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Discusses the role of the nation-state in the movement from early to high modernity, drawing on the writings of Max Weber. Weber is taken to have been a fervent champion of modernization in Germany, calling for the emergence of instrumental rationality in many areas of German society. At the same time, he registered his distaste for the excesses of instrumental rationality & promoted the value of charismatic, aesthetic, & erotic elements in society. It is suggested that, in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber attempted to reconcile these impulses by creating a role for individual conscience in the modern world. Weber's effort is compared to that of recent postmodernist thinkers who have criticized the lack of ethics in the late modern nation-state. While there are problems in this more recent work, it is concluded that Weber's insistence on a stoical realism in the face of modernization is largely unhelpful for devising solutions to the current predicament. 27 References. D. M. Ryfe

Reviews the gender-sensitive & mainstream literatures to shed light on the issue of men & state social provision & reconstructs them to generate a gendered welfare regime analytic framework. This framework is then brought to bear on the gendered positioning of men in the US welfare state, comparing this regime to European models to show how US markets have played a key role in the regime's development. Important to note is the absence of state welfare benefits & services that drives state involvement with working men; ie, it is generally in an enforcement role, after men have failed to find employment & turned to the black market or criminal activities, that the state intervenes, & not as a welfare provider. The gendered nature of early US welfare policy & politics is discussed. Assumptions about breadwinning men & caregiving wives underpinned programs & regulatory legislation of the Progressive Era; however, material support for these men was not a dimension of the regime, a distinction from European & Australian models. While the market was expected to provide for male workers, some state protections for them were institutionalized during the Great Depression, eg, Social Security. However, such social welfare programs reinforced the gendered division of labor, while income security operated within a work-family dualism. Failure of the welfare state to support breadwinners during the 1960s & 1970s is discussed, noting that most working-age people were not incorporated into the welfare state, whereas in Europe, the market was pushed out of the social provision arena via program expansion. In the 1980s, amid a backlash to the War on Poverty, the welfare state was attacked with some success, targeting not only poor women but poor men as well. The politics of concomitant welfare reform are considered in terms of the "fragile families" & pro-marriage wings of the fatherhood movement. Current conditions of the gendered welfare regime are considered in conclusion, pondering the state of men's gender identities & status as fathers along with women's circumstances. J. Zendejas

Reviews the gender-sensitive & mainstream literatures to shed light on the issue of men & state social provision & reconstructs them to generate a gendered welfare regime analytic framework. This framework is then brought to bear on the gendered positioning of men in the US welfare state, comparing this regime to European models to show how US markets have played a key role in the regime's development. Important to note is the absence of state welfare benefits & services that drives state involvement with working men; ie, it is generally in an enforcement role, after men have failed to find employment & turned to the black market or criminal activities, that the state intervenes, & not as a welfare provider. The gendered nature of early US welfare policy & politics is discussed. Assumptions about breadwinning men & caregiving wives underpinned programs & regulatory legislation of the Progressive Era; however, material support for these men was not a dimension of the regime, a distinction from European & Australian models. While the market was expected to provide for male workers, some state protections for them were institutionalized during the Great Depression, eg, Social Security. However, such social welfare programs reinforced the gendered division of labor, while income security operated within a work-family dualism. Failure of the welfare state to support breadwinners during the 1960s & 1970s is discussed, noting that most working-age people were not incorporated into the welfare state, whereas in Europe, the market was pushed out of the social provision arena via program expansion. In the 1980s, amid a backlash to the War on Poverty, the welfare state was attacked with some success, targeting not only poor women but poor men as well. The politics of concomitant welfare reform are considered in terms of the "fragile families" & pro-marriage wings of the fatherhood movement. Current conditions of the gendered welfare regime are considered in conclusion, pondering the state of men's gender identities & status as fathers along with women's circumstances. J. Zendejas

The call for a return to a kind of " developmentalism" that emanates from political elites as well as a powerful wing of the anti-globalization movement is a nostalgia that distorts the class of the national bourgeoisie. Three sets of expectations traditionally associated with national capitalism underpinning the assumption that the national bourgeoisie is the natural social force for rapid development need to be challenged. These "stylized facts" underpin the notion that rapid industrialization strategies were "state led" cannot explain state weakness relative to the eventual collapse of developmentalism, & its replacement by neoliberalism. The key to understanding postwar development strategies-which was an attempt at capitalist planning--that was the socialization of risk that left the private appropriation of profit intact. These dynamics played out of the state led development model in India, Turkey & Brazil are compared in the power of the political elite & the marginalization of labor. The limited power accumulated by states resulted in weak state planning apparatuses that unraveled national development projects of the 1980s. The positive alliance of Korean political elites around the state led industrialization, the business support for national development projects that remained only so long as state intervention was the central to profitability. Looking back today from the ruins of the neoliberal revolution, the nostalgia toward the development is understandable, but a more sober assessment suggests that there is no reason to think capital will react differently in the future, so national development strategies will have to generate a new kind of politics of extracting concessions that were rarely demanded last time. References. J. Harwell

