku s elementima iz engleskoga jezika (EH interferencija). Pretpostavka da se ne mogu sjetiti u svakome trenutku kako se nešto kaže na hindskome dovodi se u pitanje, budući da su teme rasprave poznate unaprijed te se govornici mogu pripremiti za njih. Druga pretpostavka da govornici miješanjem ili prebacivanjem kodova žele omogućiti svim sudionicima da ih razumiju ponavljanjem poruke također ne zadovoljava. Stoga se uvodi pitanje jezičnoga identiteta i društvenih funkcija jezika – osiguravanje moći, utvrđivanje te potvrđivanje društvenoga statusa govornika. Iz te perspektive nadaje se zaključak kako treba pretpostaviti da uz službenu, javnu jezičnu politiku postoji i neslužbena jezična politika koju govornici uzimaju u obzir pri odabiru komunikacijskih strategija. Doktorski rad analiza jedan segment hindskoga korpusa političkoga diskurza. Kao takav doprinosi novim istraživanjima u istoj domeni te isto tako otvara prostor za analizu korpusa koji pripadaju drugim funkcionalnim stilovima hindskoga jezika. Rad također nudi mogućnost komparativne usporedbe utjecaja engleskoga jezika u hindskome i drugim indijskim jezicima budućim istraživačima.
The thesis analyzes types of English-Hindi interference, from socio-linguistic and linguistic perspective. In the first and second chapter, the question of interference and the influence of one language onto another variety is presented. Short overview of language policy politics in India after its independence in 1947, with an emphasis on Hindi and decisions related to its promotion, sheds light on the sociolinguistic situation in contemporary India. One should bear in mind, however, that English is but the last dominant language on the Subcontinent, if one takes into account proposal by Sheldon Pollock and Zdravka Matišić on the existence of Sanskritic culture and its reflections in language usage on the Subcontinent (Chapter 3, Appendix 2.1.). Analysis consists of two parts: linguistic analysis (Chapter 4) and socio-linguistic analysis (Chapter 5). Both parts of analysis are followed by conclusions. Results reflect communicative strategies of Hindi speakers in the Parliament. They also show which English elements are inserted in Hindi. Analysis also introduces the non-linguistic characteristics of speakers such as their age, gender, political and regional affiliation etc. in the period 1950-2010 in order to decipher whether speakers with the same communicative strategy share same or similar non-linguistic characteristics as well. Speakers with EH elements represent constituencies of various regions in India. However, for the bigger part of them it is possible to assume that they come from Hindi speaking areas, particularly from Central and Eastern Hindi states. Speakers are mostly men, with high level of education. Many of them are aged between 46 and 65 and have various occupations. They also belong to various political parties. English interference in Hindi is described as EH interference of type 0, 1, 2, 3 or the sub-types EH 3;1 or 3;2. EH type 0 represents the absence of English interference in Hindi while EH type 3 stands for the code-switching type of interference. EH types 1 and 2 stand for code-mixing type of interference. The results confirm some of the already described characteristics of English-Hindi interference. The new element is the description of negation in combination with English verbs. English nouns code-mixed in Hindi have been described in detail as the most numerous interfering elements. The statistical analysis of collected data shows that 2 out of 3 Hindi speakers show elements of EH interference in his/her speech pattern throughout the analyzed period (1950-2010). Those elements are mostly of EH types 1 and 2. The analysis also suggests that the number of speakers with English elements is increasing, particularly after year 2000, in comparison to the amount of analyzed data. In the final chapter results are analyzed from the perspective of language policy and language identity. Since the simultaneous translation from English into Hindi and vice versa is available at all times in the Parliament, the question is why do speakers choose to communicate in Hindi with EH interference. The assumption that speakers cannot recollect a particular word during the speech is questionable as explanation since debate topics are known in advance and thus speakers have time to prepare for them. Another assumption that speakers try to make themselves understood by everyone in the communication act with code-mixing and code-switching as strategies is also not found as suitable explanation. Hence the question of language identity and language's social roles are introduced, having in mind particularly relations of language and power as well as of language and social status. From there it seems that the assumption of two language policies is in order. One language policy would then be overt and official and the second covert and unofficial. The assumption is that speakers base their communicative strategies taking in consideration both language policies. ; Tema je ovoga doktorskoga rada lingvistička i sociolingvistička analiza tipova miješanja engleskoga jezika u hindski jezik. Kao uvod u temu razmatra se općenito pitanje jezičnoga kontakta i teorijske pretpostavke o djelovanju jezičnoga kontakta na strukturu jezika (uvodno poglavlje i drugo poglavlje). U trećem poglavlju predstavlja se kratak pregled jezične politike općenito u Indiji nakon njezina osamostaljenja 1947., s naglaskom na odluke o hindskome jeziku. Važno je uočiti kompleksnost indijske sociolingvističke stvarnosti, prije svega u obrazovanju. Prema obrazovnoj politici, svaki učenik u Indiji dužan je za svoga školovanja ovladati trima jezicima. Kako učenici napreduju u obrazovanju, odnosno kako idu prema visokoškolskome obrazovanju, broj se jezika u nastavi smanjuje. Pri tome sve veću ulogu dobiva poznavanje engleskoga jezika. Neke od struka moguće je studirati jedino uz dostatno poznavanje engleskoga jezika budući da je on dominantan alat u tim strukama. Sličnu situaciju moguće je pratiti i u državnim institucijama, unatoč odluci da se hindski upotrebljava u državnim institucijama na sveindijskoj razini. Mediji i pravni sustav prate takvu sociolingvističku raspodjelu moći među jezicima. Iz svega toga može se zaključiti da je engleski posljednji u nizu dominantnih jezika slijedom pretpostavki Sheldona Pollocka i Zdravke Matišić o postojanju sanskrtske civilizacije i njezinu ogledanju u jezičnoj uporabi na Potkontinentu (treće poglavlje, dodatci 2.1.-2.3.). Razumijevanje postavki sanskrtske civilizacije važno je za praćenje zaključaka u završnome šestome poglavlju kao i za razumijevanje rezultata jezičnoga kontakta između engleskoga i hindskoga. U trećem poglavlju predstavljena su i jezična pravila i odredbe kojima je uređena upotreba jezika u indijskome parlamentu, odnosno u Donjem domu (Lok Sabhi). Sama je analiza podijeljena na lingvističku (četvrto poglavlje) i sociolingvističku (peto poglavlje) i popraćena zaključcima. Rezultati lingvističke analize odnose se na komunikacijske strategije govornika hindskoga jezika u Parlamentu i uočavanje vrste engleskih elemenata koji se miješaju s hindskim elementima u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. U sociolingvističkoj se analizi prate izvanjezične karakteristike govornika kao što su dob, spol, politička i regionalna pripadnost itd. u razdoblju od 1950. do 2010. ne bi li se ustanovilo postojanje zajedničkih karakteristika govornika koji dijele određenu komunikacijsku strategiju. Istraživačica polazi od teze da se odnos engleskih i hindskih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga mijenja od 1950. prema 2010. prema kompleksnijem unosu engleskih elemenata. U sociolingvističkoj analizi pretpostavlja da će mlađa populacija govornika u parlamentu dominirati u upotrebi engleskih elemenata u hindskome jeziku. Utjecaj engleskoga na hindski opisan je kao EH interferencija tipa 0, 1, 2, 3 ili međutipova EH 3;1 ili 3;2. Pri tome se EH tip 0 odnosi na nulti stupanj interferencije tj. njezin izostanak, a EH tip 3 na interferenciju tipa prebacivanje kodova dok se EH tip 1 i EH tip 2 odnose na interferenciju tipa miješanje kodova. Rezultati analize potvrđuju neke od već uočenih i opisanih elemenata miješanja engleskoga koda u hindski kao i prebacivanja engleskoga i hindskoga koda. Novouočeni element je opis negacije u spoju s engleskim glagolima, a pobliže je opisano miješanje engleskih imenskih riječi kao najbrojnijih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika u analiziranom materijalu. Statistička analiza pokazuje da u pregledanim dokumentima 2 od 3 govornika imaju elemente EH interferencije u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika, pretežito elemente EH tipa 1 ili EH tipa 2. Analiza također pokazuje da je broj govornika s umetnim elementima iz engleskoga jezika u porastu u odnosu na omjer materijala te da veći broj govornika nakon 2000. godine pokazuje takve karakteristike u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. Govornici s engleskim elementima u hindskome govoru dolaze iz različitih krajeva Indije, ali se može pretpostaviti da većina ipak dolazi iz područja hindskoga govornoga područja, poglavito iz centralnih i istočnih hindskih saveznih država. Govornici su pretežno muškarci, s visokim stupnjem obrazovanja, u dobi od 46 do 65 godina, različitih zaposlenja. Pripadaju također različitim političkim strankama. U završnome šestome poglavlju rada rezultati analize se preispituju iz perspektive jezične politike i jezičnih identiteta. Kako je u parlamentu omogućen simultani prijevod s engleskoga odnosno hindskoga u svakome trenutku (vidi treće poglavlje za više detalja), postavlja se pitanje zašto govornici pribjegavaju komunikaciji na hindskome jeziku s elementima iz engleskoga jezika (EH interferencija). Pretpostavka da se ne mogu sjetiti u svakome trenutku kako se nešto kaže na hindskome dovodi se u pitanje, budući da su teme rasprave poznate unaprijed te se govornici mogu pripremiti za njih. Druga pretpostavka da govornici miješanjem ili prebacivanjem kodova žele omogućiti svim sudionicima da ih razumiju ponavljanjem poruke također ne zadovoljava. Stoga se uvodi pitanje jezičnoga identiteta i društvenih funkcija jezika – osiguravanje moći, utvrđivanje te potvrđivanje društvenoga statusa govornika. Iz te perspektive nadaje se zaključak kako treba pretpostaviti da uz službenu, javnu jezičnu politiku postoji i neslužbena jezična politika koju govornici uzimaju u obzir pri odabiru komunikacijskih strategija. Doktorski rad analiza jedan segment hindskoga korpusa političkoga diskurza. Kao takav doprinosi novim istraživanjima u istoj domeni te isto tako otvara prostor za analizu korpusa koji pripadaju drugim funkcionalnim stilovima hindskoga jezika. Rad također nudi mogućnost komparativne usporedbe utjecaja engleskoga jezika u hindskome i drugim indijskim jezicima budućim istraživačima.
El planteamiento de esta tesis surge de la preocupación por la pasividad del sujeto democrático. Por ello busco un sujeto que sea capaz de actuar políticamente, ciñéndome al análisis de la Realidad efectuado por Agustín García Calvo. Respecto a la metodología, la recopilación bibliográfica ha sido fundamental para conseguir una visión global: sus numerosos artículos, charlas, seminarios, tertulias o recitaciones poéticas dan muestra de su actividad febril. He juzgado oportuno incluir una gran variedad de citas textuales, que pretenden dejar patente su estilo, para volver a hacer hablar a sus textos, sin convertirlos en algo que se sabe, en historia del pensamiento. Busco el razonamiento en sí, más que las conclusiones. He dividido el trabajo en nueve partes: En la introducción comento el proceso de gestación, las peculiaridades del pensamiento que abordo, y hago algunas referencias generales. En la parte dedicada a la biografía, el contexto ideológico y a las influencias, muestro un panorama general de su obra. Inserto a AGC en su contexto histórico, valiéndome de los recuerdos y anécdotas de innumerables compañeros de camino, que además reflejan su labor de contra-educación. Hablo de sus discípulos, especialmente de Savater y de su momento de ruptura con "el maestro", así como de los movimientos con los que le tocó lidiar, aunque ninguno de ellos tenga un verdadero carácter definitorio. Todo lo contrario sucede con los autores que aparecen en el siguiente capítulo, «¿Qué escucha?». He seleccionado a estos autores por su marcada influencia en AGC y los he hecho aparecer teniendo en cuenta el orden de sus lecturas. La tercera parte inicia una línea más temática. Está dedicada a la razón común, al lenguaje, al pensamiento, y para ello me he centrado en su libro sobre los fragmentos de Heraclito, que abarca razón general, política y teológica, ya que es un elemento fundamental en su análisis de la Realidad. En la cuarta parte se distingue entre la Política de Arriba y la política del pueblo, terminando con una crítica de las instituciones. En ella repaso su análisis de los principales conceptos, como Estado, Progreso o Democracia y de las instituciones a ellos ligadas: Sujeto, Familia, Filosofía o Ciencia, Amor, Pareja y Automóvil. Comento su labor en contra de la Política mediante el método de preguntar "¿qué es?" y de decir "no", buscando la acción contenida en el habla o analizando el Caos y el Orden. En la quinta parte, abordamos cómo la Educación, el Saber y algunos ejemplos de contra-educación muestran su vinculación con el des-aprendizaje. Aclaro cuál es su concepto de Saber y qué es lo que sabe un niño antes de ser sometido a la Pedagogía, a la Enseñanza y a la Urbanidad. Finalmente tratamos de la contra-educación, de su papel en el pronunciamiento estudiantil y de sus comentarios al respecto. En la sexta parte hablo de las tácticas, y lo hago teniendo en cuenta su pensamiento sobre la violencia, la organización, la reproducción o las relaciones entre teatro y política. Finalizo con unas reflexiones sobre "lo bueno". Las tres últimas partes están dedicadas a la Conclusión, la bibliografía y a una serie de anexos. En relación con la conclusión, he subrayado la imposibilidad de que aparezca un sujeto que sea capaz de acción dentro de esta Realidad democrática. Por ello la única opción es atacarla para eliminar la creencia y la sumisión al Poder, e intentar recuperar lo que nos queda de pueblo. Sólo desde lo común se realiza una acción política, y la forma de conseguirlo es mediante la contra-educación que se dirige directamente contra el Saber, que es base de la Realidad, de aquello que se sabe. A este respecto AGC fomenta la razón común y la desobediencia, tratando de despertar la negación que se opone al dominio de la Realidad. Pretendo llegar a un punto de partida que permita la acción, a la vez que llamo a nuestra disciplina filosófica para que revise sus orígenes y cometido, para que retorne al momento en que la actividad de filosofar no tenía nombre ni contaba con verdades inmutables. The approach of this dissertation is brought about by the growing worries about the passivity of the democratic subject. Therefore, I look for a subject that may act politically, circumscribing this search to the analysis of reality carried out by Agustín García Calvo. As for methodological issues, gathering bibliography has been essential to achieve a global perspective: his numerous articles, talks, seminars, conversations, or readings of poetry show us his feverish activity. I have deemed adequate to include a great variety of quotations, which may highlight his style, in order to make his texts speak anew, without turning them into something already known, into the history of ideas. I strive here for the very reasoning, more than any possible conclusion. I have divided the paper in nine parts: The introduction focuses on the process of development, the peculiarities of the thought I am dealing with, and some general considerations. The biographical section, which includes his ideological background and influences, shows a global overview of his works. AGC is embedded in his historical context by means of memories and anecdotes provided by his abundant fellow travellers, who also underline his work of counter-education. Here I mean his disciples, especially F. Savater and his breaking point with "the master", as well as the movements he had to deal with, even though those were never of a final nature. Quite the opposite happens with the authors appearing in the following chapter, 'What is he listening to?' I have selected those authors because of their strong influence on AGC, and they make their appearance according to AGC's reading order. The third part begins a more thematic line. It is devoted to common reason, to language, to thinking, and I have therefor focused on his book on the fragments by Heraclitus, which encompasses general, political, and theological reason, constituting a vital chunk of his analysis of Reality. The fourth part distinguishes between Upstairs Politics and people's politics, to end in a thorough critique of institutions. I review there his analysis of the main concepts, such as State, Progress, or Democracy, as well as their inherent institutions: Subject, Family, Philosophy or Science, Love, Coupling, and Automobile. I also consider his work against Politics by means of his asking "what is that?" and his saying "no", as a way to search for the political action underlying speech acts, or by analysing Chaos and Order. The fifth part focuses on how Education, Knowledge, and some examples of counter-education show their link with un-learning. I clarify what his concept of Knowledge implies, and what is what a child knows before being subjected to Pedagogy, Teaching, and Civility. Finally, I deal with counter-education, his role in students' demonstrations, and his comments thereon. The sixth part is centred on tactics, taking very much into account his thinking about violence, organisation, reproduction, or the links between drama and politics. I close with some considerations on what "the good" is. The last three parts comprise the Conclusion, the bibliography, and a series of attachments. With regards to the conclusion, I have underscored the impossibility for a subject to appear and be able to act within this democratic Reality. The only option then is to undermine it to be rid of submission to Power and other beliefs, and to try and get back whatever is left from us as people. Only from what is common we can accomplish true political action; and the way to achieve that goal is by means of counter-education, which aims directly against Knowledge, which is the basis for Reality, for what is known. In that regard, AGC fosters common reason and disobedience, trying to awaken the negation that opposes the domination of Reality. I intend to get to a starting point that allows for action and, at the same time, I urge our discipline –philosophy- to revise its origin and purposes, so it can return to the time in which philosophical activities did not have a name, and neither unassailable truths.
Echocardiography has become an indispensable tool for the study of heart performance, improving the monitoring of individuals with cardiac diseases. Diverse genetic factors associated with echocardiographic measures have been previously reported. The impact of several apoptotic genes in heart development identified in experimental models prompted us to assess their potential association with human cardiac function. This study aimed at investigating the possible association of variants of apoptotic genes with echocardiographic traits and to identify new genetic markers associated with cardiac function. Genome wide data from different studies were obtained from public repositories. After quality control and imputation, a meta-analysis of individual association study results was performed. Our results confirmed the role of caspases and other apoptosis related genes with cardiac phenotypes. Moreover, enrichment analysis showed an over-representation of genes, including some apoptotic regulators, associated with Alzheimer's disease. We further explored this unexpected observation which was confirmed by genetic correlation analyses. Our findings show the association of apoptotic gene variants with echocardiographic indicators of heart function and reveal a novel potential genetic link between echocardiographic measures in healthy populations and cognitive decline later on in life. These findings may have important implications for preventative strategies combating Alzheimer's disease. ; General. Data collection and sharing for this project was partially funded by the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) (National Institutes of Health Grant U01 AG024904) and DOD ADNI (Department of Defense award number W81XWH-12-2-0012). ADNI is funded by the National Institute on Aging, the National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering, and through generous contributions from the following: AbbVie, Alzheimer's Association; Alzheimer's Drug Discovery Foundation; Araclon Biotech; BioClinica, Inc.; Biogen; Bristol-Myers Squibb Company; CereSpir, Inc.; Cogstate; Eisai Inc.; Elan Pharmaceuticals, Inc.; Eli Lilly and Company; EuroImmun; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd and its affiliated company Genentech, Inc.; Fujirebio; GE Healthcare; IXICO Ltd.; Janssen Alzheimer Immunotherapy Research & Development, LLC.; Johnson & Johnson Pharmaceutical Research & Development LLC.; Lumosity; Lundbeck; Merck & Co., Inc.; Meso Scale Diagnostics, LLC.; NeuroRx Research; Neurotrack Technologies; Novartis Pharmaceuticals Corporation; Pfizer Inc.; Piramal Imaging; Servier; Takeda Pharmaceutical Company; and Transition Therapeutics. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research is providing funds to support ADNI clinical sites in Canada. Private sector contributions are facilitated by the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health (www.fnih.org). The grantee organization is the Northern California Institute for Research and Education, and the study is coordinated by the Alzheimer's Therapeutic Research Institute at the University of Southern California. ADNI data are disseminated by the Laboratory for Neuro Imaging at the University of Southern California. For the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative: Data used in preparation of this article were obtained from the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) database (adni.loni.usc.edu). As such, the investigators within the ADNI contributed to the design and implementation of ADNI and/or provided data but did not participate in analysis or writing of this report. A complete listing of ADNI investigators can be found at: http://adni.loni.usc.edu/wp19content/uploads/how_to_apply/ADNI_Acknowledgement_List.pdf. The AddNeuroMed data are from a public-private partnership supported by EFPIA companies and SMEs as part of InnoMed (Innovative Medicines in Europe), an Integrated Project funded by the European Union of the Sixth Framework program priority FP6-2004-LIFESCIHEALTH-5. Clinical leads responsible for data collection are Iwona Kłoszewska (Lodz), Simon Lovestone (London), Patrizia Mecocci (Perugia), Hilkka Soininen (Kuopio), Magda Tsolaki (Thessaloniki), and Bruno Vellas (Toulouse), imaging leads are Andy Simmons (London), Lars-Olad Wahlund (Stockholm) and Christian Spenger (Zurich) and bioinformatics leads are Richard Dobson (London) and Stephen Newhouse (London). This dataset was downloaded from Synapse (https://doi.org/10.7303/syn2790911). Funding support for the Alzheimer's Disease Genetics Consortium (ADGC) was provided through the NIA Division of Neuroscience (U01-AG032984). This study was downloaded from NIH dbGaP repository (phs000372.v1). The Coronary Artery Risk Development in Young Adults Study (CARDIA) is conducted and supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) in collaboration with the University of Alabama at Birmingham (N01-HC95095 & N01-HC48047), University of Minnesota (N01-HC48048), Northwestern University (N01-HC48049), and Kaiser Foundation Research Institute (N01-HC48050). This manuscript was not approved by CARDIA. The opinions and conclusions contained in this publication are solely those of the authors, and are not endorsed by CARDIA or the NHLBI and should not be assumed to reflect the opinions or conclusions of either. Genotyping for the CARDIA GENEVA cohort was supported by grant U01 HG004729 from the National Human Genome Research Institute. This study was downloaded from NIH dbGaP repository (phs000285.v3.p2). The Cardiovascular Heart Study (CHS) was supported by contracts HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268200800007C, N01-HC85079, N01-HC-85080, N01-HC-85081, N01-HC-85082, N01-HC-85083, N01-HC-85084, N01-HC-85085, N01-HC-85086, N01-HC-35129, N01 HC-15103, N01 HC-55222, N01-HC-75150, N01-HC-45133, and N01-HC-85239; grant numbers U01 HL080295 and U01 HL130014 from the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, and R01 AG-023629 from the National Institute on Aging, with additional contribution from the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke. A full list of principal CHS investigators and institutions can be found at https://chs-nhlbi.org/pi. This manuscript was not prepared in collaboration with CHS investigators and does not necessarily reflect the opinions or views of CHS or the NHLBI. Support for the genotyping through the CARe Study was provided by NHLBI Contract N01-HC-65226. This study was downloaded from NIH dbGaP repository (phs000287.v5.p1). The Framingham Heart Study is conducted and supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) in collaboration with Boston University (Contract No. N01-HC-25195 and HHSN268201500001I). This manuscript was not prepared in collaboration with investigators of the Framingham Heart Study and does not necessarily reflect the opinions or views of the Framingham Heart Study, Boston University, or NHLBI. "Funding for SHARe Affymetrix genotyping was provided by NHLBI Contract N02-HL64278. SHARe Illumina genotyping was provided under an agreement between Illumina and Boston University. Funding for Affymetrix genotyping of the FHS Omni cohorts was provided by Intramural NHLBI funds from Andrew D. Johnson and Christopher J. O'Donnell. This dataset was obtained from the NIH dbGaP repository (phs000007.v29.p10). The genotypic and associated phenotypic data used in the study, "Multi-Site Collaborative Study for Genotype-Phenotype Associations in Alzheimer's Disease (GenADA)" were provided by the GlaxoSmithKline, R&D Limited. The datasets used for analyses described in this manuscript were obtained from NIH dbGaP repository (phs000219.v1.p1). The Mayo Clinic Alzheimer's Disease Genetic Studies, led by Dr. Nilüfer Ertekin-Taner and Dr. Steven G. Younkin, Mayo Clinic, Jacksonville, FL using samples from the Mayo Clinic Study of Aging, the Mayo Clinic Alzheimer's Disease Research Center, and the Mayo Clinic Brain Bank. Data collection was supported through funding by NIA grants P50 AG016574, R01 AG032990, U01 AG046139, R01 AG018023, U01 AG006576, U01 AG006786, R01 AG025711, R01 AG017216, R01 AG003949, NINDS grant R01 NS080820, CurePSP Foundation, and support from Mayo Foundation. This dataset was downloaded from Synapse (https://doi.org/10.7303/syn5550404). The MESA study was supported by contracts HHSN268201500003I, N01-HC-95159, N01-HC-95160, N01-HC-95161, N01-HC-95162, N01-HC-95163, N01-HC-95164, N01-HC-95165, N01-HC-95166, N01-HC-95167, N01-HC-95168 and N01-HC-95169 from the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, and by grants UL1-TR-000040, UL1-TR-001079, and UL1-TR-001420 from NCATS. The authors thank the other investigators, the staff, and the participants of the MESA study for their valuable contributions. A full list of participating MESA investigators and institutions can be found at http://www.mesa-nhlbi.org. This dataset was obtained from the NIH dbGaP repository (phs000209.v6.p2). The Neocodex-Murcia study was funded by the Fundación Alzheimur (Murcia), the Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (Gobierno de España), Corporación Tecnológica de Andalucía and Agencia IDEA (Consejería de Innovación, Junta de Andalucía). The Diabetes Research Laboratory, Biomedical Research Foundation. University Hospital Clínico San Carlos has been supported by CIBER de Diabetes y Enfermedades Metabólicas Asociadas (CIBERDEM); CIBERDEM is an ISCIII Project. The ROS/MAP study data were provided by the Rush Alzheimer's Disease Center, Rush University Medical Center, Chicago. Data collection was supported through funding by NIA grants P30AG10161, R01AG15819, R01AG17917, R01AG30146, R01AG36836, U01AG32984, U01AG46152, the Illinois Department of Public Health, and the Translational Genomics Research Institute. This dataset was downloaded from Synapse (https://doi.org/10.7303/syn3219045). The TGEN study was supported by Kronos Life Sciences Laboratories, the National Institute on Aging (Arizona Alzheimer's Disease Center P30 AG19610, RO1 AG023193, Mayo Clinic Alzheimer's Disease Center P50 AG16574, and Intramural Research Program), the National Alzheimer's Coordinating Center (U01 AG016976), and the state of Arizona. TGEN investigators provided free access to genotype data to other researchers via Coriell Biorepositories (http://www.coriell.org). The results published here are in part based on data obtained from the AMP-AD Knowledge Portal accessed at https://doi.org/10.7303/syn2580853. D.S. research is supported by Grant 20153810 from Fundació La Marató de TV3 and Grant SAF2013-44942-R from the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) and, with J.X.C., Grant 2009SGR-346 from the Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (AGAUR) from the Government of Catalonia. A.B. has a predoctoral contract from Fundació La Marató de TV3. A.R. research is also supported by grants PI13/02434 and PI16/01861. Acción Estratégica en Salud, integrated in the Spanish National R&D&I Plan and financed by ISCIII (Instituto de Salud Carlos III)-Subdirección General de Evaluación and the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF – "A way to make Europe"), by Fundación banca "La Caixa" and Grifols SA (GR@ACE project). This work was also partly supported by the ADAPTED consortium, which has received funding from the Innovative Medicines Initiative 2 Joint Undertaking under grant agreement No 115975. This Joint Undertaking receives support from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program and the European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations.
