The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social, economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political, necessarily creates action and reaction.
Ovaj rad bavi se životom slikara Save Šumanovića koji je pre 80 godina, 30. avgusta 1942. streljan na pravoslavnom groblju u Sremskoj Mitrovici, zajedno sa 120 građana Šida, mesta u kojem je u roditeljskoj kući proveo najvažnije formativne, kao i poslednje godine svog života. Do danas mu se ne zna grob. Bio je jedna od najpoznatijih žrtava ustaškog režima u Drugom svetskom ratu u Jugoslaviji. Rad ne tumači slikarstvo Save Šumanovića, već nastoji da oslika milje u kojem je slikar živeo i radio te kroz njegovu biografiju i događaje pokušava da objasni istorijski kontekst koji je doveo do tragičnog kraja Šumanovića. Slike i skice Save Šumanovića danas se nalaze u Parizu, gradu u kojem je živeo u tri navrata, u Zagrebu, gde se školovao, u Beogradu, gde je priređena njegova poslednja samostalna izložba, pred sam početak Drugog svetskog rata, u Novom Sadu u Spomen-zbirci Pavla Beljanskog te u Šidu u kojem je nastao najveći deo njegovog opusa i u kojem je 1952. osnovana Galerija slika "Sava Šumanović", zahvaljujući daru Savine majke, Perside Šumanović. U radu su, osim biografskih knjiga i zapisa savremenika o Savi Šumanoviću, korišćena i ekskluzivna pisma Save Šumanovića, koja su ljubaznošću porodice kolekcionara Milana Vereša bila dostupna autoru. Autor je koristio i intervjue koje je radio sa poznavaocima života i dela Šumanovića, kao i arhivske novinske članke, arhivu Televizije Beograd, te knjigu služavke Marije Demšar koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata radila u kući Šumanovića u Šidu. ; This article is about the life of painter Sava Šumanović, who was executed 80 years ago (on 30 August 1942) at the Orthodox cemetery in Sremska Mitrovica, together with 120 other citizens of Šid, the city in which he spent his most important formative years. His body was never found to be burried. Šumanović is one of the most publically known victims of the Ustashe regime of the WWII in Yugoslavia. This paper does not discuss Šumanović's artistic contribution but rather the social and political context in which he worked and ...
As a democratic and economically developed country, whose interests are not any different from those of Western democratic states, the Republic of Croatia may be a decisive factor in the future processes of stabilization in the region. It occupies a very important place in the regional geopolitical structures and might influence the future development of the neighbouring countries and regions, especially through the continuation of democratic transition and the improvement of the relations with its neighbours. Hence the importance of its policies. Its future geopolitical initiatives regarding the stabilization and security of the region can be viewed in relation to their importance within global and regional geopolitical structures, to its participation in the processes of the fragmentation of South-East Europe, and to its geographical, cultural/religious, and historical/geopolitical environment. (SOI : PM: S. 172)
The paper analyses the structure of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes, based on an unpublished text - a letter to the leadership of the Peasants' International - which served as an ouverture to the possible membership of HRSS in that pro-communist international organization. The paper also includes the original text by Radic. The author claims that the increased interest of the Communist International for winning over HRSS was in the function of a graduaI breakup of the unity of interests of the Croatian people and the curtailment of the influence of HRSS' ideology and policies. The strategic aim of the Communist International was the bolshevization of the Balkans and the Danubian region and that is why it advocated the disbandment of the South-Slavonic federation and the creation of a Balkan or Balkan-Danubian federation of the Soviet Socialist Republics, including the Soviet Republic of Croatia. The central part of the text is devoted to the analysis of Stjepan Radic's ideological attitudes. He upholds the unity of interests of the Croatian people under the leadership of peasants, the principle of an independent and nationally sovereign state of the Croatian people and is in favour of a confederal relationship of Croatia with Serbia and other South-Slavonic states. The Peasants' International was only a tactical move exacted by the existing relationships in the South-Slavonic monarchy and Europe in general. (SOI : PM: S. 253)
The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of the European immigrant countries towards the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in the individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect these differences in the understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then goes on to deal more specifically with the presence of the Muslim population in West-European countries, the population that - perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" - is torn between the Westeuropean practice of ethnic and increasingly cultural discrimination, and a belief in liberalism and pluralism. ln connection with this, the role of Islam and the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West- European countries is analyzed. (SOI : PM: S. 108)
The dissolution of the great Soviet empire and the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this has been brought about by international factors or has been the consequence of the internal cave-in of the system, has been the subject of numerous and extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts and the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspect of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia and the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving and both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. (SOI : PM: S. 167)
Ethnic minorities and minorities-related conflicts have always been one of the most important security issues for international community. The durability of ethnic conflicts in certain regions and the difficulties in thei resolution, have resulted in the outbreak of many armed conflicts, the collapse of multi-ethnic states, the changes of borders and of demographic relations. Despite the increasing number of security challenges and needs, it is still not possible to talk about a certain uniform and universally accepted model of solving the problems among ethnic minorities. It is obvious that in the postcoldwar period this is going to be an increasingly pressing need of international community. The paper deals with most basic security problems which are caused by the unsettled relationships between ethnic minorities and majority; it also covers the policies of their resolution. By analysing the model of resolving ethnic conflicts in South Tyrol, two groups of ethnic conflicts' resolution policies are looked into: the policy of the elimination of differences and the policy of managing differences. (SOI : PM: S. 59)
This work is aimed at analysing the factors imposing limitations on the legislative function of parliament in the modern constitutional state. The legislative function has clearly been loosing its initial quality of the original and exclusive parliamentary function, because there is a number of legal and political limitations: the judicial review by the constitutional court; the role of the government in the legislative process; the internal organization of parliament, as well as the position of a member of parliament in the parliamentary groups. The constitutional court, through its interactive relation with parliament, has specific task to have a retroactive influence on the lawmakers. The strong domination of the government over the legislative activity expressed through the legislative initiative, an influence on the order of priorities in decision-making processes, to participate in discussions without any limitations and to eventually influence the outcome of the decision-making process using the motion of censure as a means of exerting pressure on the members of parliament, especially those belonging to the parliamentary majority. Taking into account the range and the strength of the impact that the parliamentary committees have, parliaments could be divided into 'the working assemblies' and 'the talking assemblies'. Finally, the nature of the parliamentary mandate (an MP's term of office) is no longer related to certain traditional values of the representative democracy. The significance and the character of the term of office are adjusted to the political framework of parliament in a contemporary constitutional state. It is the question of the relation between the people represented and the ones who represent them. .
A democratic state's constitution ought to guarantee basic personal, political, economic, social, cultural and ecological rights and freedoms of individuals and citizens and shape an efficient system of legal and juridical protection of all the guaranteed human rights. The Republic of Croatia, since its Constitution of 22 December 1990, has undoubtedly been a democratic constitutional state. The Croatian Constitution is an example of the adoption of the constitutional option in the establishment of the constitutional regime. After seven years of its application, it is clear that there is something controversial in its content regarding the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals and citizens as well as in their legal protection at the constitutional/legal level. Also contentious are the constitutional provisions regarding the structure of the government and local self-rule and administration. There have been many misunderstandings and dangerous constitutional/legal and constitutionallpolitical illusions regarding this matter, particularly concerning the Croatian semi-presidential system and parliamentarism. This analysis shows that semipresidential system, as a specific variant of parliamentary government, is extremely adaptable to all possible changes in both the party and the broader political setting. (SOI : PM: S. 120)
Početak dvadeset i prvog veka obeležio je najveći teroristički akt u istoriji čovečanstva, 11. septembar 2001. godine. Samoubilački napadi izvršeni tog dana na teritoriji Sjedinjenih Država su načinom na koji su izvedeni, svojom veličinom i posledicama, osigurali da početak novog milenijuma ostane upamćen u svetu po nagloj ekspanziji međunarodnog terorizma, koji je zbog neposrednih žrtava, materijalnih razaranja, i stalnog straha i nesigurnosti koje izaziva, gotovo sve šokirao i prestravio. Savremeni terorizam, dramatično oslikan kroz 11. septembar, danas predstavlja jedan od ključnih bezbednosnih problema i izazova globalizovanog društva, čiji sve češći, razorniji i smrtonosniji akti jasno ističu njegovu dominaciju nad drugim oblicima ugrožavanja bezbednosti. Ubrzo nakon 11. septembra, predsednik SAD Džordž V. Buš Mlađi objavio je sveopšti, prostorno i vremenski neograničen rat terorizmu, uz podršku većine zemalja u svetu kao i međunarodnih institucija, poput NATO i UN. Ovaj nekonvencionalni rat obuhvatio je mnoštvo vojnih, političkih i legislativnih akcija koje za glavni cilj imaju sprečavanje i suzbijanje terorizma na globalnom nivou. U tu svrhu donesene su posebne protivterorističke strategije kao i mnoštvo podstrategijskih dokumenata, kako u SAD, tako i u Evropskoj uniji kao i u njenim zemljama članicama. Američka nacionalna strategija za borbu protiv terorizma otklonila je propuste protivterorstičke prevencije i rezultirala podizanjem nivoa unutrašnje bezbednosti SAD. Glavni pokazatelj njene efikasnosti je činjenica da su Sjedinjene Države ostale pošteđene velikorazmernih terorističkih napada posle 11. septembra. To nije bio i slučaj sa Evropskom unijom, njihovim najvećim saveznikom, koju je u prvoj deceniji ovog rata Al Kaida prestravila sa dva velika napada (Madrid 2004. i London 2005. godine). Nažalost, EU je još uvek i meta i baza islamističkih ekstremista što predstavlja dokaz, a i najozbiljnije upozorenje, da je njena protivteroristička prevencija, za razliku od američke, u jednom ili više segmenata neadekvatna (propustljiva). ; The beginning of the twenty-first century was marked by the biggest terrorist act in the history of humanity, September 11, 2001. In the way that they were carried out, their size and consequences, suicide attacks committed on that day on the territory of the United States have ensured that the start of the new millennium will be remembered in the world by the rapid expansion of international terrorism, which has shocked and horrified almost everybody due to the direct victims, material damage, the fear and insecurity which evokes. Today, modern terrorism, dramatically portrayed through 9/11, represents one of the key security issues and challenges of a globalized society, whose frequent, more destructive and deadly acts clearly emphasize its domination over the other forms of endangering safety. Shortly after 9/11, the U.S. President George W. Bush Jr. announced an all-out, spatially and temporally unlimited war on terrorism, with the support of most countries in the world as well as international institutions, such as NATO and the UN. This unconventional warfare included a variety of military, political and legislative actions whose main objective is to prevent and combat terrorism on a global level. For this purpose, the special anti-terrorism strategies, and a number of other relevant strategic documents were adopted, both in the USA and in the European Union, as well as in its Member States. The U.S. National Strategy for Combating Terrorism has eliminated the glitches in American anti-terrorism prevention and resulted in raising the level of internal security of the United States. The main indicator of its effectiveness is the fact that the United States have been spared of large-scale terrorist attacks after the 9/11. This was not the case with the European Union, its biggest ally, which in the first decade of this war was terrified with two large attacks by Al Qaeda (Madrid 2004 and London 2005). Unfortunately, the EU is still the target and a base of Islamist extremists, which is an evidence and a most serious warning that its anti-terrorism prevention, unlike the U.S.'s, is in one or more segments inadequate (permeable).
The aim of this article, through an analysis of Veljko Vujacic's text and other pamphlets and manifestos by the Serbian political elite, was to show that the Serbian elite and the Serbian society have not got rid of their nationalist bias in explaining the events which led to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. They claim that the main culprit for this failure was the communist national policy and the failure to use adequate means (meaning Rankovic's technology of violence) in order to preserve the unity of the state. The second part of the article serves to demonstrate how Weber's view on the politics of power does not suffice to explain away the bolshevist and the communist form of the populist Serbian nationalism. The moment when the former Yugoslav political elite split into the anticommunist and anticentralist on the one hand, and the bolshevist and the centralist on the other, there was no possibility for a compromise. The third part suggests that Vujacic (and not only he) thinks that a way of overcoming the Serbian "dominant" nationalism is the catharsis of Serbian intellectuals and the Serbian society. However, as the latest events and proclamations of the Serbian elite show, his is a solitary case. (SOI : PM: S. 37)
After the termination of war confrontations, on the basis of the UN Security Council Decision, a protectorate had been established in Kosovo and Metohia, including the engagement of international security and civil forces. The order of interim administration ended in 2008, when the self-proclaimed Kosovo assembly adopted the decision on declaration of independence from the Republic of Serbia, and the process of administrative mandate transfer started from international to local institutions. In the paper, first of all, general performances of social and political life were delineated, and then the complex architecture of security forces active there during previous eleven years was presented. Also, all the most important problems Kosovo and Metohia faces are enumerated. The post-war Kosovo and Metohia may be characterized as a society in disorganization. The old system of institutions was destroyed, and a new one has not been established. The number of Serbs is decreasing, and local Albanians have not maturated for a self-administration of the newly established state. The further maintenance of this circumstances or even its deterioration might move towards social riots, caused by the bad living conditions, large unemployment, impoverishment of significant social groups or the escalation of attacks at remaining non-Albanian population, which could induce serious security threats in the region.