The chapter discusses Pakistan's Kashmir policy, the role of both external & domestic circumstances in its development, & the "multi-vocal" nature of the policy's formation & articulation in the 1990s. Described are the institutional & civilian agents & rivalries who have shaped policy on Kashmir, including military, government, Kashmiri immigrants, Islamic fundamentalists, & Pakistani media. International pacifist, intellectual, & nongovernmental organizations have also provided input. This multi-vocality illuminates why achieving consensus on Kashmir has been so difficult to achieve, but also lays a foundation for productive debate. K. Coddon

An examination of the gradual shift toward a presidentialized mode of governance in the Federal Republic of Germany points to both the pervasive presence of political parties in all important political institutions & the elevated position of the chancellor. The constitutional & legal framework that defines German governance is explored, along with the nature of executive leadership; the role of party leaders; the growing dominance of continuous campaigning over programmatic debate; & the changing nature of both campaign strategies & media coverage of elections. Emphasis is placed on structural factors that favor the drift toward a more presidentialized mode of governance. Although European integration has given chancellors greater autonomy, the transfer of sovereignty has reduced their real power, & German cooperative federalism constrains the image of an increasingly powerful chancellor & harnesses a chancellor's steering capacity. It is concluded that the recent growth of structural opportunities for presidentialization does not automatically assure the growing presidentialization of German governance. Parties & parliamentary groups still have the power to remove their leaders. 85 References. J. Lindroth

West Germany established a party-based democratic system in 1949 that has lasted more than five decades, although the years have seen a number of changes. Coalition politics became harder to manage, & public support for all parties waned. Certainly German unification has been responsible for many changes, as has the transformation of the Green Party to become a party of government. Data on the party composition of government, including representation of parties from by the former East Germany, & individual party membership, which actually increased with the addition of East Germans, are tabulated. Party organizational strength is shown to have increased over the 1990s. However, there is a disjunction between popular attitudes toward parties & the parties' ability to command public resources & influence political agendas. Despite internal changes & public opinion, party strength is unlikely to decline because of the institutions & traditions that give them their central role in government. Tables, References. J. Stanton

Describes how both neoliberals & conservatives in contemporary US politics have embraced a racial mythology of the welfare state, focusing on African Americans. The notion of universalistic, nonexclusive, or "color-blind" social policies is attacked, arguing that it neglects the long-standing link between race & social policy that lies at the core of the US welfare state. The history of such means-tested social policy is traced to the New Deal era of the 1930s, demonstrating their deleterious effects on black workers & their families. The racial stratification characteristic of this time continued & was especially evident in welfare policies; poor black mothers were doubly penalized by stereotypes based on race, class, & gender. It is concluded that policy reform alone will not change this situation; what is required are more radical transformations in the racist nature of the entire society. 1 Table, 2 Figures. K. H. Stewart

Examines the postrevolutionary Union Femenina Catolica Mexicana ([Mexican Catholic Women's Union] UFCM), 1929-1940, to illuminate its members' strategies, organization, & achievements in challenging the state's anticlerical laws & practices. In addition, its socialist education scheme, competing with state agencies to provide community services, & supporting opposition social & political campaigns, is detailed. A historical overview highlights state-Catholic Church conflicts concomitant with provisions of the 1917 constitution. The emergence of the Asociacion de la Juventud Catolica Mexciana ([Assoc of Mexican Catholic Youth] ACM) is briefly described before turning to the rise of the UFCM. The UFCM response to planned state education is discussed, along with its affinity for the working woman, particularly mothers. In addition, the UFCM worked for the moral development of young women; the activism of Sofia del Valle in pursuit of the future advance of women is described. The UFCM supported seminaries, convents, & other religious institutions against government restrictions. The militant efforts of UFCM leader Refugio Goribar de Cortina agitating for the restoration of the family & society are noted, & the 1932-1942 growth of UFCM membership is summarized. J. Zendejas