Issue 30.6 of the Review for Religious, 1971. ; EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to I~VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 6:31o3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pe.nnsylvania 191o6. + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright ~) 1971 by REVIEW 'VOg RELIGIOUS. Published for Review for Religious at Nit. Ro\'al & Guilford Ave., Baltimore, .Xld. Printed in U.S.A. Set'ond class postage paid at Baltimore, .Maryland and ,at addithmal mailing offices. Single copies: $1.25. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year, $11.00 for two years: other countries: $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order paya-ble to REVIEW POg RELIOIOGS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Renewals and new subscriptions should be sent to REviEW FOR RELIGIOUS; P. O. Box l 110; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Manuscripts, editorial correspondence, and books for re-view should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 619 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louts, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. NOVEMBER 1971 VOLUME 30 NUMBER 6 JOSEPH F. GALLEN,.S.J. Decree on Confessions of Religious. In a decree dated December 8, 1970, effective immedi-ately, and confirmed by the Pope on November 20, 1970, the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Instb tutes made the following.changes in the canon law on the sacrament of penance for religious, especially religious women, and on exclusion from a religious institute of one in temporary vows because of ill health. These provisions will remain in force until the new Code of Canon Law is effective. Number 4, e), of the Decree states that the pre-scriptions of the present canon law that are contrary to the new provisions, incompatible with them, or which because of them no longer apply, are suspended. Any provision of the Decree that~ affects novices will apply to those in a temporary commitment other than temporary vows. The numbering of the Decree has been retained in the following explanation. 1-2. The Decree exhorts religious to value highly the sacrament of penance as a means of strengthening the fundamental gift of metanoia or conversion to the king-dom of Christ, and to esteem in the same way the fre-quent use of this sacrament, which debpens ~true knowl-edge of self and humility, provides spiritual direction, and increases grace. These and other wonderful effects, according to n. 2, contribute not only to daily growth in virtue but are highly beneficial also to the common good. 3. All religious, men and women, clerical and lay, ex-empt and nonexempt, should strive to receive the sacra-ment of penance frequently, that is, twice a month. Supe-riors are to encourage this frequency and make it possible [or the members to go to confession at least every two weeks and even oftener, if they wish to do so. In the past, canon law did not oblige religious to go to confession at least once a week. The canonical obligation extended onl~ to superiors, who had to make it possible for their subjects to confess at least once a week. How-÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, s.J., writes from St. Joseph's Church at 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Penn-sylvania 19106. VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 944 ever, the Code of Canon Law presupposed that an obliga-tion of weekly confession, existdd at least from custom, and very universally the constitutions obliged religious to confess at/east once a week. 4, a). "All women religious and novices, in Order that they may have proper liberty, may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. For this no special jurisdiction or designation is henceforth required." The first sentence of this number" gives all women reli-gious and novices, in orders, congregations, or societies of common life, the right always to go to confession validly and licitly to any priest of their choice, whether he is diocesan or religious, who is approved for confessions in the locality of the partic.ular confession. Furthermore, as this number of the Decree also states, the confessor does not have to be designated or appointed, for religious women.' Even in the past there were no canonical norms on the confessions of men or women postulants, who were regulated canonically by the same laws on confession as secular men and women. Religious women and novices are therefore .no longer obliged to go to ordinary or ex-traordinary confessors, eveh when such confessors exist for their houses. The special confessor of a particular reli-gious woman of canon 520, par. 2, no longer exists be-cause a religious woman may go, even habitually or al-ways, to any confessor of her choice. The same reason excludes the supplementary confessors (c. 521, par. 2), the occasional confessor (c. 522), and the confessor of seri-ously sick religious women (c. 523). Number 8, e), of the recent norms on the papal enclosure of nuns permits the following: "A priest [even if he possesses no jurisdiction for confessions] may likewise be admitted to assist those religious suffering from a chronic or greave illness." Mere spiritual direction, unlike absolution, does not require jurisdiction for confessions. Because of the sus.pended canons listed above in this paragraph, canon 2414, the last canon in the Code, is also suspended. This canon reads: If a superioress acts against the prescriptions of canons 521, par. 3, 522, and 523, she shall be admonished by, the local or-dinary; if again delinquent, she shall be punished by removal from office, and the Sacred Congregation of Religious is to be immediately informed of the matter. By reason of the second sentence of this number, spe-cial jurisdiction is no longer required for the valid or licit confessions of professed women religious or novices, whether in orders or congregations, nor for those in the analogons states of societies of women living in common without public vows (c; 675). All of these are now ab-solved in virtue of the same jurisdiction as secular women. Priests ordinarily possess jurisdiction for the con-fessions of the faithful ol~ both sex~esf@hey may therefore, in the locality for which they posses such jurisdiction, valid!y absolve the religious women listed" above any-wherd, in the confessional or outside of it. They may licitly do the latter in a case of sickness or for any other reason of like import (c. 910, par. 1). In the pa.st, to absolve validly and licitly the~ same religious women listed above, special jurisdiction was nec-essary. The jurisdiction was special becfiuse it "~as not contained in the jurisdiction granted for the faithful of both sexes~or for women. It had t3 be given expressly for religious women (c. 876, par. 1). The pres.ent suspension of the necessity of special jurisdiction also implies the suspension of the necessity of the designation of a special spiritual director (c. 520, par. 2) by the local ordinary or the regular superior. The i'eason for the necessity of this designation was that special jurisdiction for confession was granted to such a spiritual director. Lay religious institutes o[ men. According to n. 5 of the Decree, the applicable norms of n. 4 on women appertain~ also to lay institutes of men. Therefore, all religious and novices of such institutes may go to confession to any confessor, as explained above for women (n. 4, a). Be-cause of this right of choice, the special ordinary ~onfes-sor of professed °(c. 528), for whom the permission of the religious superior was° required, no longer exists," as is true also of the supplementary confessors of novices in the same institutes (c. 566, par. 2, n. 3),'and likewise of the occasional confessor of both professed and novices (c. 519). All of canon 566, par. 2, on confessors of novices in lay and clerical institutes of men is also suspended. Clerical institutes o[ men. Nothing is said directly in the Decree on the confessions of members of clerical or-ders' or congregations except that they too Should go to confession twice a month (n. 3). However, the applicable provisions on the confessions of women religious and nomces must also apply to clerical institutes. Otherwise, their members would be in an inferior condition to that of religious women and of the members of lay institutes of men, which has not been their status thus far in the laws of the Church. It is also the sufficiently evident intention of the Sacred Congregation to simplify the law on confes-sion [or religious and to grant greater liberty, and these are also desirable in the laws affecting clerical institutes. Therefore, all religious and novices in clerical institutes may make their confession to any confessor, as explained above [or women (n. 4, a). It would be incredible that clerical religious alone would be excluded from the pre-ceding concession. As above for lay institutes of men, the occasional confessor of both professe.d and novices (c. 519) ÷ ÷ ÷ Conlesslons VOLUME 30, 19TI 945 ~. l~. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 946 no longer exists nor the supplementary confessors for novices of canon 566, par. 2, n.3. 4, b). An ordinary confessor must be named for monas-teries of contemplative nuns, for houses of formation of women, and for large houses of women. An extraordinary confessor is to be named at least for the first two types of the preceding houses. The women religious and novices are not obliged to present themselves to either such ordi-nary or extraordinary confessors. The provision for the monasteries of contemplative nuns should in practice be extended to nuns who are doing immediate apostolic work, for example, conducting schools within their monasteries, and also to the houses or monasteries of contemplative congregations of sisters, for example, the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood, who have monasteries in the archdiocese of Portland, Oregon and in the dioceses of ~Brooklyn, Lafayette, Indi-ana, Manchester, Ogdensbu?g, Portland, Maine, and To-ledo Houses of formation of women include novitiates and juniorates, although the small number of novices and juniors and other circumstances can in some cases render the appointment of ordinary and extraordinary confessors impractical. There is no canonical definition of a large religious house. The determination of such houses should be made hy the local ordinary after a considera-tion of all the circumstances and even by consultation of its members. It could happen that the members of a very large house in a city can and prefer to go to any confes-sor. The presence or absence of members who cannot go outside the house for confession is obviously an impor-tant factor. Nor is consideration for the confessor to be forgotten, for example, an ordinary confessor who would come every two weeks and find nothing to do. In some cases a priest such as the one Or" ones who celebrate daily Mass in a larger house may be able to handle readily the few confessions that will occur. The fact that no religious woman or novice is obliged to present herself to any of these ordinay or extraordinary confessors follows from the general principle of the decree in n. 4, a), that all women religious and novices may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. This number of the Decree commands merely [he appointment of an extraordinary confessor, that is, the confessor who frequently, not neces-sarily at least for times during the year, is accessible that the members of the community may have the opportunity of confessing to another than the ordinary confessor. This was the definition of the same wording in canon 528 on the extraordinary confessor for professed religious in lay institutes of men. The Code explicity commanded the extraordinary confessor of professed religious women and novices (c. 521, par. 1)and of novices in institutes qf men' (c. 566, par. 2, n. 4) to be available atleast four times a year, but this provision is suspended by the Decree, In a liouse of ~formati0n, ord_i.nary .and extraordipar.y_, confeS, sors are to be app0intedl only for those in formation unless, with regard to an ordinary confessor, tbe other members of the house are sufficient to constitute a large house. This doctrine is evident from the fact that ordi-nary and ~xtraor,dinary confessors would not be ap-pointed [or these other members if they were in another house. Therefore, for example, in a novitiate house these confessors are appointed for the novices, not [or the mem-bers of the generalate or provincialate staff residing in tbe same house of formation. 4, c). "For other co.mmunities [in additition to the monasterieg of nuns, houses of formation, and large houses of n. 4, b) immediately above] an ordinary confes-sor may be named at the request of the community itself or after consultation with its members if, in the judgment of tlie ordinary, special circumstances justify such an ap-pointment." The "special circumstances" will be at least very com-monly those that prevent the religious women of a house fi'om going to confession twice a month unless an ordi-nary confessor is appointed. This can arise from the pres-ence in the house of religious who cannot go out for confession, from the location of the house that makes access to other confessors difficult, or that allows such access to only one confessor, for example, the sole priest in the one parish in a small town, and so forth. Lay and clerical institutes oJ men. With the exception of that on monasteries of nuns, the provisions of n. 4, b) and c) immediately above apply also to lay institutes of men by reason of n. 5, and to clerical institutes in virtue Of the arguments given under n. 4, a). It would again be incredible that ordinary contessors would continue to have to be appointed for all houses of clerical institutes (c. 518, par. 1) but only for the restricted number of houses of religious women and lay institutes of men ac-cording to n. 4, b) of the present Decree. Houses of for-mation in Clerical institutes include also houses of study (C. 587) and houses for the apostolic year and tertianship (see Sedes Sapientiae, nn. 48, 51). The judgment on the existence of a large house and on the special circumstan-ces tbat justify the appointment of ordinary confessors in houses that are not houses of formation or large apper-tains in clerical orders and congregations to the religious superior who has the right of appointing ordinary confes-sors according to the constitutions 0f the particular insti-tute. 4, d). "The local ordinary should choose confessors 4. 4. 4. ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 948 ~arefully. They should be priests of sufficient maturity and possess the other necessary qualities. The ordinary may determine the number, age and term of office of the confessors and may name them or renew their appoint-ment after consultation with the community concerned." This paragraph of the decree commands the local ordi-nary to choose the ordinary and ektraordinary confessors of women religious and novices of the tw9 preceding sections with care. The suitability of priests for these two duties appertains to the judgment of the local ordinary. For example, it is no longer required that these confessors be 'forty years of age (c. 524, par. 1). The local ordinary also determines the number of such confessors, and it is no longer demanded that per se only one ordinary and extraordinary confessor be appointed for each house (cc. 520, par. 1; 521, par. 1). The local ordinary may but is not obliged to determine the duration of the term of office of these confessors, for example, two year.s, and may reappoint them immediately and indefinitely after con-sultation with the community concerned. He may also, with the same consulation, immediately appoint an ordi-nary coiafessor as extraordinary of the same commun.ity (see c. 524, par. 2). Clerical and lay institutes o[ men. The ordinary and extraordinary confessors in these institutes from the na-ture of the matter are to be priests suitable for the office. The provisions, however, of n. 4~, d) of the Decree imme-diately above apply only to institutes of women both from their wording, which is based on the canons on confessors of religious women, and from the fact that the present canon law prescribes no qualities for the ordinary and extraordinary confessors in institutes of men, whether clerical or lay. It is evidently permitted to follow such a provision as the previous consultation of the com-munity concerned. The following are the canons specifically on confessors of religious that remain in force: Can. 518, par. 1. In . every clerical Institute there shall be deputed. [ordinary] confessors with power, if it be ques~ tion of an exempt Institute, to absolve also from the cases re-served in the Institute. Par. 2. Religious Superiors, having faculties to hear confes' sions, can, in conformity with the law, hear the confessions of their subjects who spontaneously and freely approach them for that purpose, but they may not without grave reason hear them habitually. Par. 3. Superiors must take care not to induce, personally, or through others, by force, by fear, or by importunate persua-sion, or by any other means, any of their subjects to confess his sins to them. Can. 524, par. 3. The confessors, whether ordinary or extra-ordinary, of religious women are not, in any manner, to inter- fere either in the internal or external government of the com-munity. Can. 525. For all houses of religious women immediately subject to the Apostolic See or to the local Ordinary, the latter selects both ordinary an.d extraordinary ,confessor;. ~o~" those subject to a Regular Superior, this Superior presents the con-fessors to the'Ordinary who will grant them the approval to hear the confessions of'the nuns; the Ordinary also shall supply, if necessary, for the negligence of the Regular Superior, Can. 527. According to the terms of canon 880, the local Ordinary can, for a serious~ cause, remove both the ordinary and extraordinary confessor of religious women, even when the monastery is subject to Regulars and the confessor himself a Regular, nor is the Ordinary bound to make known the reason for the removal to anyone except to the Holy See, if it should require the reason from him; he must, however, if the nuns are subject to Regulars, inform the Regular Superior of the removal. Can. 875, par. 2. In an exempt lay Institute, the Superior proposes the confessor, who, however, must receive jurisdiction from the Ordinary of the place in which the religious house is situated. The preceding are taken from the authorized but unof-ficial translation, Canonical Legislation concerning Reli-gious. Canon 891, which also remains in force, is ~not contained in this translation. It reads as follows: Can. 891. The master of novices and his socius, the superior of a seminary or of a college may not hear the sacramental con-fessions of his students residing in the same house with him, unless the students spontaneously request this in particular cases for a grave and urgent reason. The canons therefore specifically on confessors of reli-gious that remain are part of canon 518, par. 1, and all the rest of this canon; all of canons 524, par. 3, 525, 527, 875, par. 2, and 891. "II The final clause of canon 637 is to be understood in the sense that a religious in temporary vows who, because of physical or mental illness even if contracted after pro-fession, is judged by the competent superior with the consent of his council, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, to be incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute, may be refused admission to renewal of vows or to final profession. The decision in such cases is to be taken with charity and equ!ty." According to canon 637 a professed of temporary vows could be excluded from the renewal of temporary vows or from making perpetual profession because of ill health ofily if it was proved with certainty that the ili health had been contracted and fraudulently concealed or dissi-mulated before the first profession of temporary vows. The same principle is true of the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows (c. 647, par. 2, n. 2). These canons are not completely logical. The time of temporary vows is Confessions 949 4. 4. 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 950 one of probation; the canons permit exclusion or dis-missal of such professed for other inculpable causes; and canon 637 otherwise requires only .just and reasona-ble causes for exclusion and canon 647, par. 2, n. 2, only serious reasons for dismissai. These canons also caused serious and, without recourse to the Holy See, even insol-uble problems. This was verified especially with regard to psychological disorders when the subject would not vol-untarily leave the institute. His retention could cause great difficulty to the institute, even intensify his own condition, and cases occurred in which superiors could not in conscience admit such subjects to further profes-sions, particularly to perpetual profession~ It is evident that the decision in these cases of physical or psychologi-cal health is to be made with proper regard and considera-tion for the subject, and, as the Decree states, with char-ity and equity (see REVIEW I~OF RELIGIOUS, 16 [1957], 218-9, 271; 25 [1966], 1104-5). In virtue of the present legislation in II, an exclusion from further temporary or perpetual profession because of physical or psychological illness, even if contracted after the first temporary profession, may be made by the competent superior with the consent of his or her council if they judge, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, that the subject is incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute. The subject should ordinarily at least be first encouraged to leave voluntarily and this as soon as such a condition is sufficiently ascertained. The new legislation is concerned only with an exclu-sion from further profession; it does not extend to the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows in the same case. This can cause a serious difficulty if the case comes to a head when a considerable part of a temporary profes-sion is unexpired, for example, in the early part of the second year of a three-year profession, and the subject will not leave voluntarily. This case, when it occurs, may be proposed to the Sacred Congregation for a solution. Practical summary o[" the Decree. The~ norm'~f fre-quency of confession is every two weeks. All religious may always confess to any confessor in the locality. Spe-cial jurisdiction is not required for religious women. The only confessors proper to religious are ordinary confessors in monasteries Of nuns and in the following houses of men and women: houses of f6rmation, large houses, and other houses in special circumstances, and extraordinary confessors in the same monasteries and houses of forma-tion. Such confessors of women do not have to be forty years of age. A professed of temporary vows may be ex-cluded from further professions because of physical or psychological illness. CHRISTOPHER KIESLING, O.P. Ministry in the Schools of the Church Religious should get out of Catholic schools. Such schools should not exist.The Church should not be in the business of education, but should devote its resources to the social problems of our day. Moreover, Church schools serve the affluent middle and upper classes more than the oppressed minorities. Religious, ther~efore, should go into other ministries in which they can serve the world, especially the underprivileged. Undoubtedly it is good that religious are venturing into nev~ ministries besides ~eaching or administration in schools of the Church. It is good for sisters and brothers because some have temperaments, inclinations, interests, and talents which equip them much better for other min-istries titan that of the church school. It is good for the Chnrch and the world because both have grave needs which can be met only by the service of highly motivated and generous people such as religious. But while some religious should be encouraged to enter into new forms of apostolate, it would be most unfortu-nate if others were not encouraged to enter Or Continue in the apostolate of the schools of the Church. This apos-tolate is extremely important and even assumes, a ni~wness today by virtue of the many changes taking place in both the Church and the w6rld. As is well known, these schools are threatened with extinction today. The demise of the schools of the Church, however, is a most grievous set-back to the emergence of mature Christian laymen in the life and apostolate of the Church and hence in the Church's mission to the world, especially to the world's social problems. Vatican II expres'~d the int.egral mission of the Church with special clarity. It was compelled to do tiffs in its efforts to describe p, ositively the place, digni_ty, and role of the laity in the Church. The Decree on the Apostolate o] the Laity, for instance, says: 4- 4- Christopher Kies-ling, O.P., is a fac-ulty member of Aquinas Institute School of Theology in Dubuque, Iowa 52001. VOLUME 30, 1971 951 + C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW I:OR REI.IGIOUS 952 Christ's redemptive work, while of itself directed toward the salvation of men, involves also the renewal of the whole tem-poral order. Hence the. mission of the Church is not on!y to bring to men tlie message and grace of Christ, but also to pene-trate and perfect the temporal sphere with the spirit of the Gospel (n, 5). Tlie missiofi of the Church, in other words, is not to rescue men from this world for salvation in another world, but to unite men to God in this world and through them permeate human activity, culture, and his-tory with fl~e spirit of Christ, thus cooperating with God in bringing all creation to its divinely intended goal: eternal life and resurrection of the body for men in a new heaven and a new earth. Every member of the Church participates in her mis-sion: For this the ChurCh was founded: that., she might bring all men to share in Christ,s saving redemption; and that through them the whole world might in actual fact be brought into relationship with him. All activity of the Mystical Body directed to the attainment of this goal is called the apostolate, and the Church carries it on in various ways through all her members. For by its very nature the Christian vocation is also a vocation to the apostolate (ibid., n. 2). The Church is the whole body of baptized believers, sent by Christ into the world to bring men his truth and grace and to work for the divinely willed perfection of creation. In order to accomplish this mission, baptized believers nfinister to one a~aother, building up the whole Body of Christ in truth and grace for service to the world for the glory~of tlte Father. Some ministries are purely charismatic, the fruit of the Spirit's quickening believers to particular services to fellow members of Christ's Body for their joint mission to the world. Some ministries are also institutional, that is, in addition to the call of the Spirit, they have a more or less per.manent place and a more or less defined [unction in the structure of the Chnrch as ordained by God in Christ or by the Christian community in the course of history; consequently, these ministries appear in the canon law of the Church. But whether institutional or not, all these ministries are in-cludetl in the Spirit-inspired serf-help which the members of Christ's Body give to one another for the vigorous life of His Body and for its continuing mission and ministry to the world. What is required of the members of Christ's Body if they are to fulfill their apostolic vocation? They need articulate faith, a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, and zeal coupled with skill for building a better world of truth, justice, love, and freedom for every man, woman, and child. By "articulate faith" is meant a faith with some under- standing of the assertions.of faith, .including recognition of the difficulties which these assertions present to human intelligence today, their historical conditioning, and their need for continual reinterpretation and restatement if they are going to remain vali'd'expression~ of'~tuthentic faith in the midst of constantly changing human con-sciousness of reality. More importantly, articulate faith is aware of itself as.an adventure into ineffable mystery and personal communion with the living God, for which faith's assertions are a means not an end: a gateway, not the end of the road. Articulate faith also includes the willingness, ability, and c6nfidence to talk about what one believes. Because faith is a great adventure toward the fulfillment of men's deepest longing, one is willing, even eager, to discuss matters of faith; and one does not shy away from such discussion for fear of being wrong, because one is aware that faith is response to a loving Person who is more interested in drawing men to per-sonal communion with Him than He is in theological niceties. Vatican II expects the members of the Church to have such articulate faith, in accord with their capacity for it. According to the Decree on the Apostolate of the Laity, "the apostolate of the Church and of all her members is designed primarily to manifest Christ's message by words and deeds and to communicate his grace to the world" (ibid., n. 6). Noteworth~ in this statement is that all mem-bers of the Church are to manifest Christ's message by words, as well as deeds, and to communicate His grace. The ministry of teaching and sanctifying is not restricted to the clergy's ministry of the word and the sacraments. The decree proceeds to note that one of the ways in which the laity exercise their apostolate of "making the Gospel known and men holy" (ibid.) is through the testi-mony of a good life. But it goes on to say that "an aposto-late of this kind does not consist only in the witness of one's way of life; a true apostle looks for opportunities to announce Christ by words addressed either to non-believ-ers with a view to leading them to faith, or to believers with a view to instructing and strengthening them, and motivating them toward a more fervent life" (ibid.). ¯ In other words, the laity, as well as the clergy and religious, are responsible for building up the Body of Christ in truth and love and [or implementing its teach-ing and sanctifying mission. To fulfill this responsibility, laity, as well as clergy and religious, need articulate faith. A second need which each member of Christ's Body has is for a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures: The Lord wishes to spread his kingdom . In this kingdom, creation itself will be delivered out of its slavery to corruption 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" 4" C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 954 and into the freedom of the sons of God (cf. Rom. 8:21) . The faithful, therefore, must learn the deepest meaning and the value of all creation~ and how to relate it to the praise of God. They must assist one another to live holier lives even in their daily occupations. In this way the world is permeated by the spirit of Christ and more effectively achieves its purpose in justice, charity, and peace (Constitution on the Church, n. 36). In the light of revelation,, baptized believers must see and appreciate creatures in their original goodness and in their relationship to the Incarnation and the eschaton; They should perceive and treasure creatures as the poet does, with awe and reverence for the uniqueness and beauty of each. They should not view them simply with the detached, calculating eye of the technician. Yet tech-nology too is a creature of God, so that Christians should understand and evaluate rightly its place and products in the scheme of things. Especially must the Christian be aware and appreciative of man and the mysteries of his being: the human body, feeling and emotion, love and sex, work and play, community and celebration, art and science, the aspirations of the human spirit~and the long-ings of the human heart--all bathed in the light of God's gracious love. Thirdly, the members of Christ's Body need zeal cou-pled with skill for building a better world: By their competence in secular fields and by personal activity, elevated fr6m" within by the grace o[ Christ, let them labor vigorously so that by human labor, technical skill, and civic culture created goods may be perfected for the benefit of every last man. Let them work to see that created goods are more fittingly distributed among men and., in their own way lead to general progress in human and Christian liberty (ibid.). Baptized believers should also "by their combined efforts remedy any institutions and conditions of the world which are customarily inducements to sin, so that all such things may be conformed to the norms of justice and may favor the practice of virtue rather than hinder it" (ibid.). They need to "imbue culture and human activity with moral values" (ibid.). The question now arises: By what means are the mem-bers of Christ's Body going to develop articulate faith, appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, arid zeal with skill for building a better world? Can weekly liturgies of the word (including homily) and the Eucha-rist accomplish this end? Even supposing the Scriptures are well read, the homilies well prepared and delivered, and the celebration well carried through, weekly liturgies alone hardly seem capable of generating the qualities which Christ's members ought to have to fulfill their apostolic vocation. CCD classes are not going to yield the needed qualities. They are limited in time. They p~vide little sustained interaction between mature Christians and growing ones over a wide spectrum of life. Their very organization fosters the idea of faith as a gegment of life, [,or Which one sets aside a piece of time each week. Finally, they are impeded in effectiveness by the forced and often chaotic conditions under wliich .they operate. Newman Centers too are very limited in what they can do to develop the necessary qualities in the members of Christ's Body beyond a small circle. Courses in "religiqus studies" are far from adequate means. They are by definition uncommitted, objective examination of religion and religions. They are highly intellectual, speculative, whatever existential and subjec-tive use an individual student may make of them. They are also limited in the amount of time given to them and, being a self-cOntained part of a curriculum, they convey the impression that religion also is a self-con-tained part of life, rather than~a dimension of all life. Adult education does not appear to be the solution. The competition for adults' time and attention is ex-tremely intense. Moreover, dae qualities required of a mature Christian should be well developed before he reaches the age at which l~e would enroll in adult educa-tion courses that are more than remedial. The answer is not Catholic newapapers, magazines, and books. People who love and profit from reading are relatively few in our activist culture, and are becoming even fewer in this post-linear age of happenings and tele-vision in the global village. The Church's recourse to happenings and television will not be much more fruitful than literature for achieving the necessary goal. Once people are gathered, happenifigs and television can be extremely effective instructors, but the problem is pre-cisely gathering the people. Unless people are already rather strongly motivated religiously, they are not going to prefer religious happenings and television programs to their secular coi~nterparts. As for parents as the source of the needed Christian maturity, parents are limited in what they Can do for their children. They cannot ,.lead their children to an articulate faith much beyond their own. They will find themselves limited especially when they come to helping their children develop that keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creation which Vatican iI urges for all members of Christ's .Body. Parents may be able to foster such apl~reciation for the simpler things of life, but they may be at a loss in matters of biology, the physical universe, history, poetry, drama, music. Parents' social consciousness and involvement may or may not be very highly developed, and will almost always be limited in 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME .'30, "1971 955 + 4. 4. C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 956 scope because of family responsibilities and finite human energies. Social services of the Church are not ordered, by defini-tion, to the development of mature Christians, but to relieving the pressing needs which men and women have in their personal and social lives, in order that their lives may meet basic standards of health, decency, dignity, and happiness. It is difficult to imagine any project of the Church which offers the opportunities that schools do for p.ro-viding the members of Christ's Body with the develop-ment of faith, .appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal and know-how which they need and to which they have a right. Several points are to be noted about this affirma-tion. First, it does not mean that schools alone do the whole job. There is still need for good liturgies, adult educa-tion, and all the rest. Secondly, the schools referred to are not only elementary schools. High schools and colleges are more important. Thirdly, the assertion speaks of schools for providing the needed qualities of articulate faith, appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal with skill. It does not speak simply of religion courses in schools operated by the Church, though such courses have their rightful place. It is not a matter of the Church going into the education business, so that it can, with ease, slip religion courses into the curriculum. It is, rather, a matter of providing a Christian milieu in which learning to live a full life can Occtlr. Finally, the argument is not based on the actual con-duct or achievements of the Church's schools in the past. Whatever judgment is rendered on the past, the situation has changed so much since Vatican II that the schools of the Church today constitute an entirely new set of oppor-tunities. In recent years new methods of teaching have evolved which make learning boi:h more exciting for students and more in contact with life in society. Lay teachers have become a familiar part of the faculties of the Church's schools. Priests' and religious' styles of life have changed, bringing them into closer contact with ordinary life and with the laity, particularly their students. The ghetto mentality has largely disappeared, so that Church schools are less prone to be instruments of defense and more liable to be openings to the world. The ecumenical spirit enables Protestant, Anglican, and Orthodox Christians, as well as Jews and men of other beliefs, to have some place in the education that goes on in the schools of the Church. Administrators, faculties, and students are more aware of the school's obligations to the civic community in which it exists, All these new [actors mean :that the value of the Church's schools today cannot be judged on the basis of their past conduct and achievements. The opportunities which the schools of the: Church offer do not consist only or even mainly in the possibili-ties for religion courses or religious pract~ices. They con-sist in the possibilities for the young to develop articulate faith, a keen appreciation of creatures, and zeal with com-petence for building a better world by close association in learning and doing with mature Christians who them-selves have such faith, appreciation, and zeal. There is a difference, I would maintain, between what a youth derives from a course in English literature taught with competence and enthusiasm by a Christian whose faith permeates his life, and what he derives from such a course taught by someone else. A course in English litera-ture well taught by a Christian tells a young person that Christianity embraces all of life, that it is willing and able to learn from human experience as well as from revela-tion, that it recognizes the Spirit of God working in the world and speaking to men through human events, per-sonal and social. Besides this non-verbal communication, there can be explicit comparisons between the views of life in English literature and the view of the gospel. These comparisons are opportunities to develop articu-late faith without indoctrination. But even without any explicit mention of Christian faith, this course in English literature is a Christian ministry. As Vaticap II affirmed, Christians should have a deep sense of the meaning and value of all creation. The Church, therefore, has a duty to provide for its members to learn about creation through the arts and sciences illumined by the gospel. It is a precious gift which a Christian teacher gives to a student in patiently helping him to appreciate-a poem, even though faith is not explicitly referred to. If this Christian teacher of English literature is also aware of the world's and ldcal community's problems; if he is involved outside the school in trying to build a better world, if he lets this be known to his students and even involves his students in his social concern outside the classroom, his students will be made aware of another dimension of the Christian vocation and will even gain some knowledge of what they can do concretely to build a better world. If the administrators and teachers in a school of the Church are articulate in their faith, if they treasure God's creatures, if they are socially concerned and involved, if they constitute the nucleus of a genuine, open Christian community into which they assimilate their students, that school offers unparalleled opportu.nities for developing in the members of Chris,t's Body the qualities nece~ssary for + ÷ + Schools VOLUME 30, ].971 957 + 4. + C. Kiesling, O,P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 958 their sharing the mission of the Church to mankind and the world. But, it may be objected, should not such a Christian teacher of English literature or physics or sociology or mathematics be in apublic school? Could he not perform a most valuable Christian ministry there Yes, he could; and such Christian teachers--lay, religious, cleric-- should be in public schools. They would be fulfilling the Church's apostolic mission to the world in a most excel-lent way. But could his pupils derive as much benefit from him in the public school as they could in a school of the Church---or of the Churches, as some would propose in this ecumenical age? In a public school, his pupils could only rarely, and then with the greatest circumspection, explicitly view the subject with the teacher in the light of the gospel. Never could they celebrate their Christian awareness of the subject in worship, liturgical or other, unless they met outside the school and school time. This condition raises the complex problem of finding a con-venient opportunity for such celebration; and it intro-duces a division into the public school community, which could Iead to all sorts of unpleasant complications: More-over, students in a public school would not experience their learning within a known Christian milieu and hence would not see it as part of Christian life and Chris-tian life as embracing it. But is this not the age of anonymous Christianity? Is it necessary for students to examine explicitly a subject in the light of the gospel, to celebrate it in worship, and to see it as part of Christian life and Christian life as em-bracing it? Recourse to the concept of anonymous Christianity is a way Christians have adopted to take the sting out of the widespread de-christianization and secularization that has occurred in modern times. But anonymous Christianity, though a good thing in comparison to being altogether outside the influence of God's grace,'is a humanly imper-fect thing. To be human is to have self-awareness. Man is not only conscious as animals are, but reflectively con-scious; he is aware of himself as animals are not. If man's self is actually graced by God, then his self-awareness should include that fact, otherwise he is not fully self-aware, not fulIy human. Hence it is important, not only for Christian education but for the human education of the Christian, that he see what he learns as part of Chris-tian life and Christian life as embracing it. When one reads carefi~lly the documents of Vatican II in regard to its ideal of what Christian laymen should be in the life and mission of the Church, one cannot help asking how they are ever going to achieve that ideal, and how clergy and religious are going to help them in fulfill- ment of their priestly and religious responsibilities to serve their fellow members in the building up of Christ's Body. What i~ called for is not comprehended under the labels of religious instruction or religious practices. Nor is it adequately described as handing on, preserving, or nourishing Christian faith, What is required is education in the fullest sense of the word, education of the whole man for the whole of life, bnt education with a'Christian quality to it. Of all the Church's projects, its schools offer the most opportunities for such education. With such education, Catholic laymen would exercise their role in the mission of the Church, not by contributing money to a Human Development Fund, of which the hierarchy is the banker, but by becoming involved in human development in the neighborhood, city, state, nation, and the world. This latter is the more authentic fulfillment of the Christian apostolate by which the members of Christ's Body partici-pate in its mission to the world. The schools of the Church will very likely be fewer in number in the future. But they remain unique opportun-ities for building up the Body of Christ for its mission. Abandonment of the struggle to maintain them and, still more important, to exploit their new possibilities under the conditions, which have arisen since Vatican II will grievously set back the emergence of the layman and the mission of the Church to the world. It will promote the tendency of the Church to be identified with the clergy and religious rather than the whole People of God, and to become a club for fellowship in subjective re_ligious experience rather than the leaven in the dough ~of his-tory. Religious' involvement in the schools of the Church remains both~an important and challenging ministry. Schools VOLUME $0, '].97~ 959 SISTER MARY JEANNE SALOIS, R.S.M. Opinions of the Laity on Changes in Religious Life Sister Jeanne is director of research services at the Sis-ters of Mercy Gen-eralate at 10000 Kentsdale Drive, Box 34446; Be-thesda, Maryland 20034. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 960 Literature concerning recent developments in the re-ligious life provide little information on the effects of these developments on the laity. Since the prima.ry pur-pose of adaptation and renewal as stated in the docu-ments of Vatican II is to become more effective in promoting the kingdom of God on earth---"That this kind of life and its contemporary role may achieve greater good for the Church, this sacred Synod issues the following decrees" 1--it should be helpful to know how a section of this kingdom feels about the adaptation they are observing. Such knowledge should contribute sub-stantially to an honest evaluation of the changes being made. This article summarizes the thinking of lay people on adaptation in religious life in seven parishes distributed geographically from the New England coast to mid-western United States. A random sampling of 60 families from each of the parishes listed in Table 1 participated in this study. Treatment o[ the Data: The investigator sent an in-strument entitled "Opinionnaire to Obtain the Lay-man's Assessment of Religious Women in the Church Today" to 420 randomly selected persons. Of these, 220 responded, constituting 53.4 percent returns. Distribu-tion of respondents is shown in Table 2. Eighty-three men and 137 women responded to this opinionnaire. Of these only One was black, the others being white. Age of respondents varied as indicated be-low: 1Walter M. Abbott, S.J., ed., The Documents o[ Vatican II, "Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life," n. 1. Age of Re~#ondent Number in Category Percent 20-29 16 7 30-39 59 27 40-49 77 35 50-59 42 19 60-69 19 9 70- 7 3 Approximately half of the respondeqts attended a Catholic grade and high school and most of them at-tended college. Most of the respondents indicated they were professional or sell-employed with very few saying they were semi or unskilled workers. TABLE :1 Parishes Participating in Study to Obtain Opinions of Laity on Changes being' Made in Religious Congregations Parish* City and State Our Lady of the Assumption St. Joseph Immaculate Heart of Mary Sacred Heart Immaculate Conception St. James Gate of Heaven Atlanta, Georgia Denver, Colorado Detroit, Michigan Hattiesburg, Mississippi Memphis, Tennessee New Bedford, Massachusetts Dallas, Pennsylvania * Parishes were selected at random from the total list of parishes being served I~y a religious congregation of women. TABLE 2 Distribution of Laymen Who Responded to Opinionnaire New Denver, Bedford, Hatties- Dallas, Colorado burg, Atlanta, Detroit, Memphig, Penn~yl, chusettsMassa" Mississippi Georgia Michigan Tennessee vama No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % ~o. % No.! % 17 58.3 26 43.3 41 68.3 28 46.6 37 62.7 36 Findings from Opinionnaire: Items and comments of respondents will be summarized under the three headings on the instrumefit: (1) The individual's personal contacts with sisters, (2) the religious life, and (3) sisters' aposto-lates. Personal Contacts with Religious Sisters Almost three-fourths (72%) of the respondents at-tributed most of the credit for helping them become religious persons to their parents. Twenty-six percent credited the sisters for having provided them with in-spiration, and 9 per cent mentioned the clergy. When asked how much influence for good religious sisters had exerted on them, participants responded as 4. 4- 4. Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 961 Sister 1eanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 962 follows: A mount of Influence Number Percent Very great influence 58 '26 I~reat influenc'e 54 24 Some influence 63 29 A little influence 29 13 No influence 13 6 Thus, 50 percent of respondents indicated that re-ligious sisters had influenced them greatly for good and 29 percent said sisters had influenced them some. Most of the respondents consider sisters friendly and easy to meet (192 or 88%). Nineteen respondents (13%) consider the sisters unaware of people around them, and four persons said they were unfriendly. When asked if they would go to a sister for help if they had some personal religious problem, 106 (48%) said they would go rarely, 71 (32%) said they would never go, and 38 (17%) said they would usually go to a sister for help. Most respondents feel that sisters show respect for them as persons (all do--61%; some do--36%). Ninety percent of respondents indicated that the sisters they have known spend most of their time in the educa-tion of children. Ninety percent are pleased with this effort, 6 percent are indifferent, and 3 percent are un-happy. Most respondents believe that sisters manifest an in-terest in the welfare of people in general (78%), and 18 percent don't know. Two percent said that sisters do not manifest an interest in the welfare of others. When asked to express their thinking on the age distribution of the sisters serving them, 81 respondents (37%) said age is not important, 74 (34%) s.aid the age distribution was about right, 25 (11%) said they did not have enough younger sisters, and 5 (2%) said they did not have enough older sisters. The Religious Life Two-thirds of the respondents believe there is no difference between the religious life and mariage in so far as thei~ comparable merits are concerned. Seventeen percent believe the religious vocation more pleasing to God, and 25 respondents (11%) said they didn't know. One hundred and twenty-five respondents (57%) said they would respond favorably if they had a daughter who wanted to become a religious, 77 (35%) would be neutral, and 15 (7%)would respond unfavorably. Most of the respondents (93%) said the sisters they have known seem to be happy. Respondents were widely distributed in their thinking on the economic level of religious living. One hundred and nine (50%) of the respondents believe that the sisters are living on the same or better economic level than they are. Sixty-nine (31%) believe they are living more comfortably than~ the sisters, and 41 ~(19%) said they don't know. When asked whether the sisters seem more progressive since Vatican 11, 161 (73%) said they were either out-standing or quite progressive. About 10 percent found them too progressive and approximately the same per-centage considered them not progressive at all. Almost three-fourths (70%) of the respondents pre-ferred to see religious women living in a convent espe-cially designed for them. Fourteen percent prefer to see ~them in a middle-class residence near their employment. Only two persons said they prefer to see sisters in a home in a poor neighborhood, and three persons said in an apartment. Thirty-eight respondents (17%) said they didn't care. Fewer than half (44%) of the persons responding in-dicated that they like to see religious dressed in a habit which includes a veil. About one-third (32%) like to see religious in conservative attire which does not include a veil, and 7 percent like to see them in contemporary clothing with accessories identical to lay women. Four-teen percent don't care what religious wear. Two-thirds of the respondents like to see sisters par-ticipating in all parish activities. Twenty-four percent-wish religious to participate in all parish activities ex-cept those which are purely social, such ,as dances. Seventeen respondent,s (8%) prefer that sisters attend only those activities related to the school, such as home-school meetings. Apostolic Services When asked how they would react if the sisters would decide to withdraw entirely from the school in order to do other works in the parish, 72 percent said they would respond unfavorably. Eighteen percent said they would be neutral, and 9 percent said they would respond fa-vorably to such a decision. Respondents .were asked if they thought the sisters should be 'more active in working with the poor. Re-sponses were evenly distributed with 68 (31%)in the affirmative, 70 (32%) in the negative, and 72 (33%)with no opinion on thismatter. Responses to items which attempted to find out which apostolaies seemed most necessary to the laity left no room for doubt. They strongly endorse the Catholic school concept and wish sisters would continue in this endeavor. In response to an item concerning the services they 4- 4- 4" 4" 4. Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 964 would prefer sisters provided for them if they were .in need of such services, 68 percent said they wished them to teach children. Other services given some priority by respondents were to administer to the sick in institutions (12%), administer to the sick in homes (5%), and teach adults (4%). Only one percent wish sisters to teach poor children only. Respondents were asked which apostolic works, if any, sisters should discontinue in which they are presently engaged. Each respondent could list three works. Results follow. Campus Ministry on Secular Campus 32 Diocesan services 92 Social work 19 College 16 High School I 1 Elementary school 10 Hospital 9 Religious Education 5 Respondents were asked to list in order of priority the works which they believed sisters should be engaged in at the present time and in the future. The following priorities were established by.averaging the ranks of the 220 respondents. 1. Teaching religion in Catholic school 2. Administrator in Catholic school 3. Teaching secular subjects in Catholic school 4. Teaching in Religious Education Program 5. Administrator of Religious Education Program in parish 6. Serving in Parish Ministry working with families 7. Staff position in health institution 8. Administrator in health institution 9. Social worker in inner city 10. Rehabilitation of drug addicts 11. Serving in Campus Minstry on secular campus 12. Administrator or staff position in public institution Comments of Laity on Adaptation and Rerlewal of Sisters In their comments on the adaptation they are observ-ing in religious communities, participants expressed di-verse opinions, presenting a kaleidoscopic view of re-ligious congregations. Many respondents praised the sisters for some of the changes they are making and for their continued dedication. Some, accustomed as they are to uniformity within religious communities, are using similarity of dress and dutifulness to t~aditional occupations as the criteria for evaluating renewal in religious life. Some are using normal standards of ac-ceptable behavior and are surprised and scandalized at the extremes to which some sisters are going in their new freedom. To the laity, these sisters seem immature and insincere, wanting the best of two worlds. Thus, much of the renewal effort is suspect to some of the laity, both that being made by large groups of sisters attempting to renew sincerely in keeping with the changing needs of the world and by the small group of extremist whose actions the layman is questioning. The comments below are typical of those made by many respondents. I don't think the'sisters are'adapting to the needs of the Church. Some sisters are radical; some are conservative: Some are in habits; some are not. Some are worldly; some are not. They seem to be divided among themselves. Some seem to act as immature young women wanting the best of both worlds. They ~vant the respect due to religious and the fun and entertainment of single women. They are mainly interested in satisfying their own desires. Opinions concerning the habit differed with many respondents reluctantly accepting the demise of" the traditional habit in favor of some lesser form of identifica-tion. Many emphasized the, importance of a religious identity and regret the loss of respect which the habit has always commanded. On careful analysis, responses seem to set forth the .primacy of "habit" over "person" in the thinking of some lay persons. I feel the sisters should have uniform attire~ even if it is a simple colored dresg with a large cross. They are married to God and should be proud of their vocation. They would also command more respect and be more useful, as people would be aware of their vocations and ask for help seeing the gar-ment, not the per.son. It was surprising to see how the laity identify religious with the traditioffal professions to the extent of con-sidering new occupations completely incompatible with the vocation itself. Sisters should either be in the religio~as vocation, or if they want to do soc.ial work they should not do it under the guise of a religious. Religious have pushed into social care areas where .they are not qualified. They have given scandal, betrayed their com-munity life and their origina! vocation. Sisters should work where they can influence and strengthen the faith and morals of young Catholics. Let others care for their social and physical needs. The laity continues to look for the dedicated, hard-working sister wh6 spends her time going from her work to her prayers in the convent where her physical, and social needs are met. They are surprised when they see sisters becoming more like other women in their use of leisure and in the external manifestation of their fem-ininity. They feel that the purpose o[ religious women was + + + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 965 ÷ ÷ Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 966 and is to stay in the classroom and teach their children, and that to betray this purpose is to betray their calling as religious. Sisters should do what they have done for many years--see to the education of our future citizens. Most of God's work is just that--hard work--and this is probably the main thing I have always admired about the nuns I have known. They were committed and worked hard with little thanks or praise, and I'm sure they were often discour-aged and unsure of their accomplishments. Some of the laity are interpreting the trend to leave the traditional apostolates as a sign of individualism which prompts one to wish to "do her own thing." I find it disturbing that some sisters, when given the op-portunity to work in the world today, become concerned with their own needs or interests under the guise of making money for their order. Since Vatican II, I feel that many nuns are confused and at odds with their own previous commitment. Teaching sisters now seem to feel social work is their bag, nursing nuns feel that teaching would be more appropriate, etc. Confusion stems, I believe, from a lack of the whole spirit we used to know as dedication to God's work. It is being replaced today in all of society by a personal need to do your own thing. A change very pleasing to the laity where it has taken place is the updating observed in methods of teaching and curriculum. They praise the sisters who are more understanding of child nature than they used to be and who are ready to meet the explosion of knowledge which today's children are experiencing. They complain if these changes are not taking place. Unfortunately, older nuns are not adjusting methods, cur-riculum, and themselves personally to many facts, namely,. that today's children know much more in space and science study than is in textbooks and they often know more than the the teacher herself. The teacher's attitude often becomes bel-ligerent rather than pleased that children are this way. Some personal evaluation seems necessary. The older nuns seem to adapt to the needs of the Church. Younger nuns could learn from them. It is no longer a voca-tion to them, it is ajob. Some middle class lay people feel that religious are now prejudiced against them. They argue .that their needs for the services of religious are as great as those of any other segment of society. We who are just ordinary people--working, living, and .dying--also need the help and example of the religious sister in today's world. We feel that what's the use when our lives and struggles are treated with disdain. We don't want to be applauded, but we feel that by living an honest and decent life and ever-striving to do the works of Christ, that we ought to be considered at least as human as the girls who have il-legitimate babies who you would think had won the grand prize for all the attention they are given. In short, love us too, even though we have never broken a law. I believe ~many sisters aye giving up "their 6wn" to work in the inner cities and for social causes. A poor soul is not .Primarily found in a poor person--the person may be rich, middle 'class or ~poor. We should try to help all equally so all can be saved. Another change taking ~place among religious women which is greatly appreciated by the laity is the attitude of considering all persons as equals. They are happy that sisters have come down from their pedestal and no longer seem to expect deference from the laity. The sisters, I believe, are progressing to include all persons with whom they come in contact as equals. I used to. feel the sisters considered themselves.very special and should be looked up to by all. I think they are more aware of people's needs than previ-ously. They are more sensitive and less untouchable. Some have lost self-respect by playing down to the laity too much. Much of the advice given to religious by respondents argued for the maintenance, of balance in the matter of adaptation and warned against extremes. Don't go overboard! Keep attire and sense of misSio~a in line with Catholic beliefs. If the sisters participate in secular affairs, I feel they should remember they are sisters and uphold the traditions and reputation Catholic sisters have always had. General impressions reported by respondents include the following: I get the feeling they are not of the Church but of the world. Instead of giving up things of the world they are acquiring things of the world. Nuns, in general, appear ito be departing from a way of life which identified them as religious, and as a result of ,this proc-ess, society appears tO have less respect for religious orders. I think sisters are doing a fine job. This is a time for all people to join t.ogether and to remember that God is the father of all, not just the white man, Many so-called Christians have forgotten this. General Statements on Opinions of Laity From the many ideas expressed by the laity responding to this opinionnaire, a few generalizations can be stated: There is little evidence at this time that the changing needs of society, for example, the rapid increase of Catholic students on the secular university campus, have penetrated the thinking of: lay people to any great extent. Criteria used by most of the laity for judging sisters remain the. same today as before Vatican II in spite of the shift toward greater personal freedom and more leisure in society as a whole~ However, a few of .the respondents 4- 4- + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30~ 1971 967 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 968 do seem to comprehend rather accurately the reasons for change in religious congregations. A few religious who, in the eyes of the laity, have seemingly lost sight of the meaning of religious vocation are impeding acceptance of the necessary changes large numbers Of religious women are making. There are certain paradoxes in the thinking of the laity concerning religious sisters at present. The laity are happy that sisters consider them as equals, no longer expecting deference; yet they lament the elimination of' external signs, such as the habit, which commands special respect. The laity give major credit to their parents for being the grea.test influence for holiness in their lives; yet they insist that the sisters are essential to growth of holiness in their children. The laity are happy that sisters have stepped down from their pedestal to walk among them; yet they wish to continue admiring them at a distance when they need help in the solution of their personal religious problems. In summary, respect for religious among the laity in this sample has decreased as a result of the changes made by religious congregations since Vatican II. This loss of respect can be attributed to a failure on the part of laymen to understand the reasons basic to change and their failure to recognize new needs in society for the services of religious women. It is also the result of unwise individual choices which some religious are making in their personal lives. The laity need the assistance of sisters if they are to understand the motives for their new behaviors. Perhaps the greatest need of the laity, as well as of religious, is familiarity with social doctrines of the Church and the emphasis given to these doctrines in the documents of Vatican II. Reflections of the Writer Religious congregations are attempting to implement the new emphases of Vatican II. The laity, familiar with the old structure, fail to understand the inevitable re-suits "of implementing such documents as "Declaration on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II, and Mater et Magistra, the encyclical letter of Pope John XXIII. An example of this implementation is the attention religious congregations are now giving to the dignity of the human person. In Mater et Magistra (215) we read, Whatever the progress in technology and economic life, there can be neither justice nor peace in .the world, so long as men fail to realize how great is their dignity; for they have been created by God and are His children. According to the social teachings of the Church, society is at~the, service of the human person to respect his dignity and allow him to attain his end and his full human development: "Society is made for man and not man for society.''2 Plus XII s~aid: "Man is a personal being, endowed.with intelligent& and free will;" ~a~ being who has the final choice of what he will or will not do," s Enhnciating this principle of the dignity of the human person, the ""Document on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II states: God calls men to serve Him in spirit and in truth. Hence they are bound ih consdence but they standunder n0: Com-pulsion. God has rbgard for :the dignity of the human person who.m He himseff created; man is to be guided by his own judgment and he is to enjoy freedom. . In contemplating these teachings concerning the basic freedoms o[ man and applying them to herself, a religious may conclude that she does not relinguish her innate freedom to govern herself when she enters a religious congregation. She believes that she is responsible to God alone for her actions and that she is responsible for keeping these actions in line with the life she has com-mitted herself to live. If this reasoning is correct, obe-dience in religious life needs to find its meaning apart from the responsibility of one person to govern the life of another. If religious growth takes place through responsible choices made freely, each person must be free to choose in matters pertaining to her personal life. In their efforts to implement tile new emphasis on the dignity of the person and_ her freedom of choice, religious congregations are eliminating rules which formerly gov-erned the personal life o[ each member. Remove pro-hibitive rules designed to channel actions according to a certain pattern which all members are exp6cted to observe and they are going to act as do all other members of the human race uniquely and differently. Some per-sons are going to make unwise choices as is true of persons in other walks of life. Freed from rules which prevent extremes, religious women are going to demon-strate their good taste or lack of it in their external appearance, their behavior, their use of leisure, and in their professional activities. But the end of this process is good the coming to being of a religious who is interiorly motivated to govern herself in a manner suited to her commitment as a woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and the service of His kingdom on earth. The new religious will come to r~alize as never before th~it she has been made = Plus XI,'Divini Redemptoris. a Pius xIi, "Allocution to the Sixth International Congress on Criminal Law," October 15, 1954, + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 969 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 970 in God's likeness to imitate His perfection, His goodness, and His love and mercy for men. She will realize that sh~ must 'lift herself up to God freely if she wishes to l~articipate with Christ in life eternal, in the divine life of God and of the Blessed Trinity. This is the destiny of all men, the religious included, and all must freely choose to follow this path, for with Christ there is no coercion, no forcing, no want of freedom. Surely every adult' outside of a religious community reaches the period in her life when she is no longer told what to wear and where to go. The fully committed re-ligious woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and to the service of his kingdom on earth should "be equally capable of" exercising her God-given freedom and of assuming the responsibility for her actions and her destiny. Lay people need to understand that they will be observing some evidence of poor taste as religious use the freedom they now have. Poor judgment is not a monopoly of the laity; it can also be expected of religious. Unless the formation period in the life of young re-ligious provides an understanding of how the gospel message is translated into daily living as a religious, sisters cannot be expected to make decisions in keeping with their form of life. In their uncertainty regarding the preparation which best prepares individual religious to exercise greater freedom, some congregations are ab-dicating their responsibility fbr the formation of young religious. To supose that new members who have not developed an understanding of the religious life will make personal decisions in keeping with it is a rash assumption. If religious congregations are to make wise choices. during this period of renewal and adaptation, they must take time to study the past and realize Gully the import of char~ge on the present and future. Unless changes are in line with the purposes for which the congregation was formed in the first place, the congregation will give way to a new entity or disintegrate completely. In-dividual members of apostolic religious congregations in the past realized their service of Christ in His Church through service of the congregation whose corporate end was this divine service. Today, many religious see them-selves as groups of dedicated individual members with a diversity of tasks. If religious retain the apostolic dimension of their original commitment, the transfer from corporate to individual commitment may be a change of means rather than ends. However, if the apostolic dimension of one's service is lost, the primary purpose of apostolic religious congregations in the Church no longer exists. When no unifying purpose is present, organizational structure becomes meaningless. It has been the purpose of this study to provide some insight on the reaction of the laity to observed change in religious congregations in the year 1971, Hopefully, the opinions expressed in this report will be.helpful to religious congregations as they chart their c0urse'for the future. + 4- 4- Laity Opinion VOLUME ~0, 1971 97! SISTER MARY JOHN MANANZAN, O.S.B. Must I Love You for God's Sake? ÷ ÷ .I. Sister John is a graduate student of the Gregorian Uni-versity and resides at Via dei Bevilac-qua, 60; Rome, Italy (00165). REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 972 Read the title without a pause and with the correct intonation lest you miss the point of this article, it is not an exasperated exclamation like "Must I put up with you, for heaven's sake?" The article concerns itself rather with the question whether we should love others "for the sake of God." This phrase has been so misinterpreted in the past and still also in the present that the word "char-ity" has fallen into disrepute or at least it has acqui~?ed a cold, antiseptic atmosphere. People say "I don't want your charity"--"I will not be an object of charity." In the stu-dent house where I lived while I was studying in Ger-many, the girls were very wary of "nuns" doing things for charity. Once an Idonesian girl living in another house got sick. A German friend of mine announced her inten-tion of driving over. I spontanously exclaimed: "I'11 go with you." She looked at me and cautiously asked: "Are you doing it for charity?" The reason for such wariness is that doing things for charity or for God's sake is taken to mean something like: "Actually you are a nasty fellow and for yourself I wouldn't lift a finger. But I am doing this because I see Christ in you." I don't tbink for a moment that Christ is at all pleased with such pious prattle. And the person concerned rightly feels himself an "object" of charity--a means to some altruistic, humanitarian or still worse to a spiritual ideal. C. S. Lewis in his delightful book Four Loves gives a punchy example of an "unselfish . self-sac-rificing" mother who "just lived for her family." In a remarkable self-deception she literally worked herself to the bone for them but actually what she managed to do was to suffocate each member of her family, because she did not actually see them as persons and did not really consider their real needs; She looked through them to work for her image of being an ideal mother. She used them as means to fulfill her need to be needed. In a similar manner "loving others for God's sake" has some-how taken on the meaning of disregarding the individual person. On this point one can learn a great deal from Kant who has been accused of having never written a word on love. But he actually offers a very solid foundation for what we call "love of neighbor" in his famous (infa-mous?) categorical imperative. This principle has also suffered a very one-sided treatment. The frequently cited formulation is the one that approximates the Golden Rule wearing a grim duty-conscious facial expression. A less quoted formulation however reads: "Act in such a way as to treat humanity whether in yourself or in others never only as a means but always also as an end/' Kant's moral theory is based on the absolute valuation of the person. A person is for him an autonomous subject. He alone possesses the dignity to be happy (Wtirdigkeit, glficklich zu sein). For this reason, a person may never be regarded only as a means but should be willed as a good-in- himself. This absolute valuation of a person manifests itself first and foremost in doing one's duty towards him. Again on this point Kant is frequently misinterpreted. No less than the great German poet Schiller is guilty of this shallow interpretation of Kant when he writes: Gladly I serve my friends but alas I do it with pleasure Hence I am plagued with doubt that I am not a virtuous person. This is answered by a similarly poor interpretation of Kant and a worse poetry: Sure your only recourse is to despise them entirely And then with aversion do what your duty enjoins you. Kant did not mean at all that interest and affection would detract from the moral worth of an action. His term "duty" is a limiting term. It simply isolates the factor which accounts in the last analysis for the moral worth of an action. But once this is ascertained, one can embellish one's action with all the affection one is capa-ble of. I think it is important that Kant makes this em-phasis. There are really people who lavish their affection here and there and everywhere but neglect their elemen-tary duty towards these same persons. It is this forgetfhl-ness of Kant which is responsible for the benevolent tyr-anny in many lands suffering from social injustice, where the rich landlords or employers give to their exploited laborers "in charity" what they owe them in justice. The elementary duty of "love of neighbor" is thus to take the person as an'end in himself and never a means for anyone or anything. Truly? Not even for God? No, not even. God needs no means. He is His own End. He ÷ ÷ Love VOLUME 30, 1971 973 doesn't rely on any means to reach it. What then does loving others "for God's sake" mean? If it means anything at all, it means: one must take the other in his totality. Man is essentially a relation. A per-son is most a person in his relation to God. One can give him absolute value because he has already been radically affirmed by an absolute Person, He is worthy to be loved because he has already been radically loved. One can therefore love him for his own sake if one regards him in the totality of his being rooted in God. But the totality of man also means his being an individual distinct person. Therefore "love of neighbor" means taking this concrete person beside me for what he is and loving him with all his quirks. I think it is one of the characters of Peanuts who said: "I love humanity; It is people that I cannot stand." To love another is to see him. It is to love him "interestedly." "Disinterested love" is no love. It is too pretentious. It is being in love with one's perfectly selfless way of loving. This is the reason why I think foreign aid to developing countries miserably fails in arousing the gratitude of the people it helps. It is literally disinter-ested. There is no interest in the people as persons. No wonder they feel insulted and are resentful. They do not feel loved--they feel that they are objects of love. The same is true in individual relationships. One wants to be loved,' becau'se one is lovable. A boy who tells a girl "I love you, because of your pug nose" is not necessarily being superficial. Maybe he grasps the point of love better than if he were to enumerate the noblest .motives in the world. I think the art of loving is to find something very concrete .in someone (be it a pug nose, a crooked smile, a naughty left eyebrow--whatever it is. There is one in every person aching to be discovered!), to discover this recapitulation of his personality and in this burning focal point of his being, to love him intensely. 4- + Sister John REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 974 TENNANT C. WRIGHT, s.J. A Note on Poverty This is simply a report on a mode of poverty lived at one Jesuit house in Mexico City. The report is drawn from a conversation with several members of the commu-nity there, including the Father Minister who was influ-ential in setting up the program and helps with its ad-ministration. The program seems particularly enlightening at this moment when there is such discussion of poverty and how it fits with a religious' psychological need to feel economically productive and responsible. The Mexican community is made up of Jesuits who receive a salary at one of the Universities (non-Jesuit) in Mexico City. The salary i.s paid by the University directly to the individual Jesuit~ It is turned over by the Jesuit to the community. The community treasury, derived from the salaries, is then divided into three parts: First, there is a common fund for the community, out of which comes such general expenseg as house upkeep, and the room and board of the Jesuits living there. Second, there is a monthly personal amount returned to each Jesuit, an equal amount to each, no matter what his salary from the University. Out of the monthly "allowance" the Jesuit is expected to take care of his or-dinary personal items, such as clothes, recreation, the or-dinary personal necessities of his study and work, his ordinary travel. Third, there is a fund retained by the community for emergencies. As I understand it, the emergencies are gen-erally of two types, each handled differently. There is that personal emergency which arises from the unexpected, for example, an accident, a particularly large medical bill. Such personal emergency expenses are met by the community in a direct payment (not a loan) out of this emergency fund. But this third fund also covers those personal but more expensive items needed by some but not all. For instance, if one of the Jesuits in the course of his work needs some particularly expensive equipment or books or a car, then the community lends to this Jesuit the money to buy the T. C. Wright is a faculty member of the University of Santa Clara; Santa Clara, California 95053. VOLUME .30, 1971 975 special item. The loan is made without interest, but it is gradually paid back to the community out of the individo ual's monthly allowance. This question of loans to the individual for special expenses is crucial. The Mexican community is clear that this is not a case of dominion, of true ownership. Rather it is a more sophisticated way of responsible use. The special item is only purchased after consultation with the superior. The ultimate decision remains with the supe-rior. Although the item is used with the responsible dis-cretion of the individual, when and if his need for it is no longer present it is sold and the money returned to the community fund. Although this three-fold scheme of community use of [unds seems simple and clear in presentation, Father Minister and other members of the Mexican Jesuit com-munity emphasized that the implementation of this mode of poverty has more difficulties and is more complex than its simple outline indicates. 4- 4- 4- T. C. Wright REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 976 W. L. L~CROIX,.S.J. The New Property" and the of PovertY In the past ten years there has taken place a consider-able change in the attitudes of many vowed to the reli-gious life with respect to their "having" material goods. At times, this change in attitude has been reflected by attempts to patch the tearsin earlier lived interpretations of the vow of poverty by talk of a "vow of common life," or something of the sort. By these patchwork efforts, peo-ple have tried to bring within a reflective understanding of the vow such new lived interpretations of poverty that permit individuals to have exclusive control over many more material items (from transistor radios to individual vacations) than were ever previously found acceptable. In this brief essay, I would like to suggest that these efforts are of secondary consequence. I submit that there is a much more pressing problem for the practice of vowed poverty in contemporary America. This more pressing problem emerges from the recent, qualitative leap taken in the lived interpreta)ion of property. If the vow of poverty at all concerns some deliberate taking up of a life style that is designated by its extraordi-nary attitude toward property (this does seem to be the "matter" of the vow), then it is of major importance to talk about that which a political economist might call today the "new property." This concept is both simple and subtle, so let me briefly try to present what lines of thought are involved, and then appraige the implications of "new property" for what I will call the positive "thrust" of the vow of poverty. The "'New Property" Property may be described as a socially acknowledged relation that a person has to what is considered, in the broadest sense, an item of value. Now what is considered of value (except for subsistence in food, clothing, shelter) is to a great extent determined by the concrete attitudes W. L. LaCroix, S.J., is a faculty member of Rock-burst College; 5225 Troost Avenue; Kansas City, Mis-souri 64110. VOLUME 3~0, 1971 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 978 within a cultural milieu. And what are the manifold ways in which, ordinarily understood, one may acquire rela-tion to items of value are familiar to us all. And so we have our ordinary image of what we talk about when we use the term "property." But this imagining is so easy only because so few have done serious reflection on some significant socio-economic developments of the last fifty years. Many people today. continue to be undisturbedly at ease with talk about property exclusively under the rubric of the individual's possession, use, and control of "permanent" and fixed (real property) or of manipulable or consumable items of value (personal property). In fact, however, with the growth of a corporate society in America, some are able to argue convincingly that this familiar rubric of prop-erty has become at least partially obsolete, and that the part where it is obsolete is the more important part. One major indication of the need for a new rubric is that, in, our society heavily toned by business relation-ships, political economists and businessmen now are will-ing to say that, for most of the large business corporations, there are capital investors, there are top and middle man-agers, there are employees, customers, unions, the govern-ment, and the society at large that are related to the corporate organization, but there are no owners. That is, there are none except the impersonal (albeit legal) entity of the corporation itself. Certainly one reason here is that the business corporation is no longer an item compassa-ble by any individual who might attempt personally to organize and control it, that is, to "possess" it, to have it as private property. This growth to bigr~ess is one that has moved not only vertically in the size of an individual corporation, but hlso horizontally to interlace organizations of diverse kinds into one corporate society. Qualitative alterations have taken place in how and by whom social relation-ships are determined within the individual private orga-nization, in the relations between the individual private organizat~ions, and between these organizations, govern-mental bodies, and the social community itself. Corpora-tional businesses today act less with attention to the com-petitive market and more with attention to a mutual self-interest of the leading businesses, or even at times with a mixture of this and "public interest." Government does not hesitate to curtail initiative from a "private" firm for the sake of "public interest," or, conversely, to subsi-dize private sector business for the "public interest," or to contract out to business and to educational institutions some "public interest" undertaking. Educational institu-tions concern themselves with good relations with the business community and government for financial assist- ance; and with accreditation agencies for professional prestige. In a society composed of such interlaced organ~izations, the sharp distinctions between the public and the private sectors of activities have faded (I will suggest a test for this further on), and all members of society have been drawn into new and manifold relations to all the organi-zations. This means that those items of value, or wealth, which the individual can have as "private property" have become secondary in social significance. From Locke to World War I in Anglo-American thought these items have been the key to civic freedom, self-identity, and individual capacity to initiate effects in society. Now the socio-economic fi'eedom, identity, and initiative--in one word, the social power---of the private property holder are minimal. As a society we have entered an era where the initiative comes from organizations which act for or-ganizational or for "public" interest. And the "public" interest today means .less and less each individual's inter-ests and more and more only organized interests~ As part of a growing consensus on the relations of persons to new items of value today, A. A. Berle, Jr., has spoken of the divorce from older property of the socio-ec-onomic power to make determinations in society. He terms this the distinction between "individual possessory holdings" and "power systems." What is at stake here :is not merely the separation of ownership from socio-eco-nomic control, but the "increasing elimination of pro-prietary ownership itself and its replacement by, substan-tially, a power system." Charles A. Reich has spoken of the new form of wealth which one obtains in a corporational social structure through the relationships one has to various organiza-tions. These relationships gain for one a place in the interlaced socio-economic system of organizations. The new marriage of wealth and power is a union within the blood line of the power structure itself, for the wealth is itself new power. One has this new wealth of socio-eco-nomic place, or power status, in so far as one has actively functional relations to the power systems. As active within the power systems, one individually has the socio-economic power without the need of property in the tra-ditional sense of individual possessory holdings, One only needs to obtain a place, a status in the power systems. To clarify how this change brings in new dimensions in the question of poverty, let me develop briefly how one acquires this power, what the power is, why it is special today, and whether it is legitimate. ~ (How acquired) One enters a place of power not by ownership, but by the possession of whatever credentials the people presently with an active function in an organi- 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 979 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 980 zation designate as required. They in turn designate what matters are required in response to the organization's demand in view of~ its present strength and future fate in the interlaced system. These admission credentials are supposed to, and often do, signify the possession of some expertise, some "know how" in terms of the functions and goals of the organization. One's relations to active power status in an organiza-tion is always conditional. It is forever a trial marriage and lasts only as long as the person's power decisions make things function well for the organizational system. In turn, one is subject to those interchanges of power which constitute the organization to which he belongs directly, and to those interchanges of power by which his organization is interlaced within the American corporate system. One is tied to his organization's fate, which itself is precarious, by one's personal credentials, which are constantly under test. For brevity~s sake, let us call one's conditional relations to this new wealth of power status the "new property" (even though I have modified Reich's use of the phrase). Some kind of status in a community or in a private orga-nization, of course, is nothing new. But the status now at point is no longer simply a social by-product of possessory holdings, ancestry; or profession. The new status is a place of socio-economic power within active organiza-tional power. (What is power) As Berle has noted, we are still philo-sophically immature in reflections on power. For our pur-poses here, let us be satisfied with a simple concept: power allows the wielder to initiate decisions on the transmission, use, and determinations of socio-economic assets for the lives of persons. One who holds power has a "scope of significant choice" (Carl Kaysen) open to his decisions within a corporational social structure that widely and significantly affect the determinations of how one himself and others experience and express human values. Today we have large social and economic organi-zations which depend upon and which generate power to their members. These organizations are managed by non-owners whose decisions and instructions, by the mecha-nism of the organization, are made causative at distant points of application, both inside and outside the indi-vidual organization. Normally one distinguishes "power to do things" and "power over persons," but this distinction often is only in the relative immediacy of the results of power's exercise. And the exercise of "power over" brings a reduction for those affected in the range of personal alternatives in socio-economic activities, and an increase in dependence on the power's exercise. (Why special) As society's organizations become more complex, they become more interlaced and thereby more counterbalanced in their scope of initiative action. This primordial counterbalance, however, is less in terms o~ conflict and more in terms of agreement. As a result, as organizations grow to need each other, they become less counterbalanced in the consequent effects o~ their actions in the public arena. This is an important point. It any-one subject to a function of organizational power is still ultimately free to disassociate himself from .the power, with some but with no drastic repercussions in his total li~e style, then the "power over" that person may be said to be private. Sucb a freedom of the one subjected to private "power over" presupposes other, significantly dis-tinct sources of "power to do" things which produce real options for the one subject to the power system at hand. But if the disassociation, if possible at all, from one power would at best only bring about the substitution o[ tbe one by another qualitatively the same source of 'power over," then the "power over" may be said to be public. From this test of the distinction of the public and tbe private sector o[ society, one sees that the real c~runch of the "new property" power is that, more and more, its consequent effects can no longer be balanced out by deci-sions made by others with power. It is so far forth public. Power status is thus one's place in the organizationally active determination of the quality of people's lives. As holders of "new property," individuals exercise the resultant social power to determine some relations that others will have to the organization or to its products, and thereby to the corporateI society. With an ethical vocabulary based on the old p, roperty rubrics, many sta-tus power people still speak ofI these determinations they bring about in tbe lives of ot[~ers only in terms of privi-leges or options, and not in terms of rights and basic human values. They thereby presume that to deny a rela-tion to the orgamzat~on or to deny a cr~uc~sm of its products is merely to deny a lprivilege or to deny tbe immediate value of certain options. There is no wonder that umvers~t~es, for example, st~ll ~ns~st that students are there not by right but by privilege. When orgamzauons were private, such talk was movie acceptable ethically. But today, when org~inizations both decide upon and, in their interlaced stance, supply thos~ credentials which deter-mine a person in the roles he b~ts in tbe corporate society, the subject's relation to them i~ now public and nearly or completely in the area~of rigltts. We are less and less a society o~ persons who receive entrance into "private" organizations by privilege or lwho use the products of organizations by option. Simp,ly stated, the "new prop-÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1973. 981 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 982 erty" gives not only "power to do," but, more signifi-cantly for human and Christian values, direct "power over" persons. " (How legitimate) Such "power over" persons requires justification. One must question such power that can "make things happen" in respect to basic values in a society and ask if it is legitimate. The question is raised today for non-owned economic organizations and is espe-cially vital for all organizations which by the interlacing of society have had their power effects take on the "pub-lic" quality noted above. Power is a fact, but the persons concerned can ask for the rights to its possession and to its use. By "legitimate" I signify that there are good answers in terms of human values to the questions "How come such and such has power" and "For what purpose does such and such have power." Such questions ask for standards by which to judge the possession and use of power which are extra-neous to the power itself. In a society of fre6 persons, power can legitimately be obtained and legitimately be used only under the aegis of some expression of "public consensus." Berle has sug-gested two phases in any legitimization. (1) People get control, within an organization's power mechanism by some inner organizational ritual established by the orga-nization and accepted at least passively by the public consensus. (2) Such people use socio-economic power le-gitimately if the organizati6n has a [unction to perform within the values of the full society which is acknowl-edged by consensus, and if their use of the power is appropriate to that function. (Of course, few such func-tions are well-defined, but public consensus has positive though vague ideals here of what is acceptable.) Let us stipulate that, ambiguous as it is, power over persons can be legitimate. And let us for convenience designate anybne with legitimate power over persons in our corporate society as one who has "authority," but let us call such authority in the socio-economic structure "authority (P)." By this authority (P) ~ person rightfully can affect others in societal relationships by making things happen [or them, and thus can determine them in respect to some of the values in their lives. Given that individuals are persons, non-counterbal-anced power to affect their lives will be legitimate ulti-mately only if it positively contributes to their develop-ment as individual and as social persons. In our corporately interlaced society, this legitimacy will imply that those who have power will be accountable to all per-sons whose lives the exercise of the power affects. In summary, then, the argument is that today "new property" is identified with the exercise of "power over" in the socio-economic field, d one's "power over" activ-ities, one's authority (P),g ~"ves one's social identity and one's social initiative.°Keep in]mind that, in a true sense, one need not "own" anything [in order to have this "new property." " [ I do not wish to argue here that the concept of "new property" is accurate. This h~s been done forcefully by the political economists. All I need is this brief and un-doubtedly inadequate overview in order to ask for Some reflection on the relation of ~his advent of "new prop-erty" to the vow of poverty in ~eligious life. / The Vow ol Poverty In every activity within the[ corporate society, ,persons make and express their selves as they transact with other persons. Thus each one in deeds gives answers to those questions which are either exp!icitly or at least implicitly in every personal encounter: "~Who are you?" and "What do you mean for me?" ,, The social power that is theI new property' makes one respond in terms of status and function: "I am one who has tlus place m the social sttqucture and "I determine these values for you." Let me at once contrast withlthese responses what I call the positive thrust of the vow of poverty and suggest that tt ~s that wluch would permit one to respond: I am the human being Ch~'ist has made !me, are you such a human being, too?" On~ thereby expresses the message and the challenge of the Good News by one's very life style itself. Usually in activities we express a functional connection between some parts of ourselves and some parts of the supporting socio-economic system. We are teachers, pro-fessors, administrators at such and such an educational institution; we are experts and on such and such commit-tees; we have such ahd such training, such and such de-grees, such and such publications to our credit; thereby we are in such and such relationships to this organization within the complex of interlaced organizations. That is "who we are." By this part-function'ality we conceptually merge a re-sponse to "Who are you" with the response to "What do you do?" or even more broadly "How do you fit into the socio-economic system?" Thus when .asked "Who are you?" or when we ask of others "Who is that?" we really change the meaning of the question in,our minds and then employ functional categories "to handle" other per-sons in our thoughts and to have identification as we are "handled" in the thoughts of others. (We must be taught to do this: a little girl at the border, when asked if.she was an American, replied, "No, my daddy is an Ameri-can. I'm a girl.") 4- 4- + "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 983 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 Generally then, and perhaps more especially in a "new property" milieu, one's functional roles in the corporate society determine one's self identity. And this identity is more and more dependent upon the fate of one's immedi-ate organization within the corporate society, and upon. one's acceptance by functional peers and one's perform-ance among functional inferiors. Thus the primary con-cern of the person with "new property" must be organiza-tional. This is antithetical to the thrust of vowed poverty. A second, equally significant factor from "new prop-erty," the socio-economic power endemic to organiza-tional place also jabs at the thrust of vowed poverty. One with "new property" determines the lives of others Jor them because, as functional within and dependent upon socio-economic power, one exercises "power over" per-sons. Those who consider the vow of poverty as significant for Christian religious life can no longer ignore the con-tradiction that occurs when one points only to one's "min-imal individual possessory holdings" and Overlooks one's "new property" holdings. Since many religious in the United States are in education, let us use an example from this organizational area to put the problem strik-ingly. Let us ask: Can one who has a vow of poverty act consistently if he becomes the president of a uniyersity? Even if he lives a most frugal and Spartan private life, one stripped of all but the immediately necessary mate-rial items, can he in deeds live the thrust of the vow of poverty, since 'he has willy-nilly status wealth in the pub-lic socio-economic system and acts constantly with "power over" persons? Can he express the message and challenge ¯ of the Good News in any continuous form coming from his life style itself if he so connects himself with the interlaced set of organizations whose basis is a power to determine for other persons items basic to their values in life? The same questions can be put to the tenured profes, sor, the high .school principal, and so on. Perhaps a test for an opposition to vowed poverty would be: Do the respect and consideration one has from peers and inferi-ors in societal transactions come primarily from one's "new property" functions or not? Some have argued that poverty does not mean the neg-ative "not using material items of value," but rather the positive "sharing of the effects and experiences resultant from any possession and use with the concrete religious community." These values are one's talents, the experi-ences of one's apostolate, as well as the gifts one receives, one's former individual possessory holdings, and so forth. Thus they might argue that one can also use the "new property" consistently without effect on poverty in reli-gious life. I suspect that such an argument misses the qualitative newness of the "new property.~" It also un~terplays the positive thrust in the rentmciation of the old property, suggested in this section's opening. I will stipulate that some of the inward thrust of pov-erty may be in terms of mutual sharing with the commu-nity. But the vow must be ultimately for the life of the Good News in the mission of the whole Christian com-munity. It cannot have for its final term the limited reli-gious community: And ~he outward thrust (and part of the inward thrust itself) of poverty is precisely so that one can respond to contact with others as a (Christian) human person and challenge the others also to be (Chris-tian) human persons. Poverty has been an attempt to remove those identification handles which passively ob-struct the transmission of the Good News which chal-lenges others to be in, deeds what Christ has made them. Perhaps more importantly in our time and place, poverty seeks to remove that public power which actively ob-structs others from determining for themselves their free response to the challenge of the Good News. This mission of the Good News one legitimately .ob-tains and legitimately exercises by the action of the Trin-ity in human history. Let us for convenience designate anyone with the legitimate mission to challenge others with the Good News as one who has Christian authority, but let us call this challenging authority "authority (C)." By this authority (C), a person in encounter~ can legiti-mately challenge others to be consistent with themselves as individual and social persons, but the challenger has no power to determine the others in respect to their values as human persons, because the thrust of one's Christian mission is to leave the others confronted with the Gospel challenge but free to determine themselves, As there is authority (P) which is legitimate power to challenge others by determining to some extent human values for them, so here there is authority (C) ~hich is the mission to transmit a legitimate challenge but with-out any power to determine for the one c.hallenged. Those who live a vow of poverty would seem to want to specialize in ~some continuity of deeds and life style in this Christian authority (C). Of course, it is not impossible for one tO have status property and to exercise the consequent determining power and still,, in addition, to transmit by authority (C) the challenge of the Good News. Christians who do not vow poverty do it every day. But they do not attempt to specialize in a continuity of deeds .which emphasize au-thority (C). 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 985 ÷ ÷ W, L, LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 986 Some would argue that those with the vow of. poverty also can utilize the "new property" and its logically con-seqt~ ent authority (P) as a means in their life style. They argue that religious do not rest in this "new property" but can have it and remain true to the thrust of the vow because, for example, they use the "new property" to make professional contacts vital to the universalization of the Good News. Let us reflect here not on the strengths of such a defense, and there are some, bnt on its weaknesses. A. Some would say that religious need the status, which is the wealth of the "new property," in order to contact the important people in a society organized around power status on their own level. From the "new prop-erty" gained by administrative, academic, or other cre-dentials, religious can contact the organizational profes-sions of the clay and influence them. But do religious as status members speak to others as trans-status human beings or as co,possessors of power status? Do religious who contact as holders of "new property" contact the whole person and challenge the other with authority (C)? Must religious not necessarily, if they are fellow "new property" holders, speak to others pronouncedly as fun-damental co-members who are equally bound to the power and th'e fate of the structure in dominance in today's corporate society? Remember, unlike the old property, one never "owns" the "new property;" One is always conditionally and precariously subject to the orga-nizations which generate the active power place. One keeps the p.lace only by somehow contibnting actively to a successful exercise of socio-economic "power to do" and "power over." B. Why was not a parallel argument valid for religious to have the "old" property? If it was not valid, what value did Christians place on the vow of poverty in the past that made it so? Was it simply the release from worry over those things which other people must daily worry about? Certainly not. Christians held [or some rea-son that religious vowed to poverty could give a special continuity to the use of authority (C) lrom the very form their life style gave to all their activities. Religious could give this special continuity to the use of authority (C) if they were not the equals of others as holders of individ-ual possessory property, if they encountered the others not in a role of co-wielders of social power from that property, but radically as persons unconnected with a social function category. Can this thrust be realized if religious with a vow of poverty are equal co-holders of social economic public power from the "new property" of today? It is not easy to answer this with a simple "no." Many seem successful in their mission with the Good News to challenge others t(; be "the persons Christ has made them even though these present challengers, vowed religious, or lay Christians, are co-holders with the chall~n~ged of the "new property." X~'hether such success is limited to this period of transi-tion, wherein few are fully .aware of the i.mplicationS of "new property," is a good question. But whether even such success continues to make a religious vow of poverty meaningful is a better one~ ÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 987 ROBERT OCHS, S.J. Experiments for Closing the Experience Gap in Prayer ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs is a faculty member of Bellarmine School of Theology; 5't30 South University Avenue; Chicago, Il-linois fi5615. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 988 "Speaking exactly as one friend speaks to another"- these are the words with which Ignatius Loyola character-izes what he calls "colloquies," conversations with the Father, Christ, or Mary which conclude so many of the exercises which make up his Spiritual Exercises. This prayer of conversation, explicitly evoking a personal part-ner, is not the whole of prayer. To try to make it such, to focus on the divine Thou in all our prayer, is a strain which can cut us off from other avenues of divine contact. Trying to force all prayer irito a conversational mold can even short-circuit what it intends to further, by making us hurry past the "impersonal" world of divine power and energy, fire and spirit, not to mention Silence and nothingness. Yet to turn our back on it would be to lose a vital dimension of religious experience. Prayer as conversation, dialogue, or encounter with God has recently become much harder for increasing numbers of Christians, as they have rediscovered God both as transcendent mystery and as immanent Spirit. But, I submit, neither our new awareness of God's tran-scendence or of his immanence is the real cause of our inability to meet God in a face to face encounter. For some reason we are not bold enough, or realistic and imaginative enough, in our use of dialogal prayer. Prayer of colloquy is not nearly "colloquial" enough. Speaking with God "exactly as one friend to another," as Ignatius flatly states it, has yet to be really explored, partly out of a misplaced fear of anthropomorphism, partly because our personal relationships themselves have become so bland that we have forgotten exactly how intimate friends do speak to one another. (I sometimes feel Dr, George Bach's paperback, The Intimate Enemy: How to Fight Fair in Love and Marriage, would be a better aid to prayer nowadays than many books directly on prayer,) Underlying our lack of imagination is a peculiar mind set of ours which renders any boldness in encountering God all but impossible. Until we alter this mind set about where and how God is encountered, about the mediurn of any encounter with God, any modeling of our encounter with God on the model of human encounters will look merely like improved make-believe. The Spiritual Exercises speak a great deal about this medium, what Ignatius calls creatures or .simply "all things." Early in the text~ the so-called "Principle and Foundation" insists on "indifference" to things, using them "in as far as" they help find God. And toward the end, the "Contemplation to Attain Love" reminds us that love manifests itself in deeds and consists in a mutual sharing of goods. Between these two exercises, which span the whole Ignatian retreat, the effort is to make things a vehicle of mutual communication instead .of an obstacle, to make them a locus of encounter and matter for shar-ing. As an introductory school of prayer the Exercises teach us to find God in all things, so that things become the means of exchange for dialogue. The whole effort to encounter God involves us therefore in a vast transforma-tion of our view of things. All this sounds terribly obvious. And yet the shift in point of view we are called on to effect in ourselves is enormous, and if we could do it we could pray. The effort involves, for a Christian who supposedly "already believes in God" but does not yet really live in faith, the overcoming of an attitude about God and things which is perhaps the great obsta_cle to encounter with God in our lives, an attitude I Choose to call Deism. Deism sounds at first a harmless enough term, and that is partly why I have chosen it. Giving a harmless name to what one feels is The Great Obstacle has the advantage that it opens us to look for the obstacle to prayer within ourselves and our own pale Christianity. For much that goes by the name of Christianity is no more than Deism, and Deism is as far removed from Christian faith as ag-nosticism or atheism. At any rate, Deism stands along with agnosticism and atheism on the opposite side of the line dividing belief from unbelief. And it is perhaps more dangerous than those two, because it apes Christianity and obscures it own lack of faith. After all, is it not at least theistic, admitting the existence of God? But it ad-mits a God with whom one does not deal, an inaccessibld God with whom one does not argue or wrestle. From the viewpoint of faith the Deist is worse off than the atheist who seeks an accessible God but cannot find him. It is not true that believing in a Deistic God is better than + ÷ ÷o VOLUME 30, 1971 989 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 990 believing in none at all, because to believe in a God who does not enter into intimate relationships with men im-plies giving him certain personal attributes opposed to such relationships, making him aloof, arbitrary, uncon-cerned. While faith says He is our Father. Deism is far from harmless. It is religion without reli-gious experience, religion without encounter and without prayer. It declares God inaccessible. It views the world of things precisely as providing no access to God. It would be profitable to read Ignatius' "Contemplation to Attain Love" as an overcoming of Deism, seeing God dwelling in creatures, "conducting Himself as one who labors" for us in all creatures on the face of the earth. The "Contempla-tion" is the effort to see deeds as potential manifestations of 10ve and all goods as material for mutual sharing. I somewhat regret having to use the term Deism, be-cause it sounds too exclusively associated with the ages of' enlightenment and rationalism. What I mean by it is less a theological position than a state of mind, one which is still very much with us. Deism is a whole sensibility impeding our prayer. One could almost define it as the opposite of finding God in all things, as finding things and supposedly finding God, but not putting these two together except in an awkward juxtaposition. It is what modern thinkers are trying to overcome when they talk of transcendence in immanence and of encountering God in the world. We are Deists when we find God in religion and' not in secular things, and when we admit that reli-gion is more important but more boring than life. We are Deists in our inability to talk about God without using pale language divorced from life, language made more and not less abstract when it becomes pious. We are Deists when we live out our own human growth Odyssey without relation to our spiritual Odyssey. These are old accusations. We are no doubt overfami-liar with these aspects of our Deism. Accordingly, in the following pages I propose taking a look at certain things in which we are not used to finding God. We do not look for God in these things because we think He is already there. We are already aware of the problem of finding God in matter, in the secular, in the ugly. But the things I want to look into with the reader are, briefly, the will of God, our thoughts (especially our religious thoughts), and our images of God and ourselves as we engage God in dialogue. If we looked more for God in these things, .we would be much more able to pray. The best way to take this look is not by direct description, but by watch-ing our spontaneous reactions provoked by certain thought experiments. This way we can uncover the var-ious Deistic mind sets we are caught up in. We should not be surprised by this procedure. The Exercises them- selves proceed often in this same fashion, asking us, for example to imagine three classes of men or to imagine ourselves at tile hour of deatli, or to enter in fantasy into a gospel scene and then ',reflect On myself." The itinerary through the Exercises proceeds as much by uncovering and then healing attitudes of unbelief as by appropriat-ing attitudes of belief. God Present in the Things .That Are His will The second is that love consists in a mutual sharing of goods, for example the lover give and shares with the be-loved what he possesses, or something of that which he has or is able to give: and vice versa, the beloved shares With the lover. Hence, if one has knowledge, he shares it with the one who does not possess it; and' 'so also if one has honors, or riches. Thus, one always gives to the other.--Spiritual Ex-ercises, n. 231. Let us start hy a look at our will-of-God-talk. There is, in fact, a curious anomaly in much recent will-of, God-talk. This anomaly can be expressed in different ways. For example, we seem to be theists in our discei:ning process, and secularists in our carrying out process (and therefore Pelagian Deists all round: Discern as if every-thing depended upon God; act as if everything depended on you). Our talk of discerning God's will sounds more convincing than our talk of God's will once discerned. We do talk rather convincingly (that is, convincedly; with words that at least sound as if we were convinced of the reality we were talking about) about finding God'S will, but our handling of God's will once we have supposedly found it seems to give the lie to such talk. It is not iust that we fail in performance, that we are slow to fulfill what we think we must do, as Christians have always felt themselves to be. It is that the talk that accompanies our efforts to fulfill the wi.l,1 of God sounds as if we were~less than convinced that there was any such thing as a will of God manifested in discernment. In short, our talk gives the impression that we aim at doing more than merely discerning "What the situation calls for," because we in-sist on giving it a theological dimension. And yet once we have discerned "the will of God," we carry on as if this theological dimension were sheer ideology. Various Symptoms point to this, especially Our vacilla-tion and our regrets (and recriminations). Our vacillation during the process of discernment, weighing and search-ing our motives, 'indicates that we take seriously what we are doing. But vacillation after the moment of deciSion indicates rather the opposite. Again, it is not so much vacillation in performance I am talking about, but a kind of vacillation in the belief which governs the perform-ance. (If you are going to believe in a will-of-God uni-verse, an agnostic observer might say, at least take the ÷ ÷ ÷ Prayer VOLUME 30, 1971 991 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 992 advantages as well as the onus of your world view, and taste a bit of the joy and enthusiasm that ought to accom-pany such a belief.) For example, a line of action em-barked upon as a result of discernment will be aban-doned with a lightness incompatible with the discern-ment talk which launched it. The project is not adjusted in the light of new circumstances, discerned anew, as we say, but is changed without recourse to any discernment process at all. A project may be entered upon with some sense of vocation, and then abandoned with neither a sense of infidelity to any call, nor a sense of a new version of the call. If it does not work out, it is simply dropped as a misguided enterprise shot through with human fallibil-ity. After this, curiously enough, the whole discernment process may be started again, with'hopes inexplicably undimmed of finding this time the will-of-God project that will not turn sour. This phenomenon makes one wonder if any genuine discernment was ever done at all, especially when one considers that true discernment does not just provide the knowledge of what to do, but the grace to carry it out, the grace not to forget for long that one is about the Lord's business. Nadal remarks that what struck the early companions about Ignatius was his single-mindedness once he had adopted a course of action through discernment. Ignatius especially deplored the failure of spiritual nerve or what he called courage in difficult enterprises. Another index is regret. We have pursued a course under the aegis of God's will, expended our energies on it, and it does not work out, or works only tolerably well. Hindsight reveals all the deficiencies of our original choice--it looks dated, it is not what we would have chosen if we knew then what we know now. We regret, we recriminate, we think rather quickly .that we have been duped, wasted our efforts, labored under a very human delusion. Even though when we made the deci-sion we claimed to be aware that we had no choice but to choose, further postponement of decision being a worse choice than the one we made, yet we have no sense of accomplishment, no sense of having done God's will or even qf having done our best trying. For another index, let us observe our reactions to the account, in Chapter I of Acts, of the drawing of lots to fill up the vacancy left in the Twelve by Judas' betrayal. Matthias and Barsabba
As elsewhere in the ex-communist/socialist countries, the former planning system in Yugoslavia has been dismantled as from the beginning of 1990s, and the planning practice has from then onwards been steered by an apart mixture of old habits, few institutional innovations and the social, economic and political turbulence of the transition period. The previous system and practice of socioeconomic planning collapsed, so far not to be substituted for by new arrangements, to match the impact of the key factors of the transition period, i.e., political pluralization, privatization and marketisation. On the other hand, albeit the system of spatial/urban and environmental planning has been 're-touched' in the 1990s, the adjustments undertaken have not either been harmonized with the factors mentioned. What can now be recognized as the existing 'planning system' is, however, an strange mix of heterogeneous elements from a number of disparate modes, i.e., 'crisis-management-planning', 'planning-supported-wild-marketisation-and-privatisation', 'project-based-planning', etc. In effect, there is no overall professional and political consensus on the direction and content of reform in this field (which also applies to other key issues). In sum, the existing situation in the planning system and practice reads as follows: (1) The system has almost lost its legitimacy, partly because the majority of the former public interests collapsed, and new, indisputable public interests still not being established. Under such circumstances, new roles of planning are hardly known to the public at large, in part as a consequence of an overall anti-planning stance among the majority of political, economic and expert elites. (2) The inertia rules the professional landscape, since there has been a lack of new approaches and methodologies, to match the impact of new dominant factors and the miserable social and economic conditions in the country. Regarding the approaches and methodologies applied, the traditional ex ante planning evaluation still prevails, and more ex post and ex continuo evaluation is still missing. (3) The planning system is too centralized (within the two republics), since the radical recentralization of Serbia was undertaken in 1990, and subsequently the sub-national tiers were deprived of almost any effective planning instruments. In addition to this, the majority of regional entities ('districts') and communes lack a competent administrative machinery and expertise, as well as other support (e.g., research, planning information support etc.) for effecting autonomous planning policies. (4) There has been no more ambitious strategic planning (which is, however, somehow understandable vis-à-vis only now ended international sanctions and isolation of the country). On the other hand, the majority of the development documents that have been passed in the meantime, grossly lack elaborated implementation devices (policies and instruments). Especially in the field of urban planning, the detailed ('land use') schemes prevail over the more strategic development schemes for larger urban and regional areas. Specific development projects (and, only sometimes, more harmonized programmes) by far outnumber other planning schemes. (5) The integration and harmonization of various aspects of planning and policy, i.e., social, economic, spatial/urban, environmental, is very poor. In effect, physicalism still dominates the scene in spatial and urban planning, and the elements of socioeconomic development and environmental policy are scarce within this block. (6) The stipulated legal propositions pertaining to the openness, participativeness and transparency of the planning/policy procedures fall easily frail in the planning practice, resulting in the very poor content in this regard. (7) There has been a lack of planners and other experts experienced and knowledgeable in practicing planning under the new circumstance of political pluralism and radically changed structure of stakeholders and concomitant institutional arrangements. This also applies to 'educators' in general, because the prolonged international isolation of the FR Yugoslavia has caused the gross of their knowledge and capabilities irrelevant. In sum, it seems that many planners would not be able to assume new roles that they are expected to on the part of the society at large. (8)The planning/policy information, research, institutional and other support provided by the state and other agents often does not satisfy even the most basic needs in this fields, partly for a general scarcity of resources concomitant to the overall and deep social, economic and political crisis the society found itself in the 1990s. (9) Most frightfully, manipulation, paternalism and clientelism still represent dominant forms of power, which is a problem by itself in Yugoslavia being one of the most corruptive countries in the world. What is now most missing is a non-manipulative persuasion, as well as the authority of professional values, as the communication and interaction forms that seem only promising for and supportive to developing of a democratic, emancipatory and transformative planning mode. A number of attempts during the last decade to embark upon the preparation of the new 'Master Plan of the City Belgrade' (in the sequel: MP) came into realization not before the democratic political changes of October 2000 took place in Serbia. However, the so far undertaken steps do not seem promising, as they failed to satisfy a number of methodological and other standards, as well as to introduce necessary innovations. Unfortunately, the MP was commissioned to the Bureau of Urban Planning of the City of Belgrade (otherwise a 'faithful ally' of all non-democratic regimes in the City's urban planning and related matters over the last more than ten years now, during which there has been a so far unrecorded squandering and illegal privatization of public urban assets, mostly uncontrolled and not paid-for). Similarly, vested are to lead and complete the work mostly the experts/planners who 'controlled' and still 'control' the academic and professional scene in the same period (notwithstanding that were compromised and their abilities proved passé on many occasions), now recycled to perform new mission. Albeit the entire project had not been adequately prepared, already two interim documents have been elaborated now, viz., 'A Hypothesis of the Master Plan of Belgrade 2021', and 'A Concept of the Master Plan of Belgrade 2021'. In what follows, a brief review of the work done so far is presented: (1) The role of the MP is poorly defined, which is strange vis-à-vis the pronounced thesis on the 'insuperable role of market', which one renders puzzle about the veritable role of the MP. In addition to this, physicalism features as the key characteristic of this document: social and economic aspects of development are insufficiently present and poorly integrated into the MP, and so are the environmental aspects. The MP will however have to assume a part of socioeconomic development planning and policy as well, because the latter is predictably not likely to get recuperated in some time to come. Furthermore, the social, economic and environmental problems of Belgrade are so tremendous (e.g., extremely high rate of unemployment, probably around 40% of the total work force, obsolete technological, market and other structure of the larger part of Belgrade economy, prolonged crisis of economic growth, overall pauperization of the overwhelming majority of people, many hundred thousand refugees, few hundred thousand of young and educated people who left the country, disproportionate environmental pollution as compared to the level of economic development, etc.), that they must not be ignored in the development documents like the MP. (2) There is no sound conception on the public interests, particularly under the circumstances of a large number of legitimate individual interests fast emerging on the political scene, some of which also persisting to impose themselves as new and legitimate public interests. This results in a feeble notion on the existing and predictable future conflicts, as well as on the planning mechanisms and instruments that will be used in their control and management. (3) The concept of sustainable development has been only 'flirted with' in the MP, whereby a sound doctrine upon which development is to be directed and articulated is also missing (i.e., that which is of relevance for a territorial entity with the GDP of not more than some USD 1 500 per capita). (4) No efforts have been made to introduce more relevant methodological approach, i.e., those which would contrast the miserable socioeconomic and environmental fixities, viz.: (i) A more rigorous ex post evaluation of past decisions has not been performed, implying that future steps will be undertaken upon rather anecdotal insights in the existing power structure, institutional and organizational arrangements and dominant communication and interaction modes in planning. In the same context, the most significant problem of Belgrade area, i.e., how to approach the economic and ecological renewal and rehabilitation of its economy, has been hardly paid sufficient attention to. (This also applies to the position of Belgrade in the broader regional Euro-Asian context, which has terribly eroded over the last decade). (ii) Although the intention of the whole exercise is to work out a 'hard product', i.e., a urban development plan, no ex ante evaluation scheme has been produced so far, implying that the job is not being performed lege artis. Apart from other implications, this failure is particularly handicapping regarding the criteria of ex ante evaluation, leaving the professional audience and the public at large without the sound answers on key questions: What are the criteria upon which the evaluation has been undertaken? Whose are they? What interests stand behind them? Who decides on the criteria that will be applied? Apart from softening the rigour of the expertise, this flaw also allows for too ample 'maneuvering space' for the subsequent arbitrating to be performed by the politicians. (5) A trend-based extrapolation has been used as the key prognostic technique, which is absolutely unacceptable, keeping in mind the poor predictive power (I) and unstable institutional arrangements in planning and elsewhere (II). Instead, the political community would necessitate a number of veritable alternative scenarios of possible/desirable future development elaborated and presented for discussion, deliberation and decision-making in expert arenas and public forums. (6) Perhaps the weakest part of the MP goes to the issue of implementation of planning decisions, giving way to 'visioning' (in effect, to another planning 'phantasmagory'), which is again unacceptable vis-à-vis the pressing and burning realities of Belgrade and its broader surroundings. (7) Finally, an open, transparent and publicly verified 'offer to strategic partners' would also be needed, as the City does not have enough internal resources to cope with the problems of its economic, social, physical and environmental renewal. To conclude, major improvements are needed regarding the planning approach and methodology applied in the preparation of the Master Plan of the City of Belgrade 2021. As this project is likely to carry considerable demonstrational effects throughout the planning scene in Yugoslavia, its highly professional execution is of necessity, so that a major damage is avoided, i.e., that of a further loss of the legitimacy of planning and erosion of the planning profession.
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PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address HENRY. S. BONER, Supt. The fllcreary. The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XIV. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE 1906. No. 4 CONTENTS "■COLLEGE JOURNALISM"—Oration. '■. . 92 N. R. WHITNEY, '06. "JUNE NIGHT "—Sonnet 95 W. WISSLER HACKMAN, '08. "SALUTATORY"—Oration 96 H. CLYDE BRILLHART, '06. "TENNIS AS AN EXERCISE"—Essay 100 L. W. T., '09. "HIS APOLOGY"—Poem. . . . . . . .101 F. W. MOSER, '07. " OUR ENTRANCE INTO CITIZENSHIP " With Valedictory. —Oration 103 H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06. "THE OLD DORM IN THE MOONLIGHT "—Poem. . . 109 ROE EMMERT, '06. "THE SCENERY ABOUT MILLERSBURG, PA."—Essay. . no G. L. KlEFFER, '09. "HOME SWEET HOME "—Essay 112 J. EDWARD LOWE, '06. " SAVED BY GRACE "—Story . 114 EDITORIALS, . • 118 EXCHANGES, . . . 120 92 THE MERCURY. COLLEGE JOURNALISM. N. R. WHITNEY, '06. FROM the day when Daniel Webster, as a student, started the first college newspaper at Dartmouth College to the present time, college journalism has had a steady growth in extent and influence. Just as our great newspapers have grown and the number of these publications has increased un-til now every town of at least five thousand inhabitants has its daily, and as we have come to consider these papers the chief factor in the struggle for civic righteousness, so college journ-alism has developed until it occupies a wholly unique position in the college world, and now no institution that claims to be progressive is without its journal. The history and evolution of the college newspaper would provide material for a long and interesting discussion, but that would be chiefly of historic value. Today, let us seek rather to obtain something of immediate and more practical value. Let us strive to set up an ideal towards which college journ-alism shall strive. Commencement is a peculiarly fitting time to look forward rather than backward, and, therefore, we will consider, instead of what has been done, what ought to be done. To do this it will first be necessary to get the status of the college journal, and in this search we shall consider the college newspaper as the only periodical which exerts any considerable influence in the college world. The newspaper is the connect-ing link between the alumni and the college. It serves to keep those who have gone out informed as to the events which tran-spire and the condition of affairs at the college, and thus keeps alive their interest in their Alma Mater, while it contains news in regard to the alumni which keeps the student body informed as to the success with which former college men are meeting, and thus it fulfills the function of a medium of exchange be-tween the alumni and the students. Of course, being pub-lished by the students it is largely devoted to college news and reflects student sentiment. Hence, he who wishes to learn how certain measures are regarded and what schemes are en- \ THE MERCURY. 93 tertained by the students for the improvement of the institution needs but to read the college paper. Keeping this idea in view, that the alumni determine very largely the condition of affairs at the school from its journal, those in charge of its publication should be careful of its char-acter. Its tone should be high. Of course, it goes without saying, that being the work of those who are presumably well-educated, and intended to circulate among intelligent and well educated men, it must be correct in English; and this in-volves a careful and exact use of words as well as obedience to those rules of grammer which have become crystallized by usage in our best literature. This lofty tone which is desirable precludes the use of slang, for such expressions are ephemeral. They seize upon the fan-cy of one generation and in the next are forgotten. A college paper wants permanence in style and maintenance of dignity. To be lofty is to be dignified. Slang is a product of street gamins whose vocabulary is limited, and hence possesses no dignity and should not be found in a college periodical. The tone of the best college paper will not only be pure and lofty, but it will be hopeful, not pessimistic. It will seek to find some ground for hope in the poorest athletic team ; it will find cause for congratulation in some feature of the most poor-ly rendered concert by a musical club. In other words, the ideal college journal is not a fault-finder. It is easy to criticise and tear down; the difficulty lies in building up. Of course there is such a thing as being too optimistic and such an edi-tor imagines his college and everything connected with it as being without flaw. However, we are contending for that vis-ion which, while seeing the faults around it, will invariably re-gard them as less obtrusive than the virtues. Each institu-tion has rules and practices which some of us would change if we were able to do so, but should one give expression to the opinion that, because such practices exist therefore the college is behind the times or is a partial failure ? Is it in the province of the college newspaper to place the school in an unfavorable light before the world ? These queries lead necessarily to the statement that the 94 THE MERCURY. periodical should be large and liberal in its judgements. Since it has this power, to a very great extent, of giving good or ill-fame to an institution, the journal must exercise the judicial function with great caution. We are living in an iconoclastic age and nothing gives us quite so much pleasure as to shy a brick metaphorically at those in authority. Their personalities and their deeds stand out so clearly that we cannot resist the temptation to criticise them. If the paper seeks popularity among a certain large group of students it needs only to find fault with the administration of affairs pertaining to the college. Hence the journal requires at its head a man who is able to detach himself, as it were, from the student body and its pre-judices and rise to a height where he can more clearly discern the interests of the college. It is not always an easy task to rise above prejudice and it sometimes demands the exercise of .more courage than one would imagine. Thus, when the whole body of students commits a deed or assumes a position which a dispassionate judical consideration compells an editor to dis-approve of, he will need all the moral courage he can command to do his duty in the face of the hostile criticism of his class and college mates. We have said that the paper represents the student body. This statement ought to be amended by saying " the whole student body." A judgment which is large and liberal will not per-mit of favoritism towards any one class. Such a policy would be disastrous to the usefulness of the paper. Of course some publications disregard even this danger signal, but when it is remembered that the editor is almost always closely identified with a certain class and its interests, it is surprising that the number of papers which fail in this respect is as small as it is. Nor can a successful journal be unfair in its attitude towards its contemporaries. Great care must be used in passing judg-ment upon the acts or statements made by a rival institution. Too easily are we led by our sympathy and prejudice to put the wrong construction upon our neighbors' actions. And now we come to the aim of the college journal. Is its highest purpose realized and its fullest duty performed when it simply gives the news of the college world ? No, its des- r THE MERCURY. 95 tiny is grander than that of being merely a purveyor of news. Its work is more inspiring. It seeks to benefit the college. Advancement and success for the institution are the goals. Many advantages will accrue to the school just because the paper itself is a good one and meets the requirements which we have laid down. But this is not sufficient. There must be conscious and uninterrupted effort to make known the good qualities of the college and to secure more students and more money for it by arousing and keeping alive the enthus-iasm and support of its friends. To accomplish this purpose it is imperative that the end be kept always in view. Since a college journal is published by the students it might seem that student interest ought to be given the first consideration. Occasionally there may be such a conflict of interests, but, at such times, the editor must keep clearly in view the fact that the college journal is a power only when it is a power for good for its college, and is fulfilling its high destiny only when it is using every means to keep glow-ing the love and interest of the students and alumni for their Alma Mater. JUNE NIGHT. W. WlSSLER HACKMAN, 'OS. • TJNDOWN and crescent noon ; The passing truths of a glaring day Now fade and soften into gloom Until they vanish quite away. The dreaming trees soft-breathing sigh, And whispering quiver as they stand ; Like drowsing giants o'er the land They nod beneath a faint-starred sky. Afar the marsh-frogs rasp their strings The livelong night, nor pause, nor rest ; A night bird stirring in her nest Sings with a rapture of fluttering wings, While fairies bear their lamps about Though brooding shadows in and out. 96 THE MERCURY. ENGLISH SALUTATORY—TRANSITION PERIODS. H. CLYDE BRILLHART, '06. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : The class of 1906 extends to you all a hearty welcome. As-we are about to celebrate one of the most important events in the lives of each one of us, we are glad for the presence of so-large a number of our friends. These four years of care-free iun and earnest study are about to close. This day to which we have long been looking forward with commingled feelings of joy and sadness has at length arrived. To this, the goal of our four long, yet seemingly short, years of training and uncon-cern and the commencement of the more serious responsibili-ties of life, each of the thirty-four members of our class bids you an earnest welcome. To you, alumni and friends, who out of loyalty to our Alma Mater have been wont to see other classes from time to time pass from this stage out onto the larger stage of life; to you, the members of the board of trustees from among whose number one is absent today who for many years has helped to shape the destinies of our Alma Mater, whose wisdom was a tower of strength to her, whose learning was her glory, whose life was an inspiration and an example to her sons and daughters; to you, the members of the faculty, who-have so patiently led us in the ways of knowledge; to you, the relatives and friends of the individual members of the class; to you, undergraduates, who are not yet called upon to sever these bonds of association, but who will in time come to stand where we now stand—to all in the name of the class of 1906,1 extend most cordial greetings. We stand today on a dividing line with fond memories of the Past and hope for the Future. The time is at hand when it is necessary for us, as a class, to part; but we can dety those circumstances to arise which can /weaken these ties of friendship so dearly formed by us during these four years just passed, or to counter-act their influence upon our Future. Today we leave as undergradu-ates, to return in future years as alumni, in an attempt to review in a few short days those never-to-be-forgotten lessons learned within these sacred walls. The time of preparation has passed ; the time for achieve- THE MERCURY. 97 f ment is at hand. In the evolution of life we have reached the end of one of those periods which because of their peculiar position and character are of the utmost importance. They form the connecting links between the larger epochs of life. They are periods in which certain tendencies and movements are gaining momentum and slowly but surely changing the character of the life of the nation or the individual. The vital forces of one age and one set of circumstances are recast and readjusted to meet the demands of a new age and a new set of circumstances. It is true that in the great scheme of development every period is a transition period, but it is also true that some per-iods by the suddenness of the changes and the rapidity of the readjustments which take place in them, are in a special sense transition periods. In reading the record of the formation of the earth, the geologist often comes upon a place where the continuity of his record is broken. When he again finds it continued the character of the life forms is so widely different that he con-cludes that a great length of time must have elapsed between the formation of the records, but when he has made a more care-ful investigation and found the missing pages of his record and has properly interpreted them he finds that the period was a com-paratively short one; but One in which h'fe forms were un-dergoing very rapid changes, Such a period he calls a transi-tion period. The wise student of history realizing the great significance of such periods in the evolution of human progress makes them his special care. He knows that only by the mastery of rhe forcesand tendencies at work in them do the events of the subse-quent periods become clear. This is nowhere better illus-trated than in the Renaissance-Reformation period. It forms the connecting link between the Middle Ages and the Modern Times. No other period in the history of the world has set in motion so many forces which were world wide in their results. The Middle Age was ruled by asceticism. The monk's view of life was the ideal of the age. The authority of the Roman See was unquestioned and its power unlimited. But all this, 98 THE MERCURY. is now changed. The ascetic view of life is broken ; the unity of the Middle Ages destroyed; the world view transformed. The new age with its revelations and achievements discovered to man the truth about himself and the truth made him free. It led him out of the dungeon of Monasticism into the light of Christian freedom. It broke the shackles which the petty fendal lord had forged upon him and started him on the high-way to political freedom. It transformed Ecclesiastical abso-lutism into indivi dual nationality. In the intellectual realm the transformation was truly mar-velous. For a small earth-centered universe, the Copernican system of astronomy gave to man a limitless sun-centered uni-verse. Instead of a common compulsory church it gave him a free church. In place of the useless and subtle quibbling of the schoolmen there appears the beginning of real philosophy. Alchemy is supplanted by Chemistry, Astrology by Astronomy. In no department of human knowledge has the transformation been more marvelous or longer delayed than in the study of history. The impulse was given in the 16th century. It struggled hopelessly for recognition but was soon lost in the rapid march of events. It was not until the 19th century that history again commanded attention, when the events of a single decade, from 1820 to 1830, called forth more volumes of history than were called forth by the events of a thousand years before. History is no longer a narration of memorable events com-memorating the deeds of a hero, a family or a nation. Our historians no longer write to strike the imagination or arouse the feelings with poetical images of vanished realities. Their aim is not to please, nor to give practical maxims of conduct, but knowledge pure and simple. In order to make its facts useful they must be criticized and organized and in this way the rules of its interpretation and the formulae of its exposition have become as severe as those of the so-called " exact science " and the genetic method has been applied to all the sciences. While these periods are of great importance in science they are of even greater importance in our own lives. Of these none is more worthy of thoughtful consideration than the col-lege period which marks the transition from youth to manhood, THE MERCURY. 99 from care-free preparation to responsibility and achievement. The habits and tendencies of youth are swept away, or trans-formed into fixed habits of character and manhood. Psychologists tell us that about the 19th year in one's life there comes a period which is marked by a cessation of growth for a time, sometimes to be resumed later. This seems to suggest that nature after having cast up the youth by a flood-tide on the shores of manhood, is a little exhausted and wants time for rest and readjustment. The advantages of size and strength begin to give way to those of the higher mentality, and the main current of evolution is turned thoughtward. The newly awakened feelings, impulses and ideals are being knit into individual character and personality. The dogmatic opin-ion and prejudices of youth are breaking down before the keener analysis and wider horizon of manhood. In this wider horizon the youthful complexity of nature vanishes and we catch glimpses of the great harmony'of the universe and come face to face with the mysteries of life. The importance of the transitional character of this period has not always been recognized. Too often it has been thought of as a period of seclusion and aloofness from the busy world of affairs. The indiscretions and misdemeanors of the College man been have excused and apologized for, too frequently, on this ground alone. We are beginning to see our mistake and perhaps the best evidence of our change of heart is the almost universal condemnation of hazing and horse-play engaged in by college men, and the action taken by some of our institu-tions of learning, particilarly by the United States government in the schools under its care. It is a step in the right direc-tion, but it is not enough. May we not hope that the time will soon come when we shall not only hold the college man strictly accountable for his acts, but shall treat him as a citizen and not as an irresponsible hermit, when we shall give him complete and rational systems of self-government in the class room and in the dormitory. For it is only by rational self-government that the cardinal virtues of self-control and self-direction are developed, and if they are not cultivated during this period of transition they may never be acquired. IOO THE MERCURY. TENNIS AS AN EXERCISE. L. W. T. '09. AS an exercise both of muscle and brain, the game of ten-nis is hardly excelled. It is in this form of sport and recreation that all the faculties are trained and developed more or less. There are chiefly three beneficial results besides many minor advantages derived from indulging in this- pleasure, namely.—quickness of thought, muscular control and muscular strength. Chief of these is rapidity of thought, that great quality so essential in the battle of life. To play tennis successfully, or rather, to play it at all, one must be ever on the alert, wide awake, and ready to seize any opportunity to score a point. And when the chance presents itself in the form of a lightning-like ball, he must decide on the instant how to act. In the twinkling of an eye he must conclude on the best and most advantageous way of returning the ball whether it shall be high, low, swift, slow, to the middle, the left or the right, curved or straight. All the conditions of the situation—the position of the players, the distance from the net, the force of the wind, perhaps, and many other details must be caught up, balanced and used to advantage in one sweeping glance of the eyes. The decision as to the best disposal of the ball having been made, then muscular control is the necessary quality for the carrying out of the plan. A novice at the game, in trying to return the ball, is pretty sure to knock it at random far out of bounds, no matter how carefully he endeavors to control him-self. This is due to the fact that his muscles have not been trained to the way in which he should handle his strength. He is unaccustomed to the slight twist of the shoulder, to the presenting of the surface of the racket at just the right angle, to the slight almost imperceptible swerve of the whole body, to the graceful side-step, and to the many other requisite move-ments, so minute, so delicate, as to be almost indefinable but which, nevertheless, every experienced player has felt himself un-con sciously perform, and which are, taken altogether, so impor- THE MERCURY. 101 tant. But now observe our former novice at some later time. See how he holds himself, how perfectly every muscle and every tendon is under the influence of his will. Deftly he strikes, now "cutting " the ball sending a most exasperating and tan-talizing slow curve up into the air, now driving it swift and hard at any desired angle, and again to all appearances, throw-ing all his strength into a vicious swing, only to drop the ball close to the net far out of his opponent's reach. All these tactics and many others he performs with such easy and grace-ful movements as to win the admiration of all spectators. And together with these other qualities, a certain very desir-able tenacity and litheness of muscle is acquired. It is true that huge bunches and knots of muscle and brawn are not de-veloped, but nevertheless, that more sought-for strength, the strength which draws the distinction between the racer and the cart-horse, the athlete and the laborer, the reserve strength which is denoted by an erect and graceful bearing is attained. In tennis the utmost activity of body is required. One must continually run forward and backward, bend and twist this way and that, and go through many other maneuvers which could never be give by gymnasium apparatus. Thus, is constantly being knitted a symmetrical and elastic set of muscles. We may say then in conclusion, that tennis is a most de-lightful and beneficial form of recreation, producing a clear head, a beautiful body, and a flow of clear, red blood, not to mention a deep sense of wholesome pleasure which it imbues. HIS APOLOGY. F. W. MOSER, '07. PAIR of eyes so soft and blue, With lashes of the raven's hue, And lips that matched in sweet repose The crimson of the blushing rose. A pair of overshoes, size three, Which none could wear but such as she, And now beneath the cushioned seat Reposed in safety at her feet. 102 THE MERCURY. Another maid beside the first Who seemed in pleasant thought immersed ; Hair black as night and midnight e3'es, A mirror for Venetian skies. A man of stalwart limb and frame, Whose deeds were not unknown to fame; But now in dreams his fancy ran To build a world within a span. And with a swish in top-notch style Maid number two rushed down the aisle, He roused and saw with read}' mind That she had left her shoes behind ; And, stooping with an eager face, He pulled the rubbers from their place, And rushing to the open door He flung them from the moving car. But hardly was the action done When up the aisle rushed number one, And in a chilling tone cried she " Those overshoes belonged to me." " Oh ! now ! I say ! can this be true ! '' Those overshoes belonged to you ? " What can I say ? Oh, don't you see ! "Oh, can you ever pardon me. The train dashed on, the moments sped, Until beneath the next dark shed The engine shot with direful shriek That brought a pallor to her cheek. But in a moment as before The crimson blood returned once more, And. that was all there was to see Of that most sweet apology. THE MERCURY. 103 •'OUR ENTRANCE INTO CITIZENSHIP," WITH VALEDICTORY. H. BRUA CAMPBELL, '06. NEVER at any time has the question as to what is the re-lation of the young man to his country and its institutions or in other words what are the duties and responsibilities which citizenship imposes upon the young manhood of our land, pressed upon us more insistently than at the present time. The age in which we are living is one characterized by great movements and vital problems, upon the successful solution of which our most complete growth and advancement is depen-dent. It would be difficult indeed to find an American today in whom there dwels not one vestige of pride in his country's institutions and whose heart does not expand at one time or another in the thought of his country's glorious achievements and still more splendid possibilties. But there is less likeli-hood that any American could be found with mind so narrow that he would refuse to admit that certain insidious and de-structive tendencies totally hostile to the best interests of true democracy, had crept into our government. Due to the " in-ertness and apathy " of a large number of citizens who are best fitted for the task of carrying on successfully affairs of gov-ernment, methods contradictory and subversive of democracy have been allowed to enter into our political system and abide there unmolested. The exposures of moral rottenness in pub-lic affairs and of political turpitude in city, state and nation have clearly revealed how true is the charge that machine politics and bossism have usurped and are continuing to usurp the field that of right ought to be controlled by forces of less selfish and more moral character and that the highest interests of the many are being sacrificed daily to the cupidity and lust for power of the few. Throughout this present period of startling revelations of the betrayal of public trust which have brought to light conditions that are of the gravest menace to our prosperity the inquiry has been advanced as to what is the remedy that will serve to ef-fectively heal the deep wound which civic corruption has caused in the body politic. And with startling unanimity 104 THE MERCURY. Comes the answer—Rouse the citizens from their political somnolency and the Republic is secure. The cure, therefore, lies in the interest which each man ought to manifest in the politics of his country, state and union by reason of the privi-leges he enjoys under the law and order which our political institutions vouchsafe to him. The responsibilities of citizenship strike with peculiar force the young men of today. The coming generation, clothed as it will be with " unprecedented privileges," is confronted with the obligation to cure some of the excesses of liberty which •mar our civilization. It has been well said that the first lesson a young man should learn in the principles of government is that national problems and public questions are his own per-sonal concern and responsibility and that he will have to answer for his conduct toward them as exactly as for his in-dividual moral behavior. He should appreciate thoroughly in the very beginning that the privileges of citizenship which he possesses have been secured not without terrific struggles against autocracy entrenched behind the fortified strength of centuries of existence and that they should be cherished and enjoyed as a priceless heritage—not spurned and disregarded for the sheltered cloisters of cultured ease. Our nation's hope, lies in the young men upon whom the burdenr. and responsi-bility of directing its affairs must at length rest and the young men should show their appreciation of this tremendous obliga-tion by a keen and intelligent interest in all matters politic. The earlier this interest is manifested, the more deeply will it become implanted, and at length, as Bishop Brent eloquently says, it will " fairly burn itself into flesh and blood, nerves and muscles, until the flame of patriotism is kindled in the soul and a citizen worthy of the name moves out into the nations need, equipped to wrestle with the problems and overthrow its enemies." Ah, when we come to think of what it actually means to be an American citizen, when we fully realize the na-tion's power and influence and the political freedom delegated to those under its flag we ought to firmly resolve ever to re-main true to the principles in which our country was founded, and whenever its principles and institutions are endangered to V' THE MERCURY. I05 battle for civic righteousness and put to flight those who seek to pervert its true destiny. The young men have it in their power to prevent those who seek to control politics for selfish ends from attaining their de-sire and it also lies with them whether the government be managed with regard only to the best interest of a majority of its citizens or whether it be run to benefit the privileged few alone. We thus see that a deep responsibility rests upon the citi-zens of this land—an obligation to manifest a vital interest in affairs of state, a responsibility which applies particularly to the young men of our country. But among these there exists a particular class—the college men—to whom goes out with especial force the clarion call to duty-—to meet the civic obli-gations and to assist in directing the management of political government be it in a lofty or lowly sphere. The college man is particulary fitted for an active participa-tion in civic affairs by reason of his collegiate training, and after graduation he should at once indentify himself with the work of promoting good government. Upon departing from college he is entering more largely into the active work of life. The •college man during his years of study has pursued in a some-what isolated way his course of intellectual training and now enters into the wider sphere of professional or business activity. His brain has not increased one ounce by his persistent search for knowledge but it has been so thoroughly disciplined that he can grasp more quickly and more comprehensively problems which would as a rule, defy the intellects of those not possessing the advantages of collegiate training. The scope of his perception has been vastly widened. It must be admitted that the college man, endowed as he is, ought to be a potent factor in the politics of a nation. And so he is, to a certain extent, but the opportunities still continue to beckon him, for all to often is he heedless of his duty and responsibility in this direction. He owes an especial debt to his country by reason of his superior endowment and yet how often does he repudiate the obligation and as a result, Justice, spurned by those who ought to defend her rule, must bow to the forces of Self-interest. io6 THE MERCURY. There is nothing from which the public suffers more today than the silence of its educated classes, that is, the small amount of criticism which comes from its disinterested sources. Educated men say very little about the question of the day but devote their time to science, literature and art or in the practice of their profession or conduct of business. The edu-cated man should, however, speak out upon matters of public interest if for no other reason than that he is peculiarly able to comprehend the right and wrong involved therein. As a writer puts it no educated man can talk intimately upon any subject without contributing something however small to the unseen forces which carry us on to our final destiny. College men are too oft drawn from the proper performance of their civic duties by the desire to follow peacefully and within the narrow confines perchance of their libraries a life of purely intellectual activity which withdraws them from their proper civic interests and lessens greatly their concern for the conduct of the affairs of their government. And it is to be deplored also that Corinthianism or in other words " the moral enervation and decadence that is born of the soft uses of prosperity " pre-sents a grave danger to our institutions. Adversity indeed has its uses; prosperity its perils. And it behooves the college man to beware of the luring voice which urges him so impell-ingly to forsake the true course of energetic devotion to duty and to endanger the frail craft of his life upon the Scylla of intellectual enervation or the Charybdis of moral decadence. It is inevitable that if the citizens of a nation are blind to all else but self, then the end will be corruption and death. The service which the college man renders his country of right ought to be unselfish. He ought to be thoroughly cog-nizant of the fact that there are things of far more importance than his own material advancement. It is this unselfishness which is so essential to true growth and if its spirit be im-planted in the breasts of the young men of today the strength of the nation will know no deterioration. And with regard to the attitude of the college man toward public affairs there is one quality which must be present and that is honesty—honesty of thought, word and deed. The world requires that only those THE MERCURY. I07 can serve her faithfully who are of integrity and firm moral purpose. There need be no complaint from the college man who feels his responsibility that there are no present opportunities for service to his nation—the opportunities exist in every place and sphere. " The time worn humdrum tasks of the older civili-zation with its painful and seemingly insoluble problems beckon," the undeveloped and partly developed land is calling to the able youth for aid, evils, social, political and moral re-quire those with the courage to stamp them out. Everywhere are opportunities ; where are the opportunists ? These are some of the responsibilities of citizenship which confront every college man of today. It lies with him whether he shall meet them courageously as befits a citizen not alone in name but in reality or whether he shall reject those privileges of free government . which alone make our nation a true republic. These are the civic responsibilities which confront the class of 1906 as it leaves behind it the college walls and enters other spheres of activity and let us hope that the class departs fully awakened to its obligations and fully determined to meet them intelligently and courageously. GENTLEMEN OF THE FACULTY : You may feel assured that the class of 1906 is fully aware of its obligations to you, an obligation so great that it can never be fully repaid. It appreciates to the fullest extent the sacrifices you have made upon the altar of scholarship and likewise your untiring energy and unremitting devotion to the task of so moulding the intellect ^ind character of its members that they may now go out into life fitted for careers of honor and usefulness. Your labor has been singularly unselfish, your concern alone having been to advance the best interests of each and every one under your instruction. And we are not insensible of the fact that the very pleasant relationship which has invariably existed between you, gentlemen, and the class of 1906 can be justly ascribed to your continued regard for its welfare and your unfailing courtesy to its members. Time cannot efface the impression which you have wrought upon us and years will not lessen our respect for the teachers of our college days. And so it is with deep regret that we arrive at ■M 108 THE MEKCURV. the parting of our ways and must reluctantly bid you farewell. FELLOW CLASSMATES : We are come where the paths of our lives diverge, and our thoughts at this moment are of a two-fold character. Our glance is turned retrospectively to the past four years, during which time we have walked together through the harvest-fields of intellectual effort, gathering in the products of our toil and stooping now and then to pluck the fragrant flower of whole-some pleasure. Ah ! they were indeed delightful years, full of brightest sunshine. And we recall with keenest pleasure how each passing year seemed to bring us more firmly together in a bond of loyal friendship, a bond which years of separation will vainly strive to sever. And the depth of our sorrow and regret in this hour of parting is tempered only by our gaze ahead where Hope clothed in glorious splendor stands with a smile of warmth upon her countenance beside the curtains which close from our sight the mysteries of the future. En-couraged by this inspiring vision we feel an eager longing to meet what lies before us, confident in our strength and as-sured that in the conflict we will conduct ourselves as befits noble men and women. It is eminently fitting that we should at this point in our journey look back upon the path traversed and then forward to where the attennated road fades from sight upon the plain or loses itself among "the purple peaks re-mote." Inspiration may be gained from either glance. But no matter with what eagerness we look ahead the porgnant grief of parting continues to be felt. We realize that no more will we meet as fellow-studeryts in the various class rooms or beneath the lofty trees which stand guard upon the campus with arms outspread above its green and beautiful expanse. We know that this hour marks the final time when we as a class shall stand together, and the fact that we throughout these years have moved on in continued good fellowship, ever with regard and affection toward one another seems to make the parting even more painful. But we cannot dwell to long, my classmates, upon words of farewell. And so full of confi-dence in your ability to successfully cope with life's responsi-bilities and implicit faith in your ultimate success, I bid you God-speed. ■ 1- THE MERCURY. THE OLD DORM IN THE MOONLIGHT. ROE EMMERT, '06. 109 H v : AVE you seen the Old Dorm shining in the moonlight; And the silver softly sifting through the trees ? Have you heard the fellows singing on the Dorm steps ; And the mandolins a'tinkle in the breeze ? Ah, fellows, on the campus in the moonlight You can hear the sweetest music ever sung, And see beauties that surpass the Grecian sculpture, Whose praises in our ears have ever rung. And fellows, do you ever stop to listen, When they play the mandolins upon the steps? Does your better nature swell and sway within you ; Do the songs of this old College stir its depths? Do you ever watch the Old Dorm in the evening, When the lights begin to flash out one by one Like the eastern stars burn out upon the heavens, Upon the glorious setting of the sun ? And when the lights have dropped away at midnight, And the moonlight sheds its brightness over all ; Do you ever stand and gaze in silent rapture At the grandeur of this old and noble hall ? Ah, fellows, how we love this old white building With its mighty columns, beautiful and strong, With its memories, haunting every nook and corner ; It has been our second home place for so long. Too soon we'll leave this grand and noble College, And leave behind this long familiar hall, But the picture that we'll always carry with us Is the Old Dorm and the moonlight over all. no THE MERCURY. THE SCENERY ABOUT MILLERSBURG, PA. G. L. KlEFFER, '09. 4 while he gazed off to the town on the hill in a manner which bespoke satisfaction and contentment. Overhanging all I be-held the crimson sun sinking as a fiery ball behind the moun-tains, a little to the north of the vertex of the angle, pointing out the very trees upon its summit as sentinels of this majestic scenery. And overhanging all was the white and crimson sky as a halo. Satisfied with the employment of my leisure time I wended my way to the station and pursued my journey as in a dream. -A.: 112 THE MERCURY. HOME SWEET HOME. J. EDWARD LOWE, '06. MR. J. HOWARD PAYNE whom we admire and rev-erence so much was homeless. In his weary and soli-tary walk on the farm of Mr. Talbot, his friend, he stopped to rest under a large chestnut tree near the brink of the Po-tomac, a mile south of Washington. While sitting there he became unconscious of his environments, the verdure of the beautiful terrace sloping down towards the Potomac river, was lovely to behold, but he saw it not. He was deeply involved in spiritual themes. While in his concentrated, emotional and imaginative state of mind, he wrote those beautiful and mem-orable words, that will vibrate in human minds throughout eternity. " 'Mid pleasures and palaces though we may roam, Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home ; A charm from the skies seems to hallow us there, Which, seek thro' the world, is ne'er met with elsewhere." " Home, home, sweet, sweet, home, There's no place like home, Oh, there's no place like hcme." There is something in the word home, that wakes the kind-liest feelings of the heart. It is not merely kindred and friends who render this place so dear; but the very hills, rocks and rivulets throw a charm around the place of one's nativity. It is no wonder that the loftiest harps have been turned to sing of " Home Sweet Home!' The rose that bloomed in the garden, where one has wondered in early years, a thoughtless and innocent child, careless of what its future may be, is lovely in its bloom, and lovelier in its decay. No songs are sweet like those we heard among the boughs, that shade our parent's dwelling, when the morning or the evening hour found us as gay as the birds that warbled over us. No waters are so bright and clear as the silver streams that wind among the flower decked knolls, where in adventur-ous childhood we so often strayed to pluck the violet or lily, or to twine a garland for some loved school-mate. Your dreams of reputation, your swift determination, your ^". piai >i> mr-.iMi THE MERCURY. 113 impulsive pride, your deep uttered vows to win a name, will all sober into affection ; will all blend into that glow of feeling, which finds its center, hope, and joy in home. From my soul, I pity him whose heart does not leap at the mere sound of the name. A home ! It is the bright, blessed, adorable phantom, which sits highest on the sunny horizon that guideth life. It is not the house, though that may have its charms ; nor the fields carefully tilled, and streaked with your own foot-prints ; nor the trees though their shadows be to you, like that of a great rock in a weary-land ; nor yet is it the fire-side with its sweet blaze play; nor the pictures which tell of loved ones; nor the cherished book ; but far more than all these, it is the presence. The altar of your confidence is there; the end of your worldly faith is there. Adorning all these, and sending your blood in passionate-flow, is the ecstasy or con-viction, that there at least, you are beloved; there you are un-derstood ; there your errors are all met with gentlest forgiv-ness ; there your troubles will be smiled away ; there you may unburden your soul, fearless of harsh unsympathizing ears and that there you may be entirely and joyfully yourself. We may wander away, and mingle in the world's fierce strife, and find new associations, and friendships; and fancy we have almost forgotten the land of our birth ; but at some evening hour, as we listen to the autumn winds, the remem-brances of other days come over our souls, and fancy bears us back to childhood's scenes. We roam again the old fami-liar haunts, and press the hands of companions, long since cold in the grave; and listen to voices we shall never hear on earth any more. The American-trooper who is borne away to the green isles of the Pacific, weeps when he thinks of home, and sighs and pines for the vine-covered cottage beyond the sea ; though the hand of time may have faded his ebon locks, and care plowed deep furrows on his brow, and his heart has been chilled by the fierce winds of the typhoon, till the fountains of his love have almost ceased ; yet upon some summer's evening as he looks upon the sun sinking behind the western hill, he will ! 114 THE MERCURY. think of home, his heart will yearn for the loved of other days, and his tears will flow like the summer's rain. After long years of absence the heart of the wanderer beats, and his eyes fill, as he catches a glimpse of the hills of his nativity. When he has pressed the lips of a brother or sister, how soon does he hasten to see if the garden, the orchard and the stream look as in the days gone by ? We may find climes as beautiful, skies as bright, and friends as devoted ; but all these will not take the place of home, the dearest spot on earth. o SAVED BY GRACE. '08. N a hillside, about one mile west of Gettysburg, a vine-yard was conducted by a man who was very well-known to the present and many of the past generations of students. From the product of this vineyard, the owner packed and shipped to various markets the greater portion of the grapes, while he manufactured wine from the poorer quality and sold it in the unfermented form to many of the students and towns-people. The plot of ground on which the vineyard and the home of the farmer were located, consisted of about six acres. The west and north sides were bounded by woodland, while the southern and eastern limits were marked by two country roads. At the junction of these roads, in the southern corner of the farm, a cottage stood, and directly back of this was a small barn. There were also numerous other buildings necessary to complete the fixtures of a small farm. In the family there were only three people, the father, mother and a daughter, who at that time was in her eighteenth year. The father was an eldery looking man of fifty-five, his form showing the results of many years of hard work ; his wife, a woman of small build and plump form ; the daughter, a tall graceful girl, with black shining hair, brown eyes and a fair skin. She was beautiful to look at and of a kind and - "^_^.^.^.-.-M- rflWWi^iHWW "■■! »M| 'I THE MERCURY. us pleasing disposition, proving decidedly the watchfulness under which she was reared by her fond parents. As has been stated in the beginning of our story, the scene is laid near the historic town of Gettysburg, which is almost surrounded by the hills and mountains where was fought the decisive battle of our great Civil War. In the village is located Pennsylvania College, a Lutheran Institution founded early in the nineteenth century. Many men have been graduated from this college, who have made for themselves places of promin-ence in all avenues of life. Among all the students who at-tended this institution during the time in which the vineyard flourished, few indeed there were who did not visit the grape farm, and who were not well acquainted with the farmer and his family. Undoubtedly many of the students were honest enough to purchase what they wished, either of grapes or wine, but it also stands that many of the students made unlawful visits to the vineyard. It was the result of such a visit that brings us to the. interesting part of our story. On an early autumn evening, several young men, students in the college, were gathered in a room, all overflowing with mischevous ideas. Not a few suggestions were made as to what they should do, but all seemed undecided as to which idea would be best to follow, until a visit to the vineyard was proposed. The vote was unanimous that three of the " Boys" should leave promptly at eleven o'clock for the farm, and that without fail a plenteous supply of the fruit should be brought in. At the appointed time, Bob Stewart, Jack Wills, and Tom Bonner met on the campus, and in a short time were on their way. After walking for about a half hour, during which period they had almost encircled the small farm, the trio made ready to enter the vineyard from the west side. One of the number, Tom Bonner, was sent to a spot, within a hundred yards of the house to stand guard while Bob and Jack filled the bags with grapes. Everything ran smoothly until all were ready [or the departure, when all of a sudden, Tom was seized by a strong pair of hands and was commanded to make an ex- u6 THE MERCURY. planation of his presence in such a place at that hour of the night. Tom was completely unnerved, and during the time he was recuperating from the shock, Bob. and Jack made their escape, leaving their plunder behind. After a short while, Tom gathered enough courage to tell, in broken sentences, a falsehood, which he thought would set him free. The result, however, was to the contrary, for his captor, who was no other than the farmer, compelled him to accom-pany him to the house. Here he was held until morning, as it was the full intention of the owner of the vineyard to turn him over to the proper authorities. Tom passed a very rest-less night; but how could one do otherwise, especially one whose imagnative power had already landed him in prison. Early the next morning, the farmer with his family called Tom. before them. He was told in plain words what was to be done. The farmer accused him of being the person who had been robbing him for sometime. This made things all the more serious, and under the strain of a restless night, together with the relization of what he had imagined during the hours he spent in captivity, Tom broke down completely. He sobbed and cried bitterly, thinking of the foolhardy expedi-tions young fellows often take, and of the disgrace which would surely befall his name and family. The farmer and his wife had gone about their early morning duties and Tom was still hoping and praying against what seemed almost inevitable, when the daughter, Grace, walked into the room, and without the slightest hesitation tried in her girlish way to console him. Her efforts worked admirably, for in a short time our hero was instilled with new hope. He confessed all to Miss Grace, and it was with no little sincerity that she promised to save him, if possible, from-the dishonor which he felt sure would come. It was only a few minutes after Grace had left Tom that the farmer entered the room and commanded him to make the necessary preparation for the trip to town. In the meantime Grace had convinced her mother that Tom was, as all boys are apt to be, mischevious, and that he should not be punished for this, which she felt sure was his first offense. THE MERCURY. 117 All was in readiness for the start; the team was standing by the gate, and the farmer with his captive had just left the house and was walking toward the conveyance, when Grace called to her father. He stopped, but little did he suspect what her in-tention was, and before he had time to think, Grace begged and plead in her own effective way, for her father to change his plan. She confronted him with one argument after another, the principal ones being these: That undoubtedly it was Tom's first offense of such a serious nature; furthermore she asked her father what he should hope for, were a child of his ever to be found in a like predicament. Grace's father saw things in a different light and instead of bringing Tom to town and placing him in the hands of the law, he was driven up to the entrance of Old Pennsylvania Hall. The farmer gave Tom all the grapes his companions had gathered the night before and the privilege of the vine-yard whenever he wished. He was also asked in a very urgent way, to visit the family. It is needless to say, after Tom's most pleasant experience with Miss Grace, that he took advantange of the invitation. His visits were made often, and it seemed as though the more frequent they became, the still more frequent Tom wished them to be. The two young people grew to be the best of friends, and it was only a short time after his graduation from Penn-sylvania College, that the expedition on which he had started one autumnal eve, was brought to a close by his marriage to Grace. Often now as Tom and Grace sit in their cozy home, with children romping about them, do they speak of Tom's trip to the vineyard and its happy ending. THE MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter Voi,. XIV GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1906 No. 4 Associate Editors GEO. W. KESSLER, '08 J. K. ROBB, '08 EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Editor-in-ch ief WARD B. S. RICE, '07 Exchange Editor THOS. E. SHEARER, '07 Business Manager THOMAS A. FAUST, '07 Ass't Bus. Managers. HENRY M. BOWER, '08 H. WATSON DAVISON, '08 Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. SENIOR FAREWELL. The time has again arrived L=JUf3f===4 '-—I f°r tne graduation of another class from our college. The MERCURY staff deplore the fact that we must bid farewell to the Seniors—you who have aided us so much by your advice and kindly criticism ; but most of all by your literary contributions. We will feel your loss keenly,^but sincerely hope that as you depart from our Alma Mater your interest in the Literary aawww.iili 11 in iwip'mi' «ni|n / THE MERCURY. 119 Journal, whose standard you have done so much to maintain, will not cease, and that you will continue to give us your aid. An article or two from our alumni in each edition adds dignity to the paper, and insures the student body and the alumni that you are still interested in the welfare of your College Journal. Not only do the students enjoy reading the articles of our alumni, but they become more desirous of producing a writing worthy of publication in the same paper. Since we know your time for departure has come, and that you have reached the coveted goal, and are now ready to en gage in the real battle ot life, we bid you God-speed, and hope each member of the class of 1906 has chosen a vocation that will be a source of continual pleasure to him. Sincerely, " THE STAFF." REVIEW. We now stand at the close of another college year ; a year has past that will never return; we have passed through a stage of our college course which we shall not ex-perience again, however much we may wish to do so at a future time. We hope that they are not among us, who can not say that this was the best year of their lite. If there should be those who can not say this, surely their environment this year has not affected them ; either the individual did not have the capacity, or the spirit too weak, for doubtless it was present, as a slight glance backward will readily show, from the very beginning until this the end. In truth this has been the condition all over our fair land, but especially we can say this of our own dear Alma Mater. This year she has enrolled more students than ever before—men who promise to support high purposes and to make real men. Also she has played no little part in the intellectual realm. Her students have main tained a high standard of scholarship; they have shown an unusual interest in matters of inter collegiate as well as collegi-ate concern; in almost every literary pursuit a new standard has been set up. Not only along intellectual lines has she been so successful but physically as well. Her athletic teams 120 THE MERCURY. deserve the highest praise; they have not only borne the flower 'bt victory from the accustomed places, but have cap-tured new" trbphies with which they adorn the fond days of old. 'So Without hesitation we can say that this year has been a' grand success, but our ideal has "not yet been realized, there-fore, let each one come back next year with a stout determi-nation to reach higher. The very fact that we have your subscription To THE ALUMNI. , , . • , . * , i shows that you are interested in us, but we would more than appreciate an article from your, or a word of criticism. It is our constant aim to improve our paper and we' believe that you can . help us. We sincerely hope that you Will not forget this, arid that' when we g'o to make up the •October issue we will find some alumni contributions. ■:■ EXCHANGES. . ■ . Our exchanges all put in their appearance'in due time this mon'th, some in bright new spring attire and the others in their regular dignified garb. All are full of the spirit of springtime and commencement. The Havetfordian still maintains its high standard from month to "month. The newly installed Board of Editors in forming its policy has considered the advisability of publishing a monthly literary journal and a bi-weekly newspaper instead of the present combined monthly, and has decided that such a change cannot be made at present. However after the June issue there will be no Exchange Department, that space being devoted to the Alumni and College Departments. The Owl published by the students of Temple College, Phila-delphia, is now one of our exchanges. The May number is the second issue and does entire credit to its Board. We par tjcularly admire the drawings in the different departments. As we close our Exchange Column for the year, we wish to thank pur contemporaries for their kind commendation and criticism of our work, and we wish to assure them that we have enjoyed and profited by the results of their labors. We wish you all a happy and successful vacation. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames. Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. EE. IB. Bender 37 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The Windsor Hotel 1217=2 Filbert St., Philadelphia. Headquarters for Students. Thoroughly Renovated, Refurnished and Remodeled FRANK M. SCHEIBLEY, Manager. Graduate of Lafayette College 1898. A. G. Spalding & Bros. 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Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things TomyPriyoUtomo English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya tomy.priyo@gmail.com Prof.Dr. FabiolaDharmawatiKurnia, M.Pd. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya fabkurnia@gmail.com Abstrak Karyasastraadalahrepresentasikehidupansosial.Di dalamkehidupanmasyarakattertentu, seperti India, adasebuah system yang dinamakankelassosial.Kelassosialmembawamasalahsebagaidampak yang tereflekisdalam novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy.Tujuandaripenelitianiniadalahuntukmengungkappenggambarankelassosialpadatokoh-tokohdandampaknya.Dalamskripsiini, data yang digunakanadalah novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy yang diterbitkanpenerbit Flamingo.Dalammenyelesaikanmasalah yang sudahdipaparkan, penggunaanteorikelassosialmilik Karl Marx akandiaplikasikan. Penggambarantokoh-tokohkelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunakandefinisikelas yang didukungolehpelbagaiaspeknya.Sedangkandampakdarikelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunkankonsekuensidarikonsepkelassosial.Tokoh-tokohsosialkelasdigambarkanmelaluibeberapapoin yang mencangkupkekayaan, pekerjaan, danpendidikan.KelassosialatastergambarpadasosokPappachi,Mammachi, Baby Kochama, danChacko.SedangkanKelassosialbawahtergambarpadasosokAmmu, Velutha, Rahel, danEstha. Olehkarenaitu, kelassosialpadatokoh-tokohtersebutmemeberidampakpadakesehatanfisik, kesehatanjiwa, kehidupankeluarga, pendidikan, agama, dansistemkeadilanpadakasuskriminal.Jadi, halinisepertiduridalamdaging yang sudahmengakarpada system kehidupansosial di India. Hal ininampakpadakasusAmmu yang haruskehilangan status sosialnya, hargadiriPappachiterhadapMammachi, dantokoh-tokohlainnya yang meenghadapimasalahkelassosial. Kata Kunci: India, masyarakat, kelassosial. Abstract Literary work is the representation of social life. In a particular social life, such as India, there is social class. The social class dribbles the ball of problems as the impact in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is one of the representation of it. This thesis is aimed to reveal depiction of character's social class and impact of their social class. In this thesis, Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things published by Flamingo is used as the main data source. In answering the statement of the problems, theory of social class based on Karl Marx's view is applied. The depiction of the characters' social class is analyzed using definition of social class and supported by aspects of social class. The impact of the characters' social class is analyzed using the consequences concept of social class. The main characters' social class is portrayed through several points. They are wealth, occupation, and education. The Upper social class is portrayed on Pappachi, Mamachi, Baby Kochama, and Chacko. Then, The Lower Social class is portrayed on Ammu, Velutha, Rahel and Estha. Therefore, social class on the characters gives impact on Physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion and the criminal system justice. So, this thesis portrays the intimate enemy of the system that has been rooting in India that always brings problems caused by it, the social class. It can be looked at the fall of social status of Ammu, the dignity of Pappachi toward Mammachi, and other characters who face the same problem of social class. Keywords: India, society, social class. INTRODUCTION In social life, people are demanded to live in integrated individuals where each individual delivers different characteristics. These differences finally construct a problem within the social life, especially economic problems. Economic problem has been classic problem that cannot be avoided in modern life, thus people are categorized by their capability in economic status or class. This categorizing unconsciously creates a phenomenon where society is sorted. The sort of society based on the economic capability seems to have been articulated by Karl Marx, where society with low capability to product will be dominated by the society with high capability to product. Marx exclusively distinguishes three major classes, each of which is characterized in its role in the productive system by 'the factor of production' it controlled –the land-owners, obviously, by their ownership of land; the capitalists ('bourgeoisie') by their ownership of capital; and the proletariat (working class) by their 'ownership' of their labor-power (Worsley, et al., 1970: 302). Finally, social class turns to be tight and the distance among classes go further. In modernism, construction of society is shaped by the demands to live better. This way indirectly emerges competition that a one should defeat the other one just to earn the economic status. This also becomes the base of Western to colonize and dig the domination to Eastern and African. Indeed, colonization has been passed, and all people has freed, but it has not been clear at all. Behind this fact, colonization has leaved behind the effects toward the people who have been colonized. Sometimes, this fact slaughters keenly the problem of the post-colonized people, for instance in India. In India, there is known system of caste, Brahman, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras. Some 3500 years ago invaders from the north, known as Aryans, imposed the caste system; there is no conclusive evidence that they originated the idea of caste in India, but it seems to be the most likely explanation. The Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The highest groups are known as Varnas (colors) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of: Brahmans (a priest caste), Kshatriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste), Sudras (a laboring caste). These caste has been like a stamp to people's destiny and it impacts to their statues in society. These statues are not decided by what they have economically but from what caste they are. Then, it turns to be interesting thing when this system is faced with the problem of economic in modern life (Nobs, 1980: 30—31). As modern people, ability of delivering feeling is not only through direct utterance. The freedom to think, to articulate what they feel finally reach the world of literacy based on the experiences. In the literacy, meanings are accommodated with the beauty of words. Hence, in literary work, especially novel, the view of society including the problem of class can be mediated. It is added by Richard Taylor's Understanding the Elements of Literature, he says that literature is art that essentially created by imagination of the author's experiences (Taylor, 1981: 1). Wellek and Warren even assert that literature can be treated as a document that contains of historical idea and philosophy (Wellek& Warren, 1984: 111). Subsequently, literature work can be something important, crucial, and even interesting thing to dig up with interpretation. The crucial things can be seen in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. TheGod of Small Things depicted the life Indian society. The setting of the story takes place in Kerala. The story tells us that comunism or even religion which teach us about equality in human rights in the reality it can not change discrimination and patriarchy in society. The main characters in this novel are Estha and Rahel. They are twins. Their grandfather is the owner of a company from Christian which is very high class (touchable). But their mother has marry with the Hindust man, it means she must change become lower class (untouchable). Max Weber stated that the social class is divided into trhree layers- the upper class, the midle class and the lower class. The higest level is held by educated and wealthy family. This includes Pappachi family. Their social classes are in the high social classwhich gives the member of this class has different life styles,attitudes, educations, and opportunities in the society. The next class is lower class (untouchable), untouchable person can not touch high class. They are uneducated person. They are not allowed to work in high position. In this novel untochable personis Velutha. Velutha is a paravan. Paravan is the lowest caste in Indian. Furthermore, the richness of this novel has glimpsed on the awards that attaches on Arundhati Roy herself and hers. It needs to know that The God of Small Things has won The Man Booker Prize for fiction in 1997. Arundhati Roy herself is a famous Indian novelist and social activist. In 2002, she won the Lannan Foundation's Cultural Freedom Award for her work "about civil societies that are adversely affected by the world's most powerful governments and corporations," in order "to celebrate her life and her ongoing work in the struggle for freedom, justice and cultural diversity". In 2003, she was awarded 'special recognition' as a Woman of Peace at the Global Exchange Human Rights Awards in San Francisco with Bianca Jagger, Barbara Lee and Kathy Kelly. Roy also was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize in May 2004 for her work in social campaigns and her advocacy of non-violence. In January 2006, she was awarded the Sahitya Academy Award, a national award from India's Academy of Letters, for her collection of essays on contemporary issues, The Algebra of Infinite Justice, but she declined to accept it "in protest against the Indian Government toeing the US line by 'violently and ruthlessly pursuing policies of brutalization of industrial workers, increasing militarization and economic neo-liberalization". In November 2011, she was awarded the Norman Mailer Prize for Distinguished Writing. It shows that she is one of important writer in India. Her literary works always tell about social and tradition also symbols to be analyzed. In the instance Roy shows Indian culture as the identity in her literary work. Most of her master piece is showed about social class, tradition in Indian culture. She wrote many books such as an ordinary person's Guide to Empire, War talk, Public Power in the Age of Empire, Power Politics, The Checkbook and the Cruise Missile and The Cost of Living. After all, it is unarguable to be questioned that Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is full of crucial issues. Based on those facts, the crucial issue that emphasizes on this thesis is in the social classes, thus the potential title that can be put on it is "The Intimate Enemy of Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things". RESEARCH METHOD The used method is descriptive quality; it means that the essence or the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. With interpretation toward the data, the analysis can be worked. Interpretation becomes crucial step because with regardless this, the analysis cannot be maximally operated. It is also as the technique of the study. Then, the approach of the analysis sharpens to mimesis where the universe is used as comparative literature toward the result of the analysis. Indirectly, it includes in extrinsic approach where the sociality is referred as the universe. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION In social life, they always have something that is appreciated. That can be wealth, knowledge, education or economic. In Narwoko&Bagong'sSosiologi: TeksPengantardanTerapan, SoerjonoSoekanto states that in rural society, land and livestock are often considered more valuable than education. On the contrary, it does not happen in modern society. In society, people who have valuable goods in large quantities will be more appreciated rather than people who have a small amount. Thus, they will be considered as low class (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 152). This low class construction, because there is characteristic of "not" low class. This construction finally creates categorizing that can be called as stratification. Sorokin states that 'Stratification' is a term used to characterize a structure of inequality where individuals occupy differentiated structural positions and the positions are situated in layers (or strata) that are ranked hierarchically according to broadly recognized standards. The implied reference to sedimentary layers from geology reflects the relative permanence of the posited structure and the long history that is assumed to have generated it. Stratification researchers focus primarily on the empirical study of the sources of the rankings that generate the hierarchy of strata, the mobility of individuals between strata, and the mechanisms of integration that allow societies to cope with the existence of persistent inequalities between strata (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 153). Aristotle observed two millennia ago thatpopulations tended to be divided into three groups: the very rich, the very poor and those between. It shows that in ancient times people have come to know and recognize the hierarchy system in society. Social stratification can basically be distinguished into three kinds. They are Class, Status and Power (Worsley, 1970: 288). SOCIAL CLASS According to Karl Marx's Theory of Class, as quoted by Chris Livesey, it is stated that class is the motor of social development. Marx argues that society has developed through four main epochs ("period time"). They are Primitive Communism, Ancient Society, feudal Society, and Capitalist Society. For him, only the first epoch (the "primitive communism") is free from some form of social stratification on the basis of class. This is because, for Marx, class forms of social stratifications only come into existence once people start producing more goods than they require fulfill their everyday needs and gatherer society are basically subsistence societies; that is people can only manage to hunt/ gather enough food for their everyday needs (sociology.org.uk). To describe in detail this theory, it needs to be classified based on the definition, aspect, and consequences of social class. Karl Marx is one of the first writers who analyzes class differences. He sees class as a phenomenon of any society where the ownership of wealth and the means of production, factories or land, gives an economic basis for stratification. Marx also outlines different stages in history in which the ownership of property gives one group control over others. The group, which controls and owns the means of producing food and goods, is the dominant class. Furthermore, Marx argues that there is a constant struggle, a class struggle, and this conflict between the different classes brought about changes in society (Nobs, et al., 1980: 28). Therefore, the conflict among classes are grounded by the domination of a high class over the low class. Class itself, as Lenin says, is large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated by law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor and consequently, and by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it (Collected Works, Vol. 29: 421). Furthermore, Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (or "bourgeoisie") and Working class (or "proletariat"). Capitalist class is those who own and control the means of production (which involves ownership of such things as land, factories, financial institutions and the like). And working class is those who own nothing but their ability to sell their labor power (that is, their ability to work) in return for wages (Henslin. 2003: 284). Similar to Karl Marx in discussing about social class, Max Weber tries to generate it with defining social class as a large group of people who rank close to another in wealth, power, and prestige. These three elements separate people into different lifestyles, give them different chances in life, and provide them with distinct ways of looking at the self and the world (Henslin, 2012: 276). Aspects of socials class are classified referred by wealth, by occupation and by educational level. Each can be used for different purposes or they can be combined (Worsley, 1970: 292). According to Henslin, the primary dimension of social class is wealth. Wealthconsists of property and income. Propertycomes in many forms, such as buildings, land, animals, machinery,cars, stocks, bonds, businesses, and bank accounts. Incomeis money received as wages, rents, interest, royalties, or the proceeds from a business (Henslin, 2003: 276). Furthermore, the spread of material resources among the population is an important indicator of social inequality, while changes in this distribution over time indicate whether society is becoming more or less equal. The investigation of the spread of personal income and wealth, however, is fraught with difficulty because of inaccuracies in the data, the problem of deciding the relevant unit of analysis (whether to use individuals, families or households), how to assess the non-monetary benefits derived from government expenditure, and the way individuals' positions may change over the life-cycle (Abrecombie, 1994: 120). Occupation is another aspect of class that definitely can be included as the ground of belonging to a class.People give less prestige to jobs that are lowpaying, require less preparation or education, involve more physical labor, and areclosely supervised. For example, people in every country rank collegeprofessors higher than nurses, nurses higher than social workers, and social workershigher than janitors. As soon as people develop of being specialized kinds of work, they also get the idea that some kinds of work are more prestige than others. The high prestige occupations generally receive the higherincomes; yet there are many exceptions. The next is factor is education. According to Lindemann, as quoted by Sharon Link & Alexandra Howson in Sociology Reference Guide: Defining Class, it is stated thateducation plays a significant role in one's social position, that is, to aperson's place in the social hierarchy and ultimatelyin stratification. Education also can provide equalityof opportunity and contributes directly to social mobility (that is, to one'sability to move upwardly from one's social class of origin). Social and economic indicators such as income and occupation are typically used to measure social class, and education plays a significant role in determining one's employability, employment, and income (Danziger& Reed, 1999). Education therefore plays a crucial role in the likelihood of people being able to improve their social class location by moving into higher occupational classes. Education is seen as having different functions. Within a consensus or functionalist perspective, associated with the work of Talcott Parsons, education is seen to have a role in socialization; it contributes to ensuring that children are 'trained' to comply with the demands of the social system. Indeed, for many people, education exists to ensure that individuals learn how to be good citizens and thereby maintain an efficient, stable social order. Consequently this view of education emphasizes merit, ability and effort and the needs of society or the economy. Such a view also expresses in the idea that education is about individual opportunity (Raines & McAdams, 2006). When social class exists in society, there will be many impacts given. According to Henslin (2003: 288), consequences of class are divided into six categories. It is very good to be applied as the impact of the social class in The God of Small Things. They are: (1) physical health (2) mental health (3) family life (4) education (5) religion and (6) criminal justice system. SYSTEM OF CASTES IN INDIA India is a country where system of caste grows basically. There were four original castes, separately created by Brahma: Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. This fourfold division has its origin in the Vedas, the sacred books of the Hindus, and one of the 'most ancient books in the library of mankind'. They are admitted by all the adherents of the Hindu system to be the primary and infallible authority on the origin of the castes (Keanne, 1978: 24). Senart defines a caste as a close corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary : equipped with a certain traditional and independent organization, including a chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less plenary authority and joining together at certain festivals : bound together by common occupations, which relate more particularly to marriage and to food and to questions of ceremonial pollution, and ruling its members by the exercise of jurisdiction, the extent of which varies, but which succeeds in making the authority of the community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and, above all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group. While, according to Sir. H. Risley, a caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, professing to follow the same professional, callings and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community (Ambedkar, 1916: 3—5). In India, there is known system of class based on the caste. Thus the caste is having seemed to a thing that is flown in people's blood. Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The four highest groups are known as Varnas (color) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of Brahmans (a priest caste), Ksathriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste) and Sudras (a laboring caste). Within these groups there are thousands of subdivision; among the Brahmans there are more than 500 subdivisions and there are over 200 divisions of people without caste (Nobs, et al., 1980: 31). India's majority population is Hindu (although it is worth noting that Hinduism is highly variable). Caste is often regarded as a social structure arising from Hindu practices and ideas. But, other religious groups in India also make caste distinctions. Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains have historically recognized and reinforced caste and/or varnadistinctions (Mines, 2009: 67). SYRIAN CHRISTIAN AND KERALA HISTORY Kerala provides a particularly interesting case study on race because religions are divided from each other based on caste. That is, not only do Hindus follow the caste system, but Christians as well (Sonja, 2001: 129).The Syrian Christians pride themselves on being one of the earliest Christians in the world and trace their conversion to the year 52 AD, when the Apostle of Jesus, St. Thomas arrived on the Kerala port city of Malankara near the bustling trade hub, Muziris.19 According to Syrian Christian communal history, after the death of Christ, the apostles went to different lands to spread the Word of God. St. Thomas went east through Babylon, present day Iraq and onto India. On arriving at the Kerala coast in 52AD, St. Thomas reportedly performed a miracle in front of Brahmins taking a ritual bath. He threw the water in which the Brahmins were bathing into air and it stayed there (Chittilaphilly, 2000:14). Then, The Brahmins impressed by this miracle, immediately asked to be baptized. St. Thomas established churches at Kottaickal, Kokamangalam, Paruetta, Chayel, Kurukkanikulam, and Palloor. He also established chapels and erected crosses at Niranam, Pallipooran, Vattamarry, Cranganore, Palloor and Kuthamana before he was martyred outside Chennai. During St. Thomas's tenure in Kerala, he performed miracles and acts of penance that draw pilgrims to St. Thomas sites to this day (Sonja, 2011: 31). "When I was young, low-castes had to get out of the way of an upper-caste. They would know to get out of the way because the upper-caste would travel with a servant. Every now and again, the servant would call out "hoi". When I was a young girl, I would hear that. "Hoi…" and then a little while later, "hoi". If the low-caste was on the path, he would hide off the path until the upper-caste passed. They used to get out of our way too. My mother told me that us Christians would have servants to sweep the ground before us as we walked so we would not step on any bugs. We were just like upper-caste Hindus" (Sonja, 2011: 36). Restrictions were also placed on worship—lower castes were not permitted to worship the 'high' Hindu Gods (Shiva, Vishnu, and Krishna) but were relegated to demon worship. Temple entry for low-castes was denied. Low-caste Hindus and Christians were prevented from obtaining and education and excluded from public service and government positions (Sonja, 2011: 36). Namboodiriswere exempted from land taxes while low-castes had to pay taxes and fees for even the right to use an umbrella or a palanquin. Namboodirisalso controlled the informal judicial system. While they were exempted from the death penalty, low-castes could receive the death penalty for ordinary offenses such as theft. The sentences of low-caste criminals were brutal: death by elephant trampling, blown from mouth of cannon, hung for 3 days, and mutilations (Sonja, 2011: 36). Historians have conjectured that regulating the oldest son to marry within the caste ensured that the illam(Brahmin property/residence) was kept caste pure (Sonja, 2011: 38). Only converted upper-caste Hindus would be accepted as part of the Syrian Christian fold (Palakunnel, 1999: 221). THE UPPER CLASS Characters who are Upper Class in the God of Small Things are: Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabbyKochama, Estha and Rahel. The novel tells us about social life in Ayemenem, a rural area in Kerala, India. Pappachi is one of the richest people in the area. He lives in a good wealth. Every single thing that he does shows that he is a rich person. Thus, Pappachi belongs to the upper social class. The higher class people, such as working class women or women who has rich husband usually have a higher life-style. It can be seen from the way of their life. Appearance becomes the most important thing for upper class women. They usually wear expensive clothes or expensive stuff to show off to other people that they are upper class. Mammachi here, in the novel, in the reality of the novel, is told as the wife of Pappachi, a Syrian Christian with high social class. Becoming a wife of the man from high class, indirectly, will lift up her status in front of the society's eyes. With that fact, Mammachi "should" have a life as upper class, with glamour life style, exclusive life, and everything with highest quality. Expensive, that is the proper word for her jewelries, as been exposed to this statement, "Margaret Kochamma took Mammachi's hand. The fingers were soft, the ruby rings were hard" (Roy, 1997: 83). There, the fact is barely exposed, how Mammachi's passions and desires toward jewelries, especially for the expensive ones. Wherever her body exists, wherever her feet step up, wherever her life strolls up to her social life, the jewelries never go to waste to be leaved, it is always following to decorate herself to become "like" upper or high class as usual. Probably, it can be related to the characteristics of women universally, that they likely to show off their jewelries to appear the impression of their status, class, and wealth. Chacko is the first child of Pappachi. As the oldest child, plus a fact of his sex is men, Chacko has privilege. Furthermore, in India, men are having high position especially in social life. It can be understood that India is Patriarch Country where men must have privilege to control everything including women. Going back to Chacko's fact, in the family system, Cahcko can claim to own all properties in the family. As Mamachi's Pickles company, the controller, the manager, the one who has major right is the oldest men child, and he is Chacko, it can be read on this statement, "Legally this was the case, because Ammu, as a daughter, had no claim to the property" (Roy, 1997: 28). Based on that fact, it can be supposed officially that Pappachi's and Mammachi's wealth will be inherited on Chacko, while Ammu, as the women child, has no right on that privilege above those wealth or properties. It presents that Chacko has a govern of Pickles Factory. It is strengthened with the statement of Chacko confesses that the factory is his own. That is clear factually that Chacko has good wealth that means he is a high-class man. Actually, it is important to add that Chacko also has a potential to manage the factory because Chacko has been educated, he has good level of education. Thus, it drives his brain being clear of thinking cleverly, managing something in a god way, and giving good profit. For additional information that supports it, "Chacko had been a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford and was permitted excesses and eccentricities nobody else was (Roy, 1997: 19). Baby Kochama is the sister of Pappachi, John Ipe. She is the most famous person in Kerala. "He was a priest of the Mar Thoma church. Reverend Ipe was well known in the Christian community as the man who had been blessed personally by the Patriarch of Antioch, the sovereign head of the Syrian Christian Church—an episode that had become a part of Ayemenem's folklore" (Roy, 1997: 12).John Ipe is not common priest, she becomes famous because she has been blessed personally by Patriarch of Antioch. Patriarch of Antioch is the Head of Christian Syrian Church. Because of that, after John Ipe has been blessed by the the Head of Christian Syrian Church, John Ipe is respected by the people around her. It means that John Ipe has high social class, especially for people in Ayemenem. Ammu is the last child from Pappachi's family. As the child of high-class family, Ammu automatically belongs to be high-class one. Her life, lifestyle, and education have shown that Ammu is high-class one. Education is something important for a one with high social class. It is usually considered as he step of a one to be high-class one. It is also a factor that can support a one to be high-class one because it can influence the sight and the view of people around him or her to consider as high-class one. Ammu is drawn as a woman that has good education, this educated woman continuously affects her status. It is seen by this statement, "Ammu finished her schooling the same year that her father retired from his job in Delhi and moved to Ayemenem." (Roy, 1997: 19). After finishing her education, Ammu marries to someone. Ammu marries to someone with good wealth. Ammu meets with her husband in a party, the party where rich men jostle and show their wealth off. It is accepted when it is called as a party where rich men assemble, because the irrational thing must be happening when the party is for poor men or low class because the Touchable and the Untouchable must not be touched each other. While Ammu is high-class one, and she comes to a party. The party logically must be a party for high class, and the man that marries to Ammu must be a man from high class. Several weeks pass, Ammu marries with him. "He was on vacation from his job in Assam, where he worked as an assistant manager of a tea estate. His family was once-wealthy zamindars who had migrated to Calcutta from East Bengal after Partition." (Roy, 1997: 19). THE LOWER CLASS Characters who are Lower Class in the God of Small Things are: Velutha, Ammu, Estha and Rahel. Lower social class in this novel is strongly drawn in Velutha's character. Velutha is black but he is so smart. Social class rises strongly through his life. He lives in poverty. As the main character, Velutha belongs to the lower social class. Life background has significance role and it makes his having lower class level as poor people. "He was called Velutha-which means White in Malayalam-because he was do black. His father, Vellya Paapen, was a Paravan. A today tapper (Roy. 1997: 35).The quotation shows Velutha's life background. Velutha is a son of Vellyan Paapen whom a Paravan. So, it automatically makes Velutha become a Paravan too. Paravan is the lowest caste in India. It is also called Untouchable. A Paravan contains of poor people because usually Paravan only work as a lower labor. Velyan Paapen works as a maid in Pappachi family, it means that he cannot deserve his son to get a good financial condition. It brings Velutha living under poverty. Social class rises through his poor condition, because the economic condition he has, indicates that Velutha belongs to lower class people. Ammu is a Christian Syrian from upper class. However, after she gets a divorce with her husband, her status also changes. From being a high class, he turns it in to lower class. After divorcing, Ammu comes back to Pappachi's home in Ayemenem, Pappachi welcomes it because of his compassion toward Ammu, his daughter. But, it does not take to many time for Ammu to decide to get off of the home. Because Ammu "secret" love with Veluthe has been revealed up, thus it drives Pappachi angry and Ammu gets off. Ammu has to fulfill all necessity for her life, she has to work to earn money. Before that, she works at the Pickle factory of her family, but when she has been dropped out of her home by Pappachi, Ammu search for other job in other place. Job is the important factor in dragging the strata in front of the eyes of society socially. People from high class usually have prestige job with good salary. Because it can influence to what life they choose, by buying everything, shopping everything, and establishing their arrogance of the wealth. Following that, the impression of being an upper class can be sought and decided. However, behind that fact, the lower class only has lower jobs, those lower jobs jail their economy. The limited economical conditions will never change their status and strata in front of the society's eyes, thus, their status will keep being lower and never being changed. Ammu, then decides to work at a hotel as a receptionist, and working as a receptionist is not a prestige one. Additionally, the hotel is not five stars hotel, it is only a small hotel with low standard, as has been quoted on this statement, "Ammu had lost the latest of her succession of jobs—as a receptionist in a cheap hotel—because she had been ill and had missed too many days of work." (Roy, 1997: 76). Nevertheless, working here has dropped the health of Ammu down. Probably, it is caused by her changing life, from living in good house with good treatment to living in a low life. His illness finally sharpens to the way she works, she often gets the absences on working, and it makes her getting the fire as a receptionist in that small hotel. Furthermore, working at a small hotel will not give gret significance of changing for a woman like Ammu, particularly for what she gets on his salaray. This quotation can be regarded, "On that last visit, Ammu spent the morning with Rahel in her room. With the last of her meager salary she had bought her daughter small presents wrapped in brown paper with colored paper hearts pasted on." (Roy, 1997: 77). 'Meager salary' explains clearly how small the salary that ammu gets, and it must not fulfill enough for her necessity. The work of Ammu like this is not the prestige one and the salary is too small. That is the main point of this talk, it is concluded that Ammu becomes a lowe class after facing divorcing. The divorcing is added by her love with a low class, Velutha, that facts slap her status in front of the society. Socially, her status collides and becomes one of low class masses. Estha and Rahel are the twin of Ammu with Baba. Estha and Rahel have unique life in this novel. When they are still child, Estha and Rahel are treated by Ammu in her family life that is from upper class. However, although they are live there, there is an unsaid rule that sets Ammu and her children have no right anymore to live in Pappachi's house. But, Pappachi's commission breaks that rule, so that is why they can still enjoy to live in Pappachi's house. It is clear to be understood that Estha and Rahel can be put in to a detail that they are children from upper class. Estha and Rahel can enjoy a trip with family private car that for low class that is the most greatful trip. The trip that they will ever enjoy. The trip they never imagine. The trip they never fantasize because they have been adapted to jostle in the public transportation with the bad smell and disgusting sweat of poor people. Their life is painted in that public transportation and tripping with privacy car is only a part of their fantasy. Estha and Rahel also often go to cinema, it is even told that they have watched film entitled "The Sound of Music" three times. After watching it, they go home to Ayemenem, with one night over sleep in a great hotel. Plus, the smell of food, their trip becomes perfect. The fact like that, is something that is only for upper class, it is important for low class of having it. This lifestyle, indeed, need much money, thus it belongs to upper class with good condition economically, besides that, it is also becomes the viewpoint of valuing the strata of a class. Rahel is a daughter of Ammu. After being left by her brother, Estha, who is sent back to his father, Rahel becomes sad, the sadness grows peaking up when she has to be leaved by Ammu. Rahel, then is treated by Mammachi. All the need of Rahel is fulfilled by Mammachi. As the grand daughter who grows in upper class family, Rahel gets good education. "She spent eight years in college without finishing the five-year undergraduate course and taking her degree. The fees were low and it wasn't hard to scratch out a living." (Roy, 1997: 9). Rahel then continuous her school to a university, and it is not a big problem for Mammachi to pay all the charge of the school. Rahel spends eight years in that university and ends it with no graduation, or it means that Rahel drops out. She even decides to marry to a man from America and go with him to America. Actually, that is not good marriage for Rahel. She is too hurry up to marry. "Rahel drifted into marriage like a passenger drifts towards an unoccupied chair in an airport lounge. With a Sitting Down sense." (Roy, 1997: 10). After deciding to marry and move to America, Rahel does not enjoy her life, because she is not treated as an upper class. Because Rahel has married, her life burden goes to her husband's own. Thus, Mammachi does not pay anything of Rahel's life anymore. However, the age of the marriage is too short, not long after that, the marriage is broken down. Rahel divorces with her husband, and it insists Rahel to work to stay alive and fulfill all necessity for her life in America. It is clear to see that Rahel live in the circle of low class life. She works as a waiter in an Indian restaurant in New York. It is easy to be classified that working as a waiter is one of low class job, it has no any prestige. That job just give little earn for her life daily. Life he has to pass is different with the life he gets in Ayemenem. Rahel also ever works as an employee in a gas station. This job is not a job that can give her good earn in salary. This fact, one day, makes a procure offers Rahel to become a sexual worker where she can get more money. This is simply clear to understand, how low Rahel life in America, and she can be put in to one of low class people. THE IMPACT OF THE SOCIAL CLASS In this section, the impact of social class will be explained. The impact of the social class will be revealed through several characters that have connection each other. The consequences of social class by Henslin (2003) will be used to analyze the impact of the class. The consequences of class that will be used to explain are family life, education, religion, and criminal justice system. Pappachi, the character who is drawn as Upper Class has some impact in his social life. Those are family life and mental health. Papachi has good education, he has prestigious job, besides that, he also has good wealth. It makes him becomes a character or a one who is upper class. The wealth and the prestigious job he has makes him always looks prefect. He desires to be looked as the perfect one around the people. As a man with upper class, Pappachi becomes very famous in Ayemenem. It can be seen to the quotation above, when Pappachi passes away, Indian Express, a newspaper with English letters, writes the news about the death and the funeral of Pappachi. It means that, Pappachi is not only an upper class one, he is more than that. However, the important part that can be informed in this fact is, the class of Pappachi. It is not easy for low class to be put on the newsletter, only important information that can be considered as the important news to be informed, and low class does not belong to. Mammachi is an Indian woman character. As an Indian woman, Mammachi receives all things happen to her. Mammachi marries to Pappachi who is an upper class. Thus, it can be seen that it is not easy to have a couple from different class, especially upper class. However, Mammachi has been ready of facing all the risks, the risks that bring the consequences of social class.Mammachi is accustomed to get hit from Pappachi. Mammachi does not do anything because for Indian women, women, as a wife,have to serve their husband. So whatever her husband does to his wife then his wife must accept it. "He never touched Mammachi again. But he never spoke to her either as long as he lived' (Roy, 1997: 23). So, Mammachi is never really touched or talked at all to Pappachi until Pappachi died. Besides family life, Consequence of social class also influences to the religion. People who are Christian Syrian, are supposed to be upper class than Hindus. In an intriguing chapter of Modernization and Effeminization in India, Anna Lindberg discusses how jobs within cashew factories in Kerala are dependent on one's caste. The dirtiest job, shelling the cashews, is done by the lowest castes of the factories. Shelling is the most unhealthy job as it involves removing the roasted nuts from the corrosive black oily shells. The next step up is peeling, or removing the brown skin from the cashews and is performed by both the scheduled castes and the Ezhavas caste (Linberg, 2005: 55). That quotation explains indirectly how caste affects the job of people in India. People with upper caste will throw the obligation and duty of the job to the lower caste, and people with upper caste prefer choosing clean and light works. Thus, the lower caste, people with the lower caste always works with dirtiness job, and low class job. Chacko is the first son of Pappachi and Mammachi. He was born from upper class family, and it makes the life of Chacko is surrounded by the wealth that can sink himself in the sea of this life. Upper class is portrayed clearly in this novel and it is reflected by Chacko's character. It can be looked at the background of education and of lifestyle of Chacko. The background of education of Chacko that is laid on Oxford and marries-divorces-re-marries, and gets back to Ayemenem, and ends it with heading the Pickle factory, have proven that it is the interesting life to have. However, this social class, finally affects his mental health. As the head of the Pickle factory, Chacko actually can do everything he wants, he has that chance. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "He would call pretty women who worked in the factory to his room, and on the pretext of lecturing them on labor rights and trade union law, flirt with them outrageously." (Roy, 1997: 31). Chacko has a habit of calling all beautiful women who work at the Pickle factor. He invites them with reason to teach them about the rights they have to have. However, Chacko does not do that, it is just a reason. Chacko tries to sleep those women with giving them money. For Chacko, spending much money for sleeping with women, is not a great problem. The condition of his economy, especially money, can guarantee it. Baby kochama is a character who has upper social class in the novel. Her social class then gives impact toward criminal justice system. One with upper social class is usually respected. Once, when Baby Kochama arrives at a police station, she is treated as if a queen. The police treat her very well, with great attitude, and so much respect that is never hidden in the police's mouth. She ever sells a lie to the police, and the police trust it by taking it for granted. Based on that fact, it can be articulated that the impact of Baby Kochama as the upper class is really affecting to her life, her life that is full of respect by the people or the society around her. For the support to proof it, this statement can be supposed to, "Baby Kochamma misrepresented the relationship between Ammu and Velutha, not for Ammu's sake, but to contain the scandal and salvage the family reputation in Inspector Thomas Mathew's eyes." (Roy, 1997: 122). It is clear when it is known that Baby Kochama sells the lie to the police just because she does not want her family gets down of reputation. The way Baby Kochama utilizes her status in the society is very tricky. She reconstructs the story of Ammu and Velutha because the relation between the two is such a shame thing for the family, especially for Baby Kochama's family that is from upper class. With no having any choices to save the reputation, Baby Kochama finally does the lie, with regardless the value of lying is lower than lower class status. Impact of Ammu as lower social class is drawn in physical health and criminal justice system. Ammu suffer from many diseases after he gets out of Ayemenem's house. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "Who came back to Ayemenem with asthma and a rattle in her chest that sounded like a faraway man shouting" (Roy,1997: 76). Her weak economical condition grave illnesses suffered by Ammu. There is not much that can be done by Ammu. Eventhought she is sick, she still has to work to meet all her needs. Living in poverty make Ammu can not treat her disease. Her physical changes occur from groomed Ammu and beautiful become Ammu who has disease and ugly. Ammu physical changes that profoundly changed drastically make her looks very different. When Baba, who is a Hindus, marriage with Ammu that makes the church doesn not want to bury Ammu. because for the church Ammu has different class from them. So, Chacko dicides to bring Ammu's bodies to the electric crematorium. Ammu's bodies are treated very badly, they wrap the body of Ammu on a dirty mattress. How Ammu's bodies are treated very clearly illustrates how Ammu's social class. Her marriage that is considered wrong, living in poverty and disease she has, it all led to Ammu suffer until she dies. Cremation place that is used to burry Ammu's bodies is very dirty. From the above quotation clearly seen what people is burned in that place. Only the bodies of beggars, criminals and police custody are burned on the ground. It is impossible for bodies of people wiyh high social class and have good econmomic condition is buried in that ground. Unfortunately again, no more families are present in addition to the ground except Chacko and Rahel. Impact on the character Velutha great looks of the criminal justice system. Velutha as a lower social class is treated badly in the criminal system. When velutha is accused of making a mistake then the police catch him in a bad way. They do the violence which is not a procedure of arrest. They woke Velutha with their boots (Roy, 1997: 144). The police wake Velutha who is asleep with their hard shoes. The police do not want to touch velutha because he is a lower class. Velutha gets injustice. The police directly commit violence on Velutha without asking first what happen actually. On Estha's character, social class gives impact on his mental health. Estha who is accustomed to luxury living in Ayemenem's house. One day he has to move because his mother send him bank to his father. Where the condition of his father is different with condition in Ayemenem's house. Estha finished school with mediocre results, but refused to go to college. Instead, much to the initial embarrassment of his father and stepmother, he began to do the housework. As though in his own way he was trying to earn his keep. He did the sweeping, swabbing and all the laundry. He learned to cook and shop for vegetables (Roy, 1997: 6). His mental health is disturbed after he decides not to continue his education into college. Estha starts doing what he should not do. He does all the homework that should be done by women. And since then Estha starts rarely speak until one day he really stop talking altogether. Estha performs regular activities without spending a single word. He does not care what the people around him are doing. He will still silent. Although his twin sister, Rahel, is next door and talk, then Estha still keep silent. This condition sometimes makes Rahel think whether Estha become mad, as has been exposed on this follows statement, "Had be seen her? Was be really mad? Did be know that she was there? They had never been shy of each other's bodies, but they had never been old enough (together) to know what shyness was" (Roy, 1997: 44).EStha's mental condition shows that social class can also give impact on mental health. Rahel is raised by mammachi after Ammu die. Of course being raised by mammachi will make life in very good socio economic condition. Raised by Upper class lifestyle makes an impact on family life of rahel. Rahel who has been abandoned by both parents become a very naughty girl. Because she never get a good attention from all her family. Uncle Chacko and Mammachi just give her all the material only. Rahel gets all the facilities that she need so she can reach high education. it is clearly explained how Rahel who are not given attention by all her families. They are just busy with their own affairs without considering the love that needed by Rahel. She is just given all the material she needs such as clothes, food, and money. That all makes Rahel become a naughty girl. Rahel is actually a beautifull smart kid, but she often makes the act that make her eventually are punished and expelled from the school. In the above quotation illustrated how Rahel delinquency in schools. Rahel is first convicted when she is at the Convent of Nazareth. She is caught decorate dorm room door with a flower head. And the next day she is tried and given punishment by the head monastery. Six months after, Rahel is expelled from school because she is already given many punishments and she still keeps naughty. It is all because of Rahel ever caught smoking, she also ever steal and burn bun of Houseministers. Rahel becomes naughty because of she never gets a good attention. Here, it clearly shows that social class olaso give impact to family life. Rahel eventually grows into adulthood without attention and affection of a family. As an Indian women, Rahel's future is determined also by her marriage. CONCLUSION Based on the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that all the issues that have been revealed by statement of the problem can be drawn. There are two conclusions which can be concluded. The first is about the depiction of the social class, the second is about the impact of the social class on the character. The first conclusion is about the existence of social class experienced by the character in the novel. Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (Upper Class) and Working Class (Lower Class). The existence of social class can be seen by wealth, occupation and educational level. As Worsley says that each of the aspects can be used for different purposes or they can be combined. So the character in the novel is divided into two classes. Upper class's characters are Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabyKochama. And the lower class's characters are Ammu, Velutha, rahel and Estha. The social class can be identified by their economic background, their way of life, their way of dressing, and the standard of living. The second conclusion is about the impact of social class on the character. The impacts of social class are divided into six categories. They are: physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion, criminal justice system. Every character has different social class impact. 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BACKGROUND: Previous studies have shown that reproductive factors are differentially associated with breast cancer (BC) risk by subtypes. The aim of this study was to investigate associations between reproductive factors and BC subtypes, and whether these vary by age at diagnosis. METHODS: We used pooled data on tumor markers (estrogen and progesterone receptor, human epidermal growth factor receptor-2 (HER2)) and reproductive risk factors (parity, age at first full-time pregnancy (FFTP) and age at menarche) from 28,095 patients with invasive BC from 34 studies participating in the Breast Cancer Association Consortium (BCAC). In a case-only analysis, we used logistic regression to assess associations between reproductive factors and BC subtype compared to luminal A tumors as a reference. The interaction between age and parity in BC subtype risk was also tested, across all ages and, because age was modeled non-linearly, specifically at ages 35, 55 and 75 years. RESULTS: Parous women were more likely to be diagnosed with triple negative BC (TNBC) than with luminal A BC, irrespective of age (OR for parity = 1.38, 95% CI 1.16-1.65, p = 0.0004; p for interaction with age = 0.076). Parous women were also more likely to be diagnosed with luminal and non-luminal HER2-like BCs and this effect was slightly more pronounced at an early age (p for interaction with age = 0.037 and 0.030, respectively). For instance, women diagnosed at age 35 were 1.48 (CI 1.01-2.16) more likely to have luminal HER2-like BC than luminal A BC, while this association was not significant at age 75 (OR = 0.72, CI 0.45-1.14). While age at menarche was not significantly associated with BC subtype, increasing age at FFTP was non-linearly associated with TNBC relative to luminal A BC. An age at FFTP of 25 versus 20 years lowered the risk for TNBC (OR = 0.78, CI 0.70-0.88, p < 0.0001), but this effect was not apparent at a later FFTP. CONCLUSIONS: Our main findings suggest that parity is associated with TNBC across all ages at BC diagnosis, whereas the association with luminal HER2-like BC was present only for early onset BC. ; BCAC is funded by Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A12014) and by the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement number 223175 (grant number HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS). The Australian Breast Cancer Family Study (ABCFS) was supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute (USA). The content of this manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the USA Government or the BCFR. The ABCFS was also supported by the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia, the New South Wales Cancer Council, the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (Australia) and the Victorian Breast Cancer Research Consortium. J.L.H. is a National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) Senior Principal Research Fellow. M.C.S. is an NHMRC Senior Research Fellow. The ABCS study was supported by the Dutch Cancer Society (grants NKI 2007-3839; 2009 4363); BBMRI-NL, which is a Research Infrastructure financed by the Dutch government (NWO 184.021.007); and the Dutch National Genomics Initiative. The ACP study is funded by the Breast Cancer Research Trust, UK. The work of the BBCC was partly funded by ELAN-Fond of the University Hospital of Erlangen. The CECILE study was funded by Fondation de France, Institut National du Cancer (INCa), Ligue Nationale contre le Cancer, Ligue contre le Cancer Grand Ouest, Agence Nationale de Sécurité Sanitaire (ANSES), Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR). The CGPS was supported by the Chief Physician Johan Boserup and Lise Boserup Fund, the Danish Medical Research Council and Herlev Hospital. The CNIO-BCS was supported by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III, the Red Temática de Investigación Cooperativa en Cáncer and grants from the Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer and the Fondo de Investigación Sanitario (PI11/00923 and PI12/00070). The ESTHER study was supported by a grant from the Baden Württemberg Ministry of Science, Research and Arts. Additional cases were recruited in the context of the VERDI study, which was supported by a grant from the German Cancer Aid (Deutsche Krebshilfe). The GENICA was funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) Germany grants 01KW9975/5, 01KW9976/8, 01KW9977/0 and 01KW0114, the Robert Bosch Foundation, Stuttgart, Deutsches Krebsforschungszentrum (DKFZ), Heidelberg, the Institute for Prevention and Occupational Medicine of the German Social Accident Insurance, Institute of the Ruhr University Bochum (IPA), Bochum, as well as the Department of Internal Medicine, Evangelische Kliniken Bonn gGmbH, Johanniter Krankenhaus, Bonn, Germany. The HEBCS was financially supported by the Helsinki University Central Hospital Research Fund, Academy of Finland (266528), the Finnish Cancer Society, The Nordic Cancer Union and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. The HERPACC was supported by MEXT Kakenhi (No. 170150181 and 26253041) from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, Culture and Technology of Japan, by a Grant-in-Aid for the Third Term Comprehensive 10-Year Strategy for Cancer Control from Ministry Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, by Health and Labour Sciences Research Grants for Research on Applying Health Technology from Ministry Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, by National Cancer Center Research and Development Fund, and "Practical Research for Innovative Cancer Control (15ck0106177h0001)" from Japan Agency for Medical Research and development, AMED, and Cancer Bio Bank Aichi. Financial support for KARBAC was provided through the regional agreement on medical training and clinical research (ALF) between Stockholm County Council and Karolinska Institutet, the Swedish Cancer Society, The Gustav V Jubilee foundation and and Bert von Kantzows foundation. The KARMA study was supported by Märit and Hans Rausings Initiative Against Breast Cancer. The KBCP was financially supported by the special Government Funding (EVO) of Kuopio University Hospital grants, Cancer Fund of North Savo, the Finnish Cancer Organizations, and by the strategic funding of the University of Eastern Finland. kConFab is supported by a grant from the National Breast Cancer Foundation, and previously by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), the Queensland Cancer Fund, the Cancer Councils of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia, and the Cancer Foundation of Western Australia. Financial support for the AOCS was provided by the United States Army Medical Research and Materiel Command (DAMD17-01-1-0729), Cancer Council Victoria, Queensland Cancer Fund, Cancer Council New South Wales, Cancer Council South Australia, The Cancer Foundation of Western Australia, Cancer Council Tasmania and the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC; 400413, 400281, 199600). G.C.T. and P.W. are supported by the NHMRC. RB was a Cancer Institute NSW Clinical Research Fellow. LAABC is supported by grants (1RB-0287, 3 PB-0102, 5 PB-0018, 10 PB-0098) from the California Breast Cancer Research Program. Incident breast cancer cases were collected by the USC Cancer Surveillance Program (CSP) which is supported under subcontract by the California Department of Health. The CSP is also part of the National Cancer Institute's Division of Cancer Prevention and Control Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program, under contract number N01CN25403. LMBC is supported by the 'Stichting tegen Kanker' (232-2008 and 196-2010). Diether Lambrechts is supported by the FWO and the KULPFV/10/016-SymBioSysII. The MARIE study was supported by the Deutsche Krebshilfe e.V. (70-2892-BR I, 106332, 108253, 108419), the Hamburg Cancer Society, the German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ) and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) Germany (01KH0402). MBCSG is supported by grants from the Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC) and by funds from the Italian citizens who allocated the 5/1000 share of their tax payment in support of the Fondazione IRCCS Istituto Nazionale Tumori, according to Italian laws (INT-Institutional strategic projects "5x1000"). The MCBCS was supported by the NIH grants CA192393, CA116167, CA176785 an NIH Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer (CA116201), and the Breast Cancer Research Foundation and a generous gift from the David F. and Margaret T. Grohne Family Foundation. MCCS cohort recruitment was funded by VicHealth and Cancer Council Victoria. The MCCS was further supported by Australian NHMRC grants 209057, 251553 and 504711 and by infrastructure provided by Cancer Council Victoria. Cases and their vital status were ascertained through the Victorian Cancer Registry (VCR) and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), including the National Death Index and the Australian Cancer Database. MYBRCA is funded by research grants from the Malaysian Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation (MOSTI), Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (UM.C/HlR/MOHE/06) and Cancer Research Initiatives Foundation (CARIF). Additional controls were recruited by the Singapore Eye Research Institute, which was supported by a grant from the Biomedical Research Council (BMRC08/1/35/19/550), Singapore and the National Medical Research Council, Singapore (NMRC/CG/SERI/2010). The OBCS was supported by research grants from the Finnish Cancer Foundation, the Academy of Finland (grant number 250083, 122715 and Center of Excellence grant number 251314), the Finnish Cancer Foundation, the Sigrid Juselius Foundation, the University of Oulu, the University of Oulu Support Foundation and the special Governmental EVO funds for Oulu University Hospital-based research activities. The Ontario Familial Breast Cancer Registry (OFBCR) was supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute (USA). The content of this manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the USA Government or the BCFR. The ORIGO study was supported by the Dutch Cancer Society (RUL 1997-1505) and the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI-NL CP16). The RBCS was funded by the Dutch Cancer Society (DDHK 2004-3124, DDHK 2009-4318). The SASBAC study was supported by funding from the Agency for Science, Technology and Research of Singapore (A*STAR), the US National Institute of Health (NIH) and the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation. The SBCGS was supported primarily by NIH grants R01CA64277, R01CA148667, and R37CA70867. Biological sample preparation was conducted using the Survey and Biospecimen Shared Resource, which is supported by P30 CA68485. The scientific development and funding of this project were, in part, supported by the Genetic Associations and Mechanisms in Oncology (GAME-ON) Network U19 CA148065. The SBCS was supported by Yorkshire Cancer Research S295, S299, S305PA and Sheffield Experimental Cancer Medicine Centre. SEARCH is funded by a programme grant from Cancer Research UK (C490/A10124) and supported by the UK National Institute for Health Research Biomedical Research Centre at the University of Cambridge. SEBCS was supported by the BRL (Basic Research Laboratory) program through the National Research Foundation of Korea funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (2012-0000347). The TBCS was funded by The National Cancer Institute Thailand. The TWBCS is supported by the Taiwan Biobank project of the Institute of Biomedical Sciences, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. The UKBGS is funded by Breast Cancer Now and the Institute of Cancer Research (ICR), London. ICR acknowledges NHS funding to the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. ; Sí
Introducción, objetivos y justificación Esta tesis doctoral analiza, con perspectiva cuir y decolonial, la (re)producción de la sexualidad no normativa palestina en el cine israelí y en el cine palestino. Se centra concretamente, por un lado, en el cine israelí mainstream que se exporta a festivales LGTB internacionales y, por el otro, en la resistencia que se articula desde Palestina a estos discursos hegemónicos. Los objetivos de este texto son, por tanto: el análisis de los mecanismos fílmicos que producen la sexualidad palestina como Otra, el de los que resisten dicha producción, y el archivo y registro de los filmes que participan de estos corpus discursivos. La pertinencia y la relevancia ética, política y científica de esta investigación están justificadas por el contexto de creciente violencia racista e islamófoba, que instrumentaliza las experiencias y los discursos de las personas disidentes del género y de la sexualidad; así como por la escasez de un corpus bibliográfico que registre y explore los mecanismos fílmicos que sostienen, vehiculan, naturalizan y se resisten a la construcción colonial de la sexualidad palestina no normativa. Marcos de la investigación y metodología El marco epistemológico y teórico en el que se encuadra este trabajo lo mantiene anclado a: la producción de saberes situados y fronterizos, consciente de las relaciones de poder que se entretejen con la elaboración y difusión de conocimiento; la capacidad performativa y subversiva del discurso, único instrumento de aprehensión de la realidad; los feminismos interseccionales y cuir; y, por último, las teorías críticas acerca del orientalismo y el homonacionalismo. Concibo además el cine, hecho fílmico, como acto cinematográfico y como dispositivo discursivo, una tecnología (de género) más. El análisis fílmico desarrollado en estas páginas es una operación de producción de sentido, la transformación del espacio textual (el objeto-filme) en texto, con el objetivo de desmenuzar los mecanismos naturalizadores del discurso: cómo se fabrica la Verdad al invisibilizar, por un lado, la construcción de la imagen como representación de la realidad y, por otro, las relaciones de poder (coloniales, raciales, de género, funcionales, de clase). En contra de la idea de un abanico infinito de interpretaciones, el límite de éstas (los límites de pertinencia del texto) lo marca su sujeción a la historia y los propios límites del espacio textual fílmico. La muestra de análisis está compuesta por quince obras israelíes y once palestinas. Las primeras son cortos o largometrajes producidos y/o distribuidos con ayuda estatal que se promocionan en festivales internacionales LGTB. Las segundas son obras palestinas que resisten tanto el sistema normativo de sexo/género/deseo como las relaciones de poder coloniales, disidencias que no se articulan de forma paralela o separada, sino que se (re)producen mutuamente. Resultados y conclusiones Una de las conclusiones preliminares es que en los discursos israelíes analizados se articulan también mecanismos de resistencia, igual que en los palestinos hay rastro de normatividad y hegemonía. Aunque estos hallazgos sí sean comentados, su análisis pormenorizado sería objeto de nuevas líneas de investigación. Este trabajo, siguiendo los objetivos previamente diseñados y justificados, se centra en los mecanismos hegemónicos de los discursos israelíes y en las prácticas de resistencia de los discursos palestinos; y así es como son distribuidos los resultados y las conclusiones. Son cinco las ideas principales que circulan en los discursos hegemónicos israelíes analizados: (1) se naturaliza el proceso de fabricación de una Verdad determinada, invisibilizando las relaciones de poder en el ejercicio de la representación fímica; (2) se dibujan dicotomías maniqueas, jerarquizadas y excluyentes que producen diferencias insalvables entre los espacios imaginados de Israel y Palestina; (3) el mimetismo (que el sujeto colonizado pase por colono) es la única resolución posible del conflicto, pero su fracaso es un rasgo inherente a él; (4) el deseo y las relaciones de poder circulan entrelazadas en la mirada unidireccional de Israel a Palestina; y (5), la ausencia de Palestina en la mayoría de los filmes contribuye a la construcción de la subjetividad israelí, que se edifica sobre exclusiones con marcas nacional, étnica y de género. Respecto a los discursos palestinos de resistencia, son éstos los mecanismos principales que se inscriben en las obras analizadas: (1) desplazamiento de las narrativas hegemónicas y producción de contranarrativas, (2) hibridación de las subjetividades, cuerpos y territorios, y (3) problematización de la violencia y el poder que se entretejen con el deseo. Futuras líneas de investigación abarcarían, principalmente, la des-orientalización de la reflexión sobre el homonacionalismo, el racismo y la islamofobia, analizando los mecanismos que los (re)producen en los artefactos culturales, activismos y subjetividades de este "Occidente" imaginario, más concretamente en el sur de Europa, en el estado español, en este mismo Madrid que co-habitamos. ; Introduction, Objectives and Justification This thesis analyzes the (re)production of Palestinian non-normative sexuality in Israeli and Palestinian cinemas, from a queer and decolonial point of view. It is specifically focused, on the one hand, on the Israeli mainstream cinema that is exported to international LGBT film festivals. And, on the other hand, it focuses on the resistance that Palestine articulates in order to face those hegemonic discourses. Then, the objectives of this thesis are: the analysis of filmic mechanisms that produce Palestinian sexuality as an Other, the analysis of the ones that resist that production, and the archive and record of the films that shape this discursive corpus. The scientific, political, and ethical pertinence and relevance of this research are justified by the increase of racism and Islamophobia, which use queer experiences and discourses as a tool; as well as by the scarcity of a bibliographic body that explores the filmic mechanisms holding, vehiculating, naturalizing, and resisting the colonial construction of Palestinian non-normative sexuality. Theoretical Framework and Methodology This research is theoretically and epistemologically framed in: the production of situated and border knowledge, aware of the intertwined power relations; the performative and subversive dimension of discourse, which is the only tool for apprehending reality; intersectional and queer feminisms; and critical theories on orientalism and homonationalism. Besides, I conceive cinema, the filmic fact, as an act and a discursive dispositive: another technology (of gender). The film analysis I have developed is an operation that produces meaning, it is the transformation of textual space (the film object) into text, with the goal of scrutinizing the naturalizing mechanisms of discourse. Those mechanisms invisibilize the fact that images are not a representation but the production of reality; and they invisibilize colonial, colonial, racial, gender, and class power relations as well. Against the idea of an infinite range of interpretations, their limits (the limits of text pertinence) are set by its subjection to history and by the limits of the film's own textual space. The research sample consists of fifteen Israeli and eleven Palestinian films. The first ones are short or full-length films, produced and/or distributed with state funds, promoted in LGBT international film festivals. The second ones are Palestinian works resisting both the normative sex/gender/desire system and colonial power relations; those dissidences do not occur separately neither in parallel, but they mutually (re)produce each other. Results and Conclusions There are resistance mechanisms within analyzed Israeli discourses, as well as there are traces of normativity and hegemony within Palestinian works. Their analysis would lead to possible future lines of research. In this thesis, following the previously designed and justified objectives, I separate the conclusions based on their link to hegemonic (Israeli) discourses or resistance (Palestinian) ones. Five main ideas circulate within hegemonic discourses: (1) the process of making up a specific Truth is naturalized by invisibilizing the power relations attached to the representation practice itself (the debate about who writes and who is written); (2) they draw hierarchic and excluding dichotomies, which produce insurmountable differences between the imagined spaces of Israel and Palestine; (3) the only possible resolution of the conflict is mimicry (the colonized trying to pass as colonizer), but its failure is an integral part of it; (4) power relations and homoeroticism circulate interwoven relations within the Israeli gaze at Palestine; and (5), Palestinian absence in most of the films contributes to the production of Israeli subjectivity, built on national, ethnic and gender exclusions. According to the analyzed Palestinian discourses, the main mechanisms that show resistance are: (1) destabilizing of hegemonic narratives and production of counter-narratives; (2) hybridity of subjectivities, bodies and territories; and (3) making problematic the relations among violence, power, and eroticism. Future lines of research would mainly include the un-orientalizing of the debate about homonationalism, racism, and Islamophobia, analyzing the mechanisms that (re)produce them in the cultural works, in the activism and in the subjectivities that are located inside this imaginary "West" –southern Europe, Spain, and inside this same Madrid that we inhabit. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Investigación en Medios de Comunicación ; Presidente: Luz Gómez García.- Secretario: Rocío Navarro Comas.- Vocal: Remedios Zafra Alcaraz
U Vijestima iz sektora, u svom napisu gosp. Borislav Škegro pod naslovom "Može li državni holding biti učinkovit? Bude li se vodio logikom profita, bit će dividenda!" za primjer navodi poslovanje (odnos) šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije. Kaže kako drvoprerađivačka industrija bilježi sjajne rezultate u proizvodnji, izvozu i zapošljavanju, ali ne zadovoljava potražnju, jer je ograničavajući čimbenik nedostatak drvne sirovine (nema dovoljno drva kaže on). To smatra apsurdnim, "jer u šumama danas postoji višak drva – kod hrasta npr. i do 1/3 ukupne mase". Te povećane količine drvoprerađivačka industrija bi u kešu platila, zaposlila nove ljude, izvezla, naplatila i platila povećane poreze, "ali to nikako ne ide – nitko ne traži dividendu", kaže on. Poruka je očito novom ministru "da za početak upiše dodatnih 200 mil. kuna dividende kao prihod proračuna", pa će biti "drva k'o u priči, a dividenda i poreza k'o drva".Obrazlažući uvodno način poslovanja holdinga navodi kako se mjeri samo prinos na uloženi kapital i nema drugih ni trećih "socijalno osjetljivih, generalno razvojnih društvenih kriterija . dividenda postaje značajni neporezni dio prihoda državnog proračuna .nema opravdanja za zadržavanje radnih mjesta i socijalnim, lokalnim i političkim kriterijima". Tu imamo navode i nekih drvoprerađivača da bi trebalo zabraniti izvoz trupaca, te da potrošimo 200 mil. dolara na uvoz namještaja od hrvatskih trupaca koje smo jeftino izvezli – na taj način rasipamo nacionalno bogatstvo.Što se tiče šumarstva, na tragu potpuno laičkog razmišljanja gosp. Škegre da se može sjeći koliko kome treba, a ne prema Gospodarskoj osnovi, slično razmišljanje dijeli i predsjednik Udruge poslodavaca, a ono se ponajprije odnosi na cijenu drvne sirovine – kada bi ona bila niža (a sada je najniža u EU), onda bi hrvatska drvoprerađivačka industrija bila konkurentna. Prvome možemo odgovoriti da su etatne mogućnosti ograničene i da se u duhu načela potrajnog gospodarenja u šumarstvu sječe nešto ispod godišnjeg prirasta drvne mase, a ne koliko prekapacitirana pilanska prerada traži, pa nema govora o tome da će biti drva k'o u priči, a onda i dividenda. Njih može biti samo ako se naša drvoprerađivačka industrija posveti smanjenju ostalih 80 % troškova proizvodnje, a ne da stalno plače nad previsokim troškovima drvne sirovine, koji u strukturi troškova čine maksimalno 16-20 %. Osim toga, mora se držati načela da najkvalitetniju sirovinu maksimalno finalizira u proizvod s najvećom dodanom vrijednosti. Na to je, sigurni smo, jedino može prisiliti tržišna cijena drvnih sortimenata. Isto tako potrebno je okrenuti se najnovijim tehnologijama i ulaganju u znanje na svim razinama. Slažemo se da treba zabraniti izvoz trupaca, jer smo u dosadašnjim tekstovima u ovoj rubrici između ostalog naveli da 8 m3 izveženih trupaca znači da izvozimo jedno radno mjesto. No, koliko je nama poznato, osim nekih mekih listača i proizvoda neinteresantnih za naše drvoprerađivače, Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ne izvoze trupce, ali znamo da to čine neki drvoprerađivači, tako da dio ugovorenih količina po netržišnoj cijeni upravo radi izvoza "kamufliraju" u razne oblike minimalne pilanske prerade (prizme, fličevi, grede, četvrtače i sl.). Glede uvoza namještaja mišljenja smo da bi svatko rađe kupio domaći ako je jefiniji i barem jednako kvalitetan kao uvozni – zašto on to nije neka odgovore drvoprerađivači koji imaju domaću sirovinu po netržišnim cijenama i tako reći na svom lageru gotovo bez troškova transporta. Upravo o rasipanju nacionalnog bogatstva pisali smo u više navrata, ponajprije govoreći o šumarstvu kao specifičnoj gospodarskoj grani, a ne onoj kako je vidi gosp. Škegro i privatnici drvoprerađivači. Osim toga, očito se uzaludno trudimo upozoriti da šuma ima osim sirovinske uloge i onu ekološku, socijalnu i ekofiziološku, koje su višestruko vrjednije od sirovinske, pa je gospodarenje šumom upravo suprotno od prethodno proklamiranog "holdinškog pristupa". Svakako, kada to nismo napravili do sada, a o tome smo pisali u Šumarskome listu br. 11-12/2014., vrijeme je da se konačno zacrta konzistentna šumarska politika, kojoj treba pridodati i drvoprerađivačku industriju koja će se novo-sačinjenim strategijama provoditi. Time ćemo izbjeći nakaradna "mlečanska" razmišljanja o šumi i ukloniti netržišini odnos šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije te odrediti ispravan status šumarstva u hrvatskome gospodarstvu. Uredništvo ; In his article entitled "Can a state holding company be efficient? If governed by the logic of profit, there will be dividends!", Mr Borislav Škegro illustrates his standpoint with the example of the forestry and wood processing industry business (relationship). According to him, the wood processing industry records outstanding results in the production, export and employment, but cannot satisfy the demand because it is faced with the limiting factor of the lack of raw wood material (there is not enough wood, says he). He thinks this is absurd, because "there is a surplus of wood in the forests today – up to one third of the total mass of oak, for example." The wood processing industry would pay for these excess quantities in cash, it would employ new labour force, it would export, earn and pay increased taxes, but "it just does not work – nobody wants dividends", says he. Evidently, a message for the new minister is to "for a start, add the additional 200 million kuna of dividends to the budget income"; by doing so, there will be "wood in excess, and dividends and taxes in abundance". When he expostulates on the manner of how a holding company conducts business, he says that only income from the invested capital is measured and that there are no second or third "socially sensitive, generally developmental social criteria . a dividend becomes an important part of the tax-exempt income of the government budget . there is no justification for preserving working places and for the social, local and political criteria". There are also opinions of some wood processing companies which require a ban on the export of logs. They point out that we spend 200 million dollars on the import of furniture made of Croatian logs that were exported cheaply – which is a way of squandering our national wealth. With regard to forestry, the uninformed musings of Mr Škegro, according to which one can fell as much timber as he or she needs, and not according to management plans, are complemented by similar thoughts of the president of the Employers' Association, which concern primarily the price of raw wood: if it were lower (although currently it is the lowest in Europe), then the Croatian wood processing industry would be more competitive. The first gentleman should be informed that the capacities of the annual cut are limited and that in the spirit of the principle of sustainable management, forestry follows the principle of cutting slightly below the annual wood mass increment and not according to the demands of the over-capacitated sawmill processing. Therefore, it is out of the question that there will be wood in excess and dividends in abundance. There can be dividends only if the Croatian wood processing industry applies itself to cutting down on the 80% of production costs, rather than constantly lamenting on the excessively high price of raw wood material, which accounts for a maximum of 16–20% in the cost structure. In addition, it should do its utmost to use the best quality raw material in the final product with the highest added value. We are sure that the wood processing industry can be forced to do the aforesaid only by market prices of wood assortments. Another step to take is to turn to cutting edge technologies and investment into knowledge on all levels. We agree that log export should be banned, because we have already pointed out in previous texts that 8 m3 of exported logs equals one exported work place. However, as far as we know, apart from some soft broadleaves and products which the Croatian wood processors are not interested in, the company Hrvatske Šume Ltd does not export logs, unlike some wood processors. This means that for the sake of export, they "camouflage" a part of the quantities contracted at a non-market price into different forms of minimal sawmill products (Count, Flitch, Square and similar). As for imported furniture, we are confident that people would rather buy a home-made piece of furniture on condition that it is cheaper but of equal quality as the imported one. Why it is not cheaper and of good quality rests on our wood processors, who have home raw material available at non-market prices and at almost no transport costs. Our articles have repeatedly pointed at squandering the national wealth when writing about forestry as a specific economic branch, but not as an economic branch viewed by Mr Škegro and some private wood processors. Obviously, in vain have we tried to explain that apart from its raw material role, the forest also has other roles, such as the ecological, social and eco-physiological roles, which are several times more valuable than the raw material role. Consequently, managing a forest is in stark contrast with the proclaimed "holding approach". It is high time we finally formulated a consistent forestry policy (we wrote about this in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014), adding to this the wood processing industry, which should implement the newly-formulated strategies. By doing so we will put a stop to absurd irrational contemplations on forests, do away with non-market relationships between forestry and wood processing industry, and define an adequate status of forestry within Croatian economy. Editorial Board
In October this year, Science published a journalistic investigation into quality of peer review in open access journals [1]. The results were sobering. Around 60% of all journals accepted to publish a research paper with most obvious and basic mistakes - in fact the whole paper, its data, authors and their affiliations were entirely made up by the journalist, John Bohannon, to expose poor peer review. The article has provoked a lot of media attention as well as a backlash from open-access publishers and supporters, who called it unethical, unsound and even accused the journalist of being racist (for making up authors with African names). But regardless of the criticisms, the paper's surprising findings stand and should be a cause of grave concern for science and science publishing: it shows that many - if not most - open access journals do not have a strict enough editorial and peer review process to catch poor research and flawed papers. The article intrigued me especially, as I commissioned a similar feature article for the website where I edit new and feature, SciDev.Net, which we published earlier this year [2]. I also had the idea of sending out fake and flawed papers to catch 'bad journals' who accept it, but the time and money needed to do this meant we ended up skipping the investigative part, and we based our article only on reporting interviews with people affected. The key findings were that this is a global problem with some journals prey on researchers going for their money but not providing proper peer review, and that pressure to publish draws scientists, especially in developing countries, to publish in such journals. Experts suggested investigation and regulation is needed to ensure proper peer review, but there was little indication that this regulation will happen any time soon. Another key reason for not sending out fake papers were concerns over how to do this ethically and legally - in fact, the prospects of being sued by journals or their publishers for even talking about this issue meant that we had to be extra careful and run the article by media lawyers, as well as amend some sections and still accept some risk of being sued. Bohannon, in his recent interview with The Scholarly Kitchen blog, says his investigation, too, was initially held back by an editor who feared a lawsuit [3]. And here's the thing: there is a huge number of journals and publishers out there doing a poor job indeed, publishing suspect science and some charging scientists money for it, and yet this is not illegal - and there is no national or international body that can order such journals to shut down. What they do is bad for science, good for publishers who make money off it and even good for some scientists who choose to publish there simply not to perish - rather than having any significant findings to communicate, and yet it is not against any law to do so. Yet journalists wanting to report on this issue fear being sued and are being held back from even investigating the issue. This is why I think Science's article is so important: it was brave enough to investigate this issue and expose bad practice even though the prospect of a lawsuit was very real along the way [3]. This is what real journalism is about: telling stories that someone somewhere does not want you to tell; and seeing it done in science, where we rarely have investigative stories is especially satisfying. And even after this expose there may be no consequences for most of the journals and publishers. Indeed, apart form InTech's (Rijeka-based publisher) International Journal of Integrative Medicine, which closed down as I reported at Retraction Watch blog [4], Bohannon says he is not aware of any other closures [3]. In the legal void in which anyone can set up a 'scientific journal' online and start charging scientists for 'publishing' there it is up to national and international grant giving bodies and funders to act to exclude journals with poor peer review from being accepted in scientists grant, job and promotion applications. Science's investigation included most - or all, as Bohannon claims - of open access publishers that publish in English and in sciences (such as biology, medicine, chemistry), targeting 304 journals many of which were listed in Directory of Open Access Journals, and some, tellingly, in Beall's List of predatory publishers. This left out thousands of journals that publish in local languages, including many in our region of South-East Europe. Croatia alone, has 343 academic journals listed on the central portal of Croatian scientific journals - Hrčak [5]. Most of these are open access and funded by the government, yet scientists often criticise many of them for being a waste of public money and dumps for bad science that cannot be published in better international journals [6]. Quality of peer review, especially in domestic language is also brought into question [6]. Similarly, in Serbia, SCIndeks lists 411 academic journals [7]. Yet, Centre for Evaluation in Education and Science, which runs the index together with National Library of Serbia, found recently that up to 11% of all articles published there contained some sort of plagiarism [8]. The centre itself admitted later that "after about one-year time we have to admit that the expected response by journal editors is still missing" and itself it only excluded two of the biggest culprits out of SCIndeks [9]. Similarly, my own journalistic investigation into what how, if at all, plagiarised papers are then retracted from journals in Serbia [10] and Croatia [11] shows a lack of standard practices and wide variation in retraction practices - often not following internationally accepted guidance, such as those set by COPE. If journals fail to detect plagiarism, which is a routine procedure these days, one wonders what the state of peer review and detection of other forms of misconduct may be. Indeed, a more recent study by the same centre found what is calls"a citation cartel created for manipulative purposes by two predatory journals" published by a publisher based in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but where many Serbian researchers regularly publish, in what the study called a cartel (i.e. scientists know they are doing a bad thing, paying public money to publish in their friends' journals, and citing other studies in those journals to artificially boost their impact factors) [12]. What these examples highlight is that by no means has the publishing misconduct - or at least suspect practices - bypassed our region. In fact, small scientific communities, peer review in local languages, and lack of publishing and scientific expertise are all likely to exacerbate the problems in conducting proper peer review in small and local journals. Indeed, out of five journals in the former Yugoslavia, which Bohannon targeted, only one - the journal you are reading - has recognized the problems with the fake paper and decided to reject it. The other four: International Journal of Integrative Medicine (In Tech, Croatia), Journal of Plant Biology Research (International Network for Applied Sciences and Technology, BH), Acta Facultatis Medicae Naisensis (Medical Faculty of University of Niš, Serbia), and Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences (Institute of Immunobiology and Human Genetics in Skopje, Macedonia) all accepted it and if this was not a journalistic investigation they could have all be by now had published similar fake papers. When asked about this case, the editorial offices of the Journal of Plant Biology Research and Acta Facultatis Medicae Naisensis did not reply to my e-mails, which is discouraging. It shows how little transparency some journals are prepared to have in their work, and to what extent they can simply ignore such exposes by even the venerable Sciencemagazine. The answers I received from the other three journals' editorial offices shine some light on the issues in the region [13]. Editor of the Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences, Professor Mirko Spiroski, PhD, MD, told me his editorial team and peer reviewers did not have expertise in the field the fake article was in, and after seeking ten peer reviews and only receiving one back (a single line review), they decided to accept the paper nevertheless. InTech basically said they gave their appointed scientific editors, who were not part of the firm, full freedom in peer review and then blamed the mistake on them. This shows a lack of in-house expertise in some journals and a worrying degree of relying on outside editors or peer reviewers with little oversight to make the decisions on whether to publish a paper or not. In contrast, the editors of this journal, Professor Bakir Mehić, PhD, MD and AminaValjevac, PhD, MD highlighted the value of in-house pre-review check of papers, before sending them out to peer reviewers. As the world continues to debate the merits of, and potentially better ways of doing, peer review (e.g. post-publication peer review, Peerage of Science's or LIBRE's community peer review before it reaches journals), we should take care to ensure proper peer review in our journal now. It is not rocket science and it has worked for centuries now. And national bodies and funders should recognize good practice and reward hard-working and ethical editorial offices to stimulate excellence and better peer review, while at the same time punishing the misconduct and being quicker and more proactive in striking off known offenders off citation indices and lists of journals accepted for official grants and job promotions.
학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :공과대학 협동과정 기술경영·경제·정책전공,2020. 2. 황준석. ; 라틴 아메리카 국가들은 건국 이래 200년 가까이 지났음에도 불구하고 민주주의가 자리잡지 못했다. 현재 라틴아메리카 국가들 중 유일하게 두 국가만이 성숙한 민주주의를 달성한 것으로 평가되고 있으며 나머지 국가들은 민주주의가 혼합되어 있거나 실패한 것으로 분류된다 (The Economist, 2019). 각 국가별로 민주주의는 자국의 전통적인 형태에서 시민들의 보이지 않는 참여에 기인한 더 큰 정치적 교류에 초점을 맞추는 방식으로 변화하였다. 미국, 영국, 그리고 독일과 같이 일찍이 민주주의를 달성한 국가들은 자국 내에서 어떻게 민주적 실행이 작동하는지 충분한 개혁을 통해 초기부터 민주주의 이념을 변화시키고 적용해갔다. 그러나 민주주의가 성숙한 나라들의 대다수는 경제적 발전 또한 이루었으며 이는 시민의 참여 의식을 높이는 교육수준 향상 및 정보 접근성 향상과 동반되었다. 그러므로 앞서 언급한 선진국가들은 자국의 전통적인 민주주의 모델을 성공적으로 혁신했다고 얘기할 수 있다. 이는 해당 국가들이 민주주의 달성을 위해 보다 큰 정치적 인식 함양, 시민의 직접 참여, 그리고 더 개방적인 논의를 향해 노력한 결과로 보여진다. 민주주의를 달성한 국가에서 보여진 이러한 변화들은 라틴아메리카 국가에서는 관찰되지 않았으며 라틴아메리카 국가들 역시 민주주의 도입 가운데 민주적 과정들을 통합하고자 하였으나 민주주의의 한 측면에서 얻을 수 있는 이점들을 얻는데 실패하였다. 혁신은 지식, 기술, 그리고 경험에 따라 다르게 나타나며 이러한 요인들은 개인들에게 내재되어 있다. 개인들은 지식의 공유를 통해 기존과 다른 새로운 루틴을 만들어내고 문제 해결을 능력을 갖추게 된다. 동시에 개인들 사이에서 상호간에 지식을 제공하고 획득하는 과정은 프로세스 혁신을 가능케하는 새로운 아이디어와 혁신 기회 창출에 기여하고 있음이 선행 연구에 의해 실증됐다. 본 연구는 지식 공유 관점에서 혁신 성공을 살펴본 선행 연구에 기반하여 라틴아메리카의 민주적 환경에 초점을 맞춰 혁신과 지식공유의 잠재적인 영향력 사이의 관계를 탐색하고자 한다. 본 연구와 선행연구와의 차이점은 다음과 같다. 소수의 연구자만이 단기간에 요구되는 혁신 프로세스에서 지식 공유가 미치는 영향을 살펴보았으며 민주주의 이념 안에서 라틴아메리카와 같은 개발도상국의 데이터를 이용한 실증 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 따라서 본 연구는 민주주의 이념 안에서 지식 공유가 혁신에 미치는 영향을 살펴보기위해 가용한 데이터를 추가하고 이를 실증하고자 한다. 본 연구를 구성하는 세가지 연구는 다음과 같다. 첫 번째 연구는 지식 공유의 의향이 있는 시민들을 대상으로 모델을 구축하고 이를 테스트하였다. 지식 공유에 대한 문헌 연구를 바탕으로 설명 변수인 시민의 동기, 기회, 그리고 지식 공유를 위한 역량을 도출하였고 이를 계량분석을 통해 추정하였다. 라틴아메리카 18개국을 대상으로 2001~2016년까지 수집한 패널데이터를 활용하여 어떤 요인이 시민 중심의 지식 제공 및 획득에 영향을 미치는지 실증연구를 진행하였다. 계량분석 결과 시민들의 지식 제공은 정치 시스템과 교육 성취도에 대한 신뢰에 영향을 받으나 민주주의에 대한 지원과 부패에 대한 인식은 지식 습득에 영향을 미쳤음을 확인할 수 있었다. 두 번째 연구는 앞선 연구와 같은 모델을 사용하여 지식을 공유할 의향이 있는 공공관리자를 대상으로 테스트를 진행하였다. 설명 변수인 관리자의 지식공유 동기, 기회, 그리고 지식 공유를 위한 역량을 사용하여 첫 번째 연구와 동일하게 계량분석 방법론을 사용하여 추정하였다. 계량분석 결과 공공 관리자의 지식 획득은 사람에 대한 신뢰, 민주주의에 대한 지원과 교육 성취도에 의해 영향을 받았으나 부패에 대한 민주주의와 민주적 인식에 대한 지원만이 공공 관리자의 지식 제공에 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인하였다. 마지막 연구는 시민과 공공 관리자 간의 지식공유 활동이 민주주의 내에서 혁신에 기여하는지 테스트하였다. 지식공유와 혁신에 대한 기존 문헌을 바탕으로 민주주의 내에서 지식공유와 혁신 사이의 연관성을 가정하고 시민과 공공 관리자의 지식 공유가 민주적 프로세스에 기여하는지 탐색하였다. 연구 결과 시민중심의 지식 공유가 공공 관리자 중심의 지식 공유를 지원하였으며 공공 관리 중심의 지식 공유 역시 시민중심의 지식 공유를 지원하고 있음을 확인하였다. 그러나 시민 중심의 지식 공유는 민주주의 내에서 혁신 창출에 기여한 반면 공공 관리자 중심의 지식 공유는 민주주의 내에서 혁신 창출에 기여하지 하고 있음을 확인하였다. ; Although 200 years have passed since their foundation, Latin American countries (LACS) have not been able to consolidate their democracies. Only two Latin American democracies measure up as full democracies, the rest are classified as faulty, hybrid or failed (The Economist, 2019). Democracies have also shifted from their traditional forms to focus on greater political exchange with unseen active citizen participation. Countries that have achieved full democratic consolidation such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Germany adapted to changes early enough reformulating how democratic practices operated in their countries. However, many of these mature countries are also economically developed with rising educational standards and improved access to information which helps mobilize citizens and stimulate higher levels of awareness and participation. Thus, they seem to have successfully innovated their traditional democratic models. They have effectively strived towards greater political awareness, direct participation, and open discussions. These changes did not pass undetected in the context of LACs which too have incorporated some of these democratic processes, but they keep failing to reap the benefits visible in other hemispheres. Innovation depends on knowledge, skills, and experiences, and these are embedded in individuals who need to be triggered to share such knowledge so that new routines and mental processes can be established and problems solved. Simultaneously, the provision and acquisition of knowledge among individuals is proven to contribute to the generation of new ideas and opportunities, thus enabling process innovations. Inspired by findings that have attributed to the success of innovations in knowledge sharing, this study explores the potential implications of knowledge sharing for innovations in a democratic setting with a particular focus on LACs. A gap was identified when exploring these issues. Only a few researchers have addressed the problems regarding the impact of knowledge sharing in the urgently-needed innovation processes in democracies and they have rarely used an empirical approach using data from a developing region, such as Latin America. Therefore, this work adds to available evidence on the effects of knowledge sharing and innovations, and tests their implications for innovations in democracy. It does so by addressing three studies. The first study models and tests citizens willingness to share knowledge. It does a thorough literature review of knowledge sharing and uses econometric techniques to estimate the explanatory variables that represent citizens motivation, opportunities, and abilities to share knowledge. Using panel data for 2001-2016 collected in 18 LACs, the study empirically tests which components influence citizens-driven knowledge provision and acquisition. The econometric estimation shows that while citizens knowledge provision was influenced by trust in the political system and educational attainments, support for democracy and perceptions about corruption influenced their knowledge acquisition. The second study follows the same lines and models and tests public managers willingness to share knowledge. After a literature review of knowledge sharing, it uses the same econometric techniques and estimates the explanatory variables which represent public managers motivations, opportunities, and abilities to share knowledge. The econometric estimation shows that while public managers knowledge acquisition was influenced by trust in people, support for democracy, and educational attainments; only support for democracy and perception about corruption influenced public managers knowledge provision. Finally, the last study determines whether knowledge sharing activities between citizens and public managers contribute to innovations in democracy. After considering existing literature on knowledge sharing and innovations, a link between knowledge sharing and innovations in democracy is hypothesized and estimated to explore whether citizens and public managers knowledge sharing contributes to democratic processes. The results show that citizens-driven knowledge sharing feeds public managers-driven knowledge sharing, and public managers-driven knowledge sharing feeds citizens-driven knowledge sharing. However, while citizens driven knowledge sharing contributes to the production of innovations in a democracy, public managers driven knowledge sharing does not contribute to the production of innovations in a democracy. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Background and Motivation 1 1.2 Problem Definition 4 1.3 Research Question 7 1.4 Research Objectives 8 1.5 Research Outline 9 Chapter 2. Literature Review 10 2.1 Latin American Democracies 10 2.2 Willingness to Share Knowledge 14 2.3 The Impact of Knowledge Sharing on Innovations 18 Chapter 3. Methodology 22 3.1 Conceptual Model 22 3.2 Data Collection 28 3.3 Methodological Discussion 39 Chapter 4. Citizens Willingness to Share Knowledge 48 4.1 Introduction 48 4.2 Hypotheses 50 4.2.1 The Motivation Dimension 50 4.2.1 The Opportunity Dimension 53 4.2.2 The Ability Dimension 56 4.3 A Description of the Variables 58 4.4 Estimation Model and Results 62 Chapter 5. Public Managers Willingness to Share Knowledge 65 5.1 Introduction 65 5.2 Hypotheses 67 5.2.1 The Motivation Dimension 68 5.2.1 The Opportunity Dimension 70 5.2.2 The Ability Dimension 72 5.3 A Description of the Variables 75 5.4 Estimation Model and Results 79 Chapter 6. Impact of Knowledge Sharing on Innovations in a Democracy 82 6.1 Introduction 82 6.2 Hypotheses 84 6.3 A Description of the Variables 88 6.4 Estimation Model and Results 90 Chapter 7. Conclusions 92 7.1 Summary 92 7.2 Implications and Future Research 99 7.3 Limitations 102 Bibliography 105 Abstract in Korean 165 ; Doctor